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EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS: HARROWING TALES OF WIDOWS OR
MOTHERS OF BICOL, PHILIPPINES
Noel R. Rafer
Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Bicol University
College of Social Sciences and Philosophy
Daraga, Albay 4501 Philippines
Abstract
This paper is a summary of harrowing tales of widows or mothers as regards
their experiences on extrajudicial killings (EJKs) in Bicol, Philippines. It especially
centers on the place where the incidents happened and how and why the victims were
killed, based on the accounts of their kin. Aside from briefly documenting the victims’
and their kin’s brief socio-demographic profile, it also presents the impacts of the death
of the victims to their families, and the coping mechanisms employed specifically by
widows or mothers of victims of EJKs, as well as their expectations from the society in
general.
This study asserts that an eclectic approach, i.e. using multiple sociological or
criminological theories, is quite vital in explaining the causes of EJKs, since only
allegations can be deduced from the responses of the key informants (KIs). Focusing on
the kin’s stories may also give the Church and the Philippine Government ideas that may
serve as basis for future policy making, or pastoral care and debriefing program as an
institutional response to EJK. It also claims that their individual experiences taken as a
whole is a reflection of the Philippine society, having substantiated the national reports
on the prevalence of EJK cases in the country. Finally, it also argues that the victims’
kin’s pleas may be realized if all structures of society conscientiously do their
corresponding spiritual and worldly functions so that in the end no harrowing tales may
be told once again.
Data for the paper were collected from interviews with key informant, focus
group discussion, including validation workshops, and review of relevant documents.
Key words: Extra-judicial killings, faith-based coping mechanisms, function of
religion, impacts of EJK, peace-building strategies, criminological/sociological theories
Introduction
The Martial Law Regime of the late
President of the Republic of the Philippines,
Ferdinand E. Marcos, from September 21, 1972
until early 1980s is said to be marked with
numerous violations of human rights.
Succeeding presidents or administrations, such
as from Aquino (1986) to Arroyo (2010), tried to
heal the wounds of the past dictatorship.
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However, current reports would show that
human rights violations specifically
‘extrajudicial executions or killings (EJKs) have
been on the rise’ (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann
2007, 19: 25). In this paper, EJKs shall be
referred to as either ‘alternative procedures -
illegal liquidations’ (Melo Commission’s Report
in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19), or
‘political killings – disappearances’
(International Convention for the Protection of
All Persons From Enforced Disappearance in
Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19)
allegedly perpetuated either by the government
through the Armed Forces of the Philippines
(AFP) particularly that of the Philippine Army
(PA) or the Philippine National Police (PNP), or
by the Communist Party of the Philippines-New
People’s Army (CPP-NPA).
Organizations attempted to arrive at
exact number of the aforesaid cases, but their
conclusions show discrepancies. Some of these
are as follows: the Task Force Usig of the
Philippine National Police (PNP) claims 115
cases of slain party list or militant members
(PNP in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,
19:25); Karapatan, a human rights group, asserts
206 victims just in 2006, and a total of 800 cases
from 2001 to 2007.1 The Philippine Alliance of
Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA) and
Amnesty International came up with an estimate
of only 50 killings from January to June of
2006.2 Bicol
3 alone had a total of 157 cases of
1This report falls short of 87 more victims as the
Regional Coordinator of KARAPATAN Bicol, Vida Barcenas, reported 887 victims of EJK from January 2001 to October 2007 during the Bicol Summit on Extrajudicial Killings on January 11, 2008 at the Bicol University. 2 Amnesty International’s Philippines: Political Killings,
Human Rights and the Peace Process (August 15, 2006, section 1), and Human Rights Watch Interview with Max De Mesa, PAHRA Chairperson (September 12, 2006) in Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,
19:25.
EJKs, which are distributed to its six (6)
provinces. Despite the discrepancies in the
above numbers, the said different organizations
are one in saying that EJKs really exist in the
Bicol Region, as supported by Philippine Human
Development Report 2005 (UNDP & NZAID
2005) and the study of Lobrigo, Imperial and
Rafer (2006) on the costs of armed conflict in the
Bicol Region.
This paper, therefore, is an attempt to
document the stories of extrajudicial killings as
experienced by the victims’ families, particularly
the widows or the mothers of the victims.
Theoretical Paradigm and
Significance of the Study
This study is anchored on two sets of
theories – (1) religious, for the faith-coping
mechanisms, and (2) sociological, for the
possible causes or motives of the killings. For
the religious ones, Augustine and many of the
Church Fathers’ illuminist theory of faith, as
well as that of Hodgson’s performative approach
to faith may be applicable. For the illuminist
theory, faith ‘contains a message of consolation
for those who are not favored by world
prosperity,’ and it is this commitment that faith
‘can give meaning to many aspects of life that
might otherwise appear unintelligible – including
the negative experiences of sacrifice, suffering,
poverty and death’ (Dulles in Haughey 1977, 16-
17). Similarly, for the latter, ‘faith is a liberating
power that saves life, giving it wholeness and
efficacy, in the midst of bondage, estrangement
and guilt’ (Dulles in Haughey 1977, 32). In
short, it is argued in this study that people may
turn into faith or religion for relief in order to
cope up with harrowing tales or experiences such
as EJKs.
3Bicol Region, which is the locale of this study, ranks
third in the Philippines with EJK incidents next to Central Luzon (first in rank) and Southern Tagalog (second).
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As for the sociological theories that
may possibly explain the causes or motives of
EJKs, the following theories may be applicable:
Durkheim’s Theory on one of the functions of
religion and Anomie, Sutherland’s Differential
Association Theory or Social Learning Theory,
Merton’s Strain Theory, Hirschi’s Control
Theory, and Classical Criminological Theory.
For Durkheim, “religious belief offers the
comforting sense that the vulnerable human
condition serves some greater purpose”
(Macionis 1999, 484). Sutherland’s Differential
Association Theory, as revised by Akers’ Social
Learning Theory, asserts that people do deviate
from certain norms based on “the patterns of
interactions with others who are the source of
definitions that either favorable or unfavorable to
violating the law” and that “people do things that
they think will result in rewards or will avoid
punishments in the future” (Vold, Bernard, &
Snipes 2002, 173). Durkheim’s Anomie and
Merton’s Strain Theories may also be
complementary to Sutherland/Akers’. Durkheim
would assert that crime is done because of the
absence of social controls (Vold, Bernard, &
Snipes 2002, 116 & 135), or too much
integration with a group that pushes him to
commit a crime. On one hand, Merton argues
that the contradiction between culture (goals)
and the social structure of society (means) is
what causes strain or anomie (Vold, Bernard, &
Snipes 2002, 137), which effectively leads to
crime as well. In addition, Hirschi would add
that crimes result from individuals who are not
tightly bonded to social groups such as the
family, school and peers. On the contrary, too
much attachment or commitment is also found to
be correlated with delinquent behavior based on
the review of Kempf of the 71 studies on control
theory (Vold, Bernard, & Snipes 2002, 189).
The classical criminology theory also explains
the occurrence of EJKs as a ‘product of the free
choice of the individual, who first assesses the
potential benefits of committing the crimes
against its potential costs’ (Vold, Bernard, &
Snipes 2002, 9).
In other words, in the absences of clear-cut
evidences, EJKs may be caused by various
reasons, such as results of (a) expectations of
rewards as well as patterns of interactions with
other people in which the alleged killers learned
to do the killings (Social Learning Theory,
particularly Sutherland’s Differential Association
Theory), (b) absence of social control
(Durkheim), (c) contradictions between
culturally approved goals and means (Merton),
(d) lack of integration with social groups
(Hirschi), and (e) a product of free choice of the
individual and the benefits of committing a
crime (Classical Criminological Theory). For
further illustration, please see Fig. 1.
Since this study is sponsored by the
Social Action Center (SAC) of the Diocese of
Legazpi, results of this study shall be deemed
significant in the Catholic Church’s continuous
and progressive commitment to social justice and
psycho-spiritual transformation as mandated by
their encyclicals like the Evangelii Nuntiandi,
Centesimus Annus, Motu Proprio Iustitiam et
Pacem, Redemptoris Missio (Catholic Bishops’
Conference of the Philippines 2004) through its
social arm, the SAC. In particular, the data shall
be used as a background paper for the psycho-
social spiritual formation of the Center for
persons with similar experiences. On one hand,
this study may also contribute or add to the
existing body of literatures with similar themes,
particularly under the Sociology of Religion and
Deviance or Crime.
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Figure 1. Theoretical Framework
Materials and Methods
This qualitative study4 gathered and
validated the needed data through key informant
interviews and focus group discussions. The six
(6) key informants5 were identified through the
records of the SAC and Philippine National
Police in Bicol, as well as through the referral of
a parish worker. Permissions were likewise
sought from SAC and the PNP to access their
records for possible identification of KIs to be
4 A qualitative study does not rely on numbers
or quantity of responses of the respondents. It relies on the actual accounts or words of the key informants, and does not in any way intend to generalize. It basically aims to present another angle of a social reality, which may not be captured by quantitative study and which may or may not be used for policy-making purposes. 5 Originally, the target number of key informants
was supposedly 10-15. However, due to the recent killing incidents in the locality and nearby towns, residents were quite hesitant to be interviewed for fear of being mistakenly identified with any group, be it for the military and/or for the NPA.
interviewed for this study, as well as from the
KIs to include them in the study and for the
interviews to be recorded. Prior to the start of
the data gathering, KIs were also briefed of the
goals of the study, as well as assured them of the
confidentiality of their private details by using
aliases in lieu of their real names due to the
critical nature of the study, or for fear of
becoming subjects of retaliation from the alleged
suspects. It is likewise in the above regard that
the exact locations of the study cannot be
revealed in this paper.
The research was done within three-
month period, that is, from December 2007 to
February 2008. The first month was devoted for
sending communications to concerned offices
and KIs, for reviewing related documents that
would serve as a backgrounder for the study.
The remaining months were used for the actual
gathering of data, writing and submission of the
initial findings, focus group discussion and/or
validation of the data, finalization and
submission of the final paper. Validation of the
results of the study was done in Manila with a
non-governmental organization working on
similar cases. The recurrent themes in the stories
of the six key informants were extracted. These
became part of the discussion or analysis of the
data. Likewise, findings of the study were
juxtaposed with the existing theories and related
literature or studies to give possible explanations
as regards the motives of the killings and of the
killers in the absence of clear-cut or prima facie
evidences, as well as the coping-mechanisms of
the victims’ relatives.
Results and Discussion
Out of the stories of the widow or
mothers (see Appendix A for full stories), the
following recurring themes or data could be
inferred: (a) the socio-demographics of the key
informants as well as of the victims, (b) details
of the crime such as how the victim was killed,
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the motive of the killing, the alleged suspect or
killer, and the place where the incident
happened, (c) the impact of the death of the
victims to their nearest kin, (d) the widows or
mothers’ faith coping mechanisms and other
strategies they did to overcome their harrowing
experience, and (e) their expectations from the
government, the community and the church.
A. Socio-demographics of the Key Informants
and the Victims
Basically, three out of the six key
informants are elementary graduates. Four of
them are from the same barangay in which most
of the EJK incidents occur. Occupations of the
key informants are mostly associated with blue
collar jobs (like sewing handicrafts or doing
laundry), and most of them are already in their
middle age (i.e. 45-56) as far as Erikson’s stages
of psychosocial development or Hurlock’s
Stages in the Life Span is concerned (Myers
1989, 105; Hurlock 1982, 14).6
As for the six victims, four of them are
husbands of the key informants, while the
remaining two are the KIs’ sons. Four reached
elementary level and the two were able to go to
high school and college respectively. Four of the
victims became government workers – one in the
city level, two in the barangay level and the other
one as member of the military, and the remaining
two have blue collar jobs (a construction worker
and a welder). Three were in their early
adulthood and the remaining three were in their
middle age at the time when they were killed.
6 Based on Hurlock’s Stages in the Life Span, the
following categories exist: 1. Prenatal Phase – conception to birth; 2. Infancy-Birth – birth to end of the 2
nd week; 3. Babyhood – end of 2
nd week to end
of 2nd
year; 4. Early childhood – 2 to 6 years old; 5. Late childhood – 6 to 10 or 12; 6. Puberty or pre-adolescence – 10 or 12 to 13 or 14; 7. Adolescence – 13 or 14 to 18 years old; 8. Early adulthood – 18 to 40 years old; 9. Middle age – 40 to 60 years old; 10. Old age or senescence – 60 to death.
B. Details of the Extra-judicial Killings
From the stories, it could be inferred
that the motives of the EKJ incidents in Bicol are
not clear up to this time. What seemed to be the
main cause of EJK is the victims’ alleged
relationship with the NPA as messengers or
supporters (see Table 1). This is in consonance
with the motive identified by Sheppard, Sandler
& Neumann (2007, 19) in their Human Rights
Watch Report (HRW) about the Philippines.
Table 1. Details of EJKs
Motive
of the
EJK
Possible
Motive
How
EJK
was
execute
d
Suspec
t or
Allege
d
Killer
Where
the EJK
happene
d
Case 1
– not
clear
Victim’s
alleged
member-
ship to
the NPA
Stabbed
with a
knife
Militar
y
House of
the KI’s
brother
Case 2
– not
clear
Victim’s
misunder
-standing
with the
brother;
and case
related to
his job as
chief
barangay
security
Multipl
e
gunshot
s (one
on the
head;
one on
the
chest)
Militar
y
Inside
the
victim’s
house
Case 3
–not
clear
Victim’s
work as a
CAFGU
Multipl
e
gunshot
s on the
head
NPA Near the
victim’s
residence
Case 4
– not
clear
Victim’s
alleged
support
to the
NPA;
and
related to
cases
apprehen
ded by
Gunshot
on the
head
Militar
y
Along
the road,
but still
within
the
locality
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Motive
of the
EJK
Possible
Motive
How
EJK
was
execute
d
Suspec
t or
Allege
d
Killer
Where
the EJK
happene
d
her
husband
in his
capacity
as a
barangay
official
Case 5
– not
clear
Victim’s
alleged
support
to the
NPA
Gunshot
on the
head
Militar
y
Along
the road,
but still
within
the
locality
Case 6
– not
clear
Altercati
on with a
military
official
Gunshot
on the
left side
of the
victim’s
torso
and the
head
Militar
y
Inside
the
victim’s
house
Their report also showed that the ‘perceived
political nature of the activities or affiliation’ of
the victims is seen to be the reason behind the
killings (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,
19: 26). Likewise, suspects in the current study
are purportedly said to be military members,
which also supports the findings of Sheppard,
Sandler and Neumann (2007, 19: 25) in HRW
that ‘based on accounts from eyewitnesses and
victim’s families, members of the AFP were
responsible for many of the recent unlawful
killings’. The case of Pastor Isias de Leon Santa
Rosa of Daraga, Albay is an example - ‘a
military identification card in the name of
Lordger Pastrana (was) found on the body of one
of the assailants who dragged Santa Rosa from
his home’ (Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann 2007,
19, 9: 30).7
7A photocopy of the AFP ID and mission order is on
file with the Human Rights Watch. It could also be
Nonetheless, even if the motive of the
said killings seemed to be related to the political
affiliation or nature of the activities of the victim,
it still leaves a big puzzle as to what is the
ultimate cause or motive of the alleged killers, or
what could possibly explain their behavior, i.e.
killing of noncombatant civilians. The Melo
Commission concludes that the ‘killing of
activists and media personnel is pursuant to an
orchestrated plan by a group or sector with an
interest in eliminating the victims’ (in Sheppard,
Sandler & Neumann 2007, 19, 9: 19).8 If the
said conclusion is indeed true as the ulterior
motive of the killings, the direct assailants’
behavior, i.e. following the order of a group or
sector to do so, stills needs an explanation. Such
overt and direct action of the assailants may
possibly be attributed to two factors – one, there
could be an expectation for a reward on the part
of the killers from a certain group or sector, and
two, the degree of integration or commitment of
the said killers to the group or sector, that either
ordered them to do the killings or that which
they belong.
As for the first factor, it may be
explained by the social learning theory,
specifically that of Sutherland’s Differential
Association Theory as revised by Akers. The
said theory holds that the most important –
perhaps the only – motivation for aggression is
an expectation for a reward (Bandura as cited in
Michener, DeLamater & Schwartz 1990, 293), as
well as a product of interactions with individuals
who had already committed the same crime.
Myers (1996) would further stress that
‘aggression sometimes has payoffs. If nothing
more, it gets attention. The same is true with
terrorist acts, which enable powerless people to
seen from the Daraga Municipal Police file regarding the investigation of the killing of Santa Rosa. 8 The Melo Commission is an independent
commission in the Philippines that was tasked to address media and activist killings.
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garner widespread attention (Myers 1996, 449).
The said explanation is likewise accepted by the
classical criminology theory, which asserts that
‘crime is seen as a product of the free choice of
the individual, who first assesses the potential
benefits of committing the crimes against its
potential costs’ (Vold, Bernard & Snipes 2002,
9). On one hand, the degree of commitment or
integration of the assailants to a group or sector
that perhaps ordered them may also be
considered as aggravating factor that may push
them to do the killings. It is said that when
social integration is too strong, deviance may
occur or one may be induced to commit a crime
in solidarity with a group, as in the case of
altruistic suicide (Durkheim in Ritzer 2000, 87)
or suicide bombers, which may also be applied
in this study. This relation of attachment and
crime was also validated by Kempf in her review
of 71 studies of control theory (Vold, Bernard &
Snipes 2002, 189).
Another angle that is also evident from
the stories of the widows and/or mothers is that
the victims were executed through a single or
multiple gunshots on the head, except for the one
who was stabbed with a knife, leaving no room
for the victims to survive. This suggests that
whatever or whoever really mandated such
killings, their intention is not to discipline or
instill fear on the part of the victims, but to really
eliminate them as supported by the Melo
Commission’s findings. This may be interpreted
in the light of Merton’s Strain Theory,
particularly a form of innovation – killing as a
means of achieving a culturally approved goal
(either peace, unity, or punishing actual
offenders), and Durkheim’s Anomie Theory – an
actual absence of legitimate and strong social
controls that which makes the commission of
EJKs permissible.
More apparent also in the study is that the
victims were killed inside or near their residence,
except for the two cases in which the victims
were killed along the road, but still within the
same locality.
B. Impacts of EJK to the Key Informants
As narrated by the key informants, the
impacts of their experience vary. Their most
recurring responses are as follows: three out of
six KIs said that (a) they wondered why it
happened to their husband/son, (b) they find life
a bit difficult due to the loss of the material
provider, (c) they became too thin, and (d) their
sons/husband would like to avenge the death of
their loved one. Two out of six KIs said that (a)
they do not easily trust anyone, and (b) their sons
became problematic because they are now the
ones left to fend for their needs.
Other impacts or multiple responses,
which were individually mentioned, are as
follows: (a) her fear or worries as regards the
whereabouts of her son was lessened, (b) she
would always stay at home, (c) she would not
want to talk with or to see anyone, (d) she
seemed to lose her usual self; (e) she did not
understand as to what to do and how she would
take care of the needs of their family, (f) she
became indebted because of the loans
accumulated and spent for the wake of her
husband, (g) she would just cry; (h) her children
were greatly affected, (i) she got so angry with
the problems left by her husband in his capacity
as a barangay official and with the knowledge of
her husband’s other woman, (j) she felt
uneasiness and nervousness for awhile, (k) she
would seem to smell blood even if she did not
see it, (l) she did not find it hard to adjust
because of her husband’s absence prior to his
death; and (m) she experienced immense anger
and very painful feeling.
The immense anger experienced by the
victim’s nearest kin could be readily explained in
the field of Psychology. Based on the study of
James Averill (1983) as cited in Myers (1989,
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391), the feeling of anger is “especially common
when the other person’s act was considered
willful, unjustified and avoidable”. In this study,
the killing of the victims is considered
unjustified, hence obtaining the ire of their
relatives.
C. KIs’ Faith Coping Mechanisms and
Other Strategies to Overcome their
EJK Experience
According to the KIs, their faith in God
deepened with what happened to their loved
ones, although they wondered at first why such
incidents happened to them, according to five out
of six KIs. They express it through giving their
full trust in God, attending the mass, joining
parish renewal experience seminar, going to
confession, going back as members of the
Couples for Christ (CfC), helping in the parish
during weekends and praying for guidance and
inspiration. It is also the same faith that helped
them move on with their lives, or that which
helped them understand the meaning and
purpose of what happened to their husbands or
sons. Specifically for the two KIs, what
happened is perhaps God’s way of putting a stop
to her burden, fears or worries of losing his son
when he hid from one place to another for fear
being apprehended by the military, and of
inspiring her that she has no one to hold on
except God Himself, and of training or preparing
her to face her later life. For them, God has
plans for everything, including the death of their
loved ones.
Such expressions of faith basically
prove Emile Durkheim’s Theory that indeed
religion provides meaning and purpose in times
of adversities like the EJK experience of the key
informants. These further support his emphasis
that people do not really despair much when
faced with life’s difficulties with such faith in
religion, which in turn made them attend various
church activities and/or celebration of the
sacraments, as in the case of the key informants.
Moreover, results of the study corroborate with
the illuminist theory of faith. This is validated
with the key informants’ claim that their faith
provided them a sense of meaning even when
faced with the deplorable death of their loved
ones, which seemed incomprehensible for them
at first.
Other strategies that they did to
overcome their harrowing experience are as
follows: (a) dispelling their ill feelings towards
other people especially to the one who allegedly
killed their husband/son, (b) weaving/sewing
handicrafts, (c) planting vegetables, root crops
and flowering plants, (d) listening to music, (e)
reading Christian books, (f) taking extra work or
doing overtime, (g) attending to the needs of
their children, (h) forgiving the other woman of
her husband, (i) and constantly reminding herself
and her sons that God has a purpose why it
happened to her husband.
D. Their Expectations
Three out of the six key informants
expect nothing from the government. While the
two basically said no apparent reason, the
government’s inability to do anything regarding
her husband’s case is the other kin’s main
reason. Another key informant would no longer
file a case against her son’s alleged killers,
because her husband thinks that if they do, they
might come back for them. Hence, they just
wanted the investigation to stop. These
sentiments corroborate with the report of
Sheppard, Sandler & Neumann (2007, 19: 4) in
the Human Rights Watch that the EJK
experience of the victims’ kin resulted to their
‘distrust in the investigative efforts of the police,
widespread fear, particularly in affected rural
communities, of further military abuses… and of
becoming targets of reprisal’.
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On the other hand, some are still
expecting financial help from the government
and from the church in the form of livelihood
projects for the future of their children, other
than asking for lookouts in areas wherein EJK
happened. The rest expect nothing from the
church since it has limited to offer, as one
informant emphasized.
As from their community, only three
have expectations. One expects the same
support she is currently receiving. Another one
expects her community to understand her
membership to CfC and to help her capture and
penalize her son’s alleged killer. The last one
simply expects her community to tighten security
in their area.
Conclusions
This study essentially affirms the
function of religion and the theories of faith,
which provided the key informants the strength
to move on with their lives, despite the
harrowing tales they had, and notwithstanding
the various impacts it had on them. Furthermore,
on a psycho-socio-emotional and spiritual level,
their stories urgently appeal for a venue wherein
they could further share their experiences and be
guided as well towards healing their wounds.
This would entail not only the widows or the
mothers of the victims themselves, but also their
children, who were also deeply affected
spiritually, psychologically and emotionally by
the killing as revealed in the study. It also
establishes the need for an eclectic approach, i.e.
the use various sociological or criminological
theories, in explaining the possible causes of
EJKs amidst the absence of straightforward
evidences of the real motives of the killings.
The results of the study also show that
the victims’ kin’s individual and/personal
experiences are not a part from the Philippine
society in general. In fact, they substantiate the
different existing reports that of the Philippine
Human Development Report of 2005, the Melo
Commission Report, the Task Force Usig of the
PNP, Karapatan, Philippine Alliance of Human
Rights Advocates, Amnesty International, and
Task Force Detainees of the Philippines on
similar EJK cases and/or human rights
violations, particularly on the alleged reasons
why the victims were executed, as well as the
fear and distrust that dawned on the victim’s kin,
as expressed during the data validation or focus
group discussion held during the PMP-TWG on
Peace and Human Rights’ meeting.
Recommendations
Corollary to the above data and
conclusions, the following recommendations are
suggested:
There must be a venue wherein the
victims’ kin may be provided with a pastoral
care or debriefing program from the Catholic
Church and the Philippine Government as an
institutional response to EJK.
With the impacts of the EJKs, there
must be a way of ending this violence, which the
Philippine Government should be at its forefront.
It may start learning from the Bicol churches
initiatives on peace building, which include
‘peace advocacy thru Social Action Centers
(SAC), the Coalition for Bicol Development
(CBD), and the Center for Community
Journalism and Development (CCJD),
organizing work or the formation of Basic
Ecclesial Communities (BECs), which may
become a venue for organizing people and
educating them of their rights, engagement
strategy or involvement in mediation,
negotiation, and dialogues with both military and
rebel forces, and addressing human rights
violations and the consequences of armed
conflict or taking steps to respond to the
distressing situation of civilians caught in the
57
midst of armed conflict, providing rehabilitation
services to other communities together with the
Task Force Detainees-Bicol, the Department of
Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and
the local government, organizing fact-finding
missions, soliciting funds for the victims, and
facilitating free legal assistance thru the Justice
and Peace desks and the Task Force Detainees of
the Philippines (TFDP)’ (Lobrigo and Imperial
2005, 39-43).
On a practical level, the widows and/or
the mothers’ experiences directly plea from the
government for security, financial and legal
assistance or programs considering their fear of
almost always having the same experience in
their locale, the lack of governmental care as
they had expressed and experienced, as well as
their dire current economic and/or financial
status much more due to the loss of a material
provider. The Church or Religious Sectors, in
this regard with their very strong influence in the
governance of the Philippines State, may
facilitate the realizations of the victims’ kin’s
pleas through their social arm, e.g. the Social
Action Center (SAC) of the Catholic Church.
The Philippine Government through its Local
Government Units and concerned agencies, like
the DSWD, PNP and alike should work hand in
hand with non-governmental agencies, like the
SAC, to mitigate, if not eradicate, the prevalence
of EJKs in the Region, as well as lessen and/or
address its impacts.
Finally, the above expectations or pleas
may be realized if all structures of the society
religiously observe and do their corresponding
spiritual and worldly functions so that in the end
no harrowing tales may be told once again.
References
1. Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the
Philippines. Compendium of the Social
Doctrines of the Church. Manila:
Word of Life Publications, 2004.
2. Hurlock, Elizabeth B. Developmental
Psychology (A Life-Span Approach),
5th
ed. Philippines: Mc-Graw Hill, Inc.,
1982.
3. From Vatican II’s Pastoral Constitution
on the Church in the Modern World in
Dulles’ The Meaning of Faith
Considered in Relationship to Justice in
Haughey. The Faith That Does Justice.
New York: Paulist Press, 1977.
4. Lobrigo, Jovic. & Sonia Imperial.
Peace-Building Experiences of
Church-Based Organizations in Bicol.
Manila: UP CIDS and UNDP, 2005.
5. Lobrigo, Jovic, Sonia Imperial, & Noel
Rafer. “Armed Conflict in Bicol: the
Price Does Not Come Cheap,” Policy
Notes, Makati City: Philippine Institute
for Development Studies No. 2006-04,
2006, March.
6. Lobrigo, Jovic, Sonia Imperial, & Noel
Rafer. “Case Study on the Human
Development and Economic
Costs/Spillovers of Armed Conflict in
Bicol,” “Case Study on the Human
Development and Economic
Costs/Spillovers of Armed Conflict in
Bicol,” Philippine Human
Development Report 2005 (Philippines:
UNDP and NZAID, 2005).
7. Macionis, John. Sociology, 7th
edition.
NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1999.
8. Myers, David. Psychology. New York:
Worth Publishers, Inc., 1989.
9. Myers, David. Social Psychology.
New York: The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc., 1996.
10. Michener, Andrew, John DeLamater, &
Shalom Schwartz. Social Psychology,
2nd
edition. Florida: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich Publishers, 1990.
58
11. Ritzer, George. Sociological Theory,
5th
edition. USA: McGraw-Hill, 2000.
12. Sheppard, Bede, Leonard Sandler & A.
Lin Neumann. Scared Silent: Impunity
for Extrajudicial Killings in the
Philippines. Human Rights Watch v.
19, n. 9 (c) (2007, June).
13. Steidl-Meier, Paul. Social Justice
Ministry. New York: Le Jacq
Publishing, Inc., 1984.
14. Vold, George, Thomas Bernard, &
Jeffrey Snipes. Theoretical
Criminology, 5th
edition. New York:
Oxford University Press, Inc., 2002.
Appendix A.
Full Stories of Harrowing Tales
of Extrajudicial Killings of Widows or
Mothers of Bicol, Philippines
Ate Pia. At the age of 52, Ate Pia, a
high school graduate and a former saleslady
turned businesswoman, could very well recall the
incident that happened to her son almost ten
months ago. His son, who was then 30 years
old, a construction worker and an elementary
graduate, was mercilessly butchered at the house
of his brother in April 2007. According to her,
she could hardly express the too much pain she
felt at that time.
Until now, the person responsible for
his death could nowhere to be found. On the
other hand, she was able to get hold of the
picture as well as the former place of residence
of the alleged killer from someone else.9
Likewise, the motive for killing her son is not yet
clear. Although before her son’s actual death,
they were informed that the military would
conduct a zonal or community surveillance.
Hence for fear that her son might be captured,
her family drove him away, hid him from place
to place, and until such time that the bloody
incident happened.
9 Ate Pia does not want to mention the name of
the person to protect his identity.
Just before her son’s death, Ate Pia
remembered that he became irritable and
unusually violent after he joined a particular
‘group of people’10
. He also seemed to have a
different mindset as compared before. Actually,
she and her husband were against their son’s
membership to that ‘group’. But then, she
recalled that her son would even become more
insistent in joining because for him, he found
peace and much more his life in that ‘group’.
For Ate Pia, such condition made their family
life a little bit difficult. Nevertheless, she still
considered the flow of their life at that time as
generally reasonable. Just like at the moment,
they eat regularly, they are able to send their
children to school, and they are able to easily
recover in difficult times.
When her son died, she felt that her fear
and/or worries as regards what her son might be
probably doing outside their house was lessened.
It is because every time he was not around, he
was either drinking liquor with his friends, or be
in trouble for caring too much or defending his
friends whenever they were being misjudged. In
fact, she now feels thankful to God not that he is
already dead, but that she thinks that her son is
already with the Lord; she would no longer
worry that one day their family would be
lessened; and that he would no longer hide or
flee whenever he sees members of the military.
Nevertheless, even if she already lifted up her
son’s case to God and that their usual family life
still goes on, she feels a big difference and/or
missing piece in their family when he died. This
feeling would especially intensify during
December in which their family would also
remember him.
As far as her personal life is concerned
after her son’s death, she said that she does not
easily trust anyone now, unlike before. She
would also seldom talk to anyone after the said
10
She would no longer want to name the “group”. But from her insinuations and/or story, this “group” seemed to refer to a rebel group, since they would hide their son once there are members of the military patrolling their community.
59
incident. On the other hand, she would tell the
rest of her family members to persevere and go
on with their life, and to always foster good
conduct now that they have an experience to
ruminate. But right after the incident, she
admitted that she was looking for some answers
to her questions like why it happened, why her
son was not given a chance despite that she
wanted to lead her son to the right path, and why
is it that her son is not yet given justice.
Likewise, she disclosed that she did not go to
mass and/or receive other sacraments like the
sacrament of reconciliation.
A striking feature of Ate Pia’s story is
that her faith now in God as well as that of her
husband’s deepened after such harrowing
experience. Moreover, their faith also helped
them recover from such incident. She would no
longer ask questions she would ask before. This
is because she realized that her family has no one
to hold on to except God alone; and that it was a
great offense to reject Him. She would also
think that he is now at peace and enjoying the
Lord’s company; and that he would no longer
have problems as mentioned above. Hence, for
the Lord and in return, as she said, her family
just accepted everything that comes their way
even the death of her son; and they went back to
the Couples for Christ (CfC).
Having such faith in God, and
overcoming her experience was not that easy.
She could even hardly express what happened to
her son, because it was too much for her.
Similarly, she said that “Haloy pa! Haloy pa!
Gari nawara kami sa sadiri [It took us (referring
to her husband and herself) quite sometime (to
cope up). It seemed that we lost our usual self].”
They also did not go to church for almost three
months so that they will not recall the burial rites
for their son. She would always stay at home
and would not want to see anyone even her
husband. Nonetheless, her husband would insist
that if they would not fight their ill feelings and
face their problem, he was thinking that
something might happen to them. He also
recommended that they had to go back to the
church specifically as members of CfC and serve
the Lord so that their fears would cease to exist.
She, then, conceded. With the help of the prayer
meetings and talking or sharing to the other
members of the CfC about their son’s death,
giving their full trust in the Lord, and going to
the church to attend the mass with their children,
their problem seemed to be solved little by little.
With her experience, she wishes that the
government would extend help to them in the
form of livelihood especially that her husband
cannot work well because of recurrent high
blood pressure, as well as anything that would
help prepare the future of the children who are
still attending school. One is even about to
graduate from high school; and they just plan to
send him to a TESDA center wherein he could
earn at least a two-year course due to financial
constraints. Likewise, she only hopes to avail of
the sacraments of the church for free like
baptism and/or wedding especially for one of her
children, who currently has a live-in partner.
This is because she thinks that the parish had
seldom to offer aside from administering the
sacraments. She also wishes that her community
will understand someday her membership to the
CfC, which is often questioned by their
neighbors. Furthermore, her heart desires that
the one who killed her son, once captured, would
be penalized and would let them understand why
he killed their son.
Ate Sandra. Her story is different from
Ate Pia’s in some respect. Aside from the age
difference (she is 54 years old), the educational
attainment (she is an elementary graduate), and
occupation (she sews or make handicrafts), the
one whom she lost almost one and a half years
ago was her very own husband. Her husband
was then 53 years old, a former local government
unit employee – a member of the civil security
unit and a welder and/or construction worker,
who at first was only able to reach grade 2.
Later on, however, he was able to pursue his
studies and was able to achieve at least second
year high school level on a home study program.
But what is more appalling in her story is how
her husband was killed, which until now affects
her so much.
Ate Sandra recounted that on the eve of
their barangay’s fiesta, around past twelve
midnight, an unknown man outside their house
was calling her husband’s name. He was asking
why their house had no visitors, and why it was
60
too dark well in fact it was the eve of their
barangay’s fiesta. Ate Sandra, since she could
not recognize the voice of the man, thought that
it was one of their children’s visitors. Hence,
she, together with her husband, got up from the
bed. She went directly towards the direction of
the window in order to remove the curtain, which
only covered their window, and in order to know
the person calling. However, her husband
shoved her away. He was the one who peeked
out of the window instead. As soon as his head
got out of the window, she heard a ‘bang’, which
made her screamed constantly. Her husband
with a shot on his head fell on her. Because of
his weight, both of them fell on the floor. As
soon as they touched the floor, Ate Sandra saw
on the window a hand, which was holding a
seemingly 45caliber pistol aimed at them.
Without further notice, another gunshot, which
hit the chest of her husband and made her
screamed further, was heard once again.
Since it was dark outside their house
and they have no electricity at that time, plus the
fact that the front yard of their house before was
full of tress, she did not see the face of the
person who killed her husband. She could also
hardly decipher if they were other persons
outside their house aside from the killer. On the
other hand, a female relative who was then inside
their house allegedly saw from another window a
shadow of male person in front of the main door
who was about to enter their house. Upon seeing
it, she hurriedly closed the window. Thus, she
failed to recognize the person, aside from the fact
that she was not able to light up any lamp out of
fear and astonishment.
With what happened, Ate Sandra is still
wondering as regards the motive of her
husband’s killer. Up to now, she is asking why
she was not even able to receive any notice or
letter, if indeed the killer belongs to the NPA.
This is because as far as she knows and/or from
the information she got from their former
barangay captain, members of the NPA would
send first a letter of warning or reprimand, as
well as an explanation before one has to be
executed. Another angle that she is looking into
is the possibility that it may be related to her
husband’s job. Before his death, he was
appointed as the chief barangay tanod (head of
security) in their community. In the same
manner, her husband also got one of his brothers
(older than he is) as a member tanod. She got
information from the other members of the
barangay security that the two would always
have squabbles, especially when there was an
occasion or a drinking spree. She also heard that
her husband was once brought to the peace and
order council in their locality because he has
allegedly committed something wrong. Her
husband just dismissed the allegation, when she
asked him.
Nonetheless, there were instances
wherein when her husband’s older brother
mentioned above was drunk, he would always
yell out outside their house. At one time, while
her husband and one of their children was fixing
their roof, her drunk older brother bellowed very
harsh words – “Dai ka pa yudeputa natitigbak na
salbahe ka! (Why are you not yet dead, you son
of a bitch!)” She failed, however, to ask her
husband’s brother what the problem was all
about. She also did not report such incident to
the barangay captain at that time as per request
of her husband. He simply told her not to give
his brother attention, since he was just drunk.
Her husband, likewise, told her to ignore his
brother as long as he is outside their house, and
he does not harm any member of their family.
For Ate Sandra, her husband was quite
dedicated to her job. She could recall that before
his death, he would always work even if he did
not yet receive his previous salary. In fact he,
together with the military, was too busy helping
the evacuees right after the succeeding calamities
last year. She also heard that upon return to the
city hall from the evacuation center, he would
still cook food for them. He just became sad
when it was about fiesta time in their barangay.
When she would ask him as to what possibly
bothered him or made him sad, he would simply
say that he had not yet received his salary.
Their family life was likewise ‘natural’
according to Ate Sandra when her husband was
still alive. They had the things that they needed
for everyday life, as well as for the schooling of
their children. When he died, she found it a bit
difficult, although she was still able to get food
for her family during mealtime. On the other
61
hand, their family life became much more
destitute after few months of his death.
According to her, she did not understand or
know what she should do, specifically on how
she would take care of them when they would
get sick, as well as where to get their everyday
needs, especially that of her eight children.
Aside from the above dilemma, she
experienced “Sobra! Dagit, dai mo maintindihan
[(I experienced) immense anger, which I could
hardly explain],” especially towards her
husband’s brother as a result of his death. She
thinks that “gabos nagkonsente (everyone has to
be blamed).” There are times that she just cries.
She also feels that her sons are quite problematic
nowadays since they are now the ones who have
to fend for their needs. They are also thinking of
joining a group that does something bad, she
said. But they also think that it is hard to get out
of that system.11
That is why they just leave
their present life to God. Nonetheless, she still
expects her two children to finish even 4th
year
high school, as well as her youngest child who is
now in grade one.
There are practical things that she does
in order to cope up with her harrowing
experience. She just prays to God and leaves
everything to Him, even if she does not
understand why it happened to her husband, and
if indeed he had done something wrong. For her,
her faith still stays the same; nothing has
changed. She attributes this to her being a
member of the Couples for Christ, and by
attending parish renewal experience (PREX).
11
Ate Sandra would not want to name the group for security reasons. However, she seemed to refer to a rebel group, which her sons were thinking of joining to avenge the death of their father. This could be inferred from her statements especially on the note that she was expecting to receive if indeed the alleged killer was a member of the NPA. But since she did not receive any letter, she is thinking that the killer could possibly be a member of the military. On the other hand, since her children know the repercussion of joining such group, they simply leave everything to God.
She also weaves or sews handicrafts. Likewise,
she plants vegetables in which she may harvest
in times of need. Nevertheless, she still expects
the church to help her financially. However, she
does not want to receive something in a form of
a loan because she thinks that she does not have
the means to repay it. On the other hand, she
does not expect anything from the government.
She would just feel thankful if there would be.
Ate Agnes. “Garo baga pirmi blurred
pag-iisip ko... Pirmi na sana malibong an payo
kan agom ko (It seemed that my mind is always
confused… My husband is always irritable),”
Ate Agnes said as regards the result of her son’s
death. She is also wondering why her son was
killed, well in fact he did not do anything wrong
as far as she is concerned.
Ate Agnes, a laundry woman who only
reached third year high school, experienced in
2007 the most shocking story in her life after
living for 56 years at the same locality as Ate Pia
and Ate Sandra. Almost same case as Ate Pia’s,
she also lost her youngest son, who was then 31
years old, who only finished grade six, and who
allegedly became a member of the Citizen’s
Auxiliary Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU)
for eight months before he died.
Last year, she recalls that four men,
who introduced themselves as members of the
New People’s Army (NPA), visited their house
at around six thirty in the morning. She further
recalls that one of them had a flat top haircut and
the other one had a handkerchief covering his
head. The three were fair skinned. The other one
had a dark complexion; and he was short and
stout. They were wearing white shirts, short
pants and slippers. They were also carrying big
back packs, which seemed to be very heavy. All
of them were carrying long firearms, which she
considered as M16 rifles. According to her, she
had already seen one that is why she knew that
what they were carrying were M16 rifles. The
four men were positioned at different parts of
their residential area. One was inside their
house, the two were standing outside, and the
fourth one, who actually asked for a cup of
coffee later on, was waiting at the beginning of
the pavement facing their house.
62
After one of them finished drinking
coffee, he told her that they simply wanted to
invite her son for a talk and that there was
nothing to worry at all. She replied by asking if
she could come along with her son. He
answered that it would just be a very brief talk,
about thirty minutes, which he planned to have
just few meters away from their house pointing
to the direction of the rice field. To assure her
that they would come back, the person talking to
her also said that they even plan to have their
lunch at their house. Ate Agnes’ son then
secretly told her that it would be better if she just
remained at their house because it is dangerous
to come with them. Her son further said that he
does not know them, although he recognizes
their face.
At around seven o’clock, she heard
three gunshots, which she simply ignored.
However, more or less after an hour, somebody
informed her that their son was found dead just
few meters up and away from their house. She
hurriedly went to her husband who was then
working at the house of one of their children to
inform him of what happened. Together, they
went to the barangay captain, who in turn
ordered a barangay tanod or security to inform
the police, who did not come for any apparent
reason.
When they reached the place where her
dead body’s son was found, she saw that “Sabog
ini (referring to the head). Halos wasak ang
utak kaidto (His head was totally blown. His
brain was almost scattered all over the place).”
Shocked with what she saw, she almost fainted
and cried. Later on, she informed her another
son who was in Manila about what happened to
their brother, and then asked a funeral parlor to
get the body of her son. No one stopped them
from getting their dead son’s body. No police
authority investigated the incident, which up to
now makes her wonder. Much more, no one
dared to help them at that time.
His son never mentioned anything about
his life as a member of the CAFGU. What she
could remember was her son one night came
home very sad. He never shared what happened
to him. He simply kept it to himself. Hence,
until now, the motive for killing her son is still a
puzzle.
“Gari bibalewala mi na sana lang ta
kung pagpaparaisipon mi ito, maniwang lang
kami pagpaparaisip,mamumroblema kami [We
(referring to her husband and herself) would
simply dismiss it because if we would always
think about what happened, we would just get
thin and become problematic],” she said as
regards how they withstood the incident.
Likewise, she would just clean their
surroundings, and plant root crops and flowering
plants since she is the only one at home. But
there are times that when she sees the place,
where her son was killed, in which it could
readily be seen from their house, “maraoton sa
boot (It is quite painful).” On the other hand,
Ate Agnes’ husband no longer wants to file a
case against her son’s alleged killers. It is
because he thinks that if they do, the alleged
killers might come back for them. That is why
he just wants the investigation of the case to be
stopped.
Despite what happened to her son, her
faith is still unwavering. She said that “Dai man
pwedeng magluya an pagtubod mo sa mahal na
Diyos. Ta siempre poraber baga kita, dapat
Diyos nguna (It is not possible for my faith to
weaken because before anything else, God
should always be the first).” She would also
pray for God’s inspiration and/or guidance so
that she and her husband would not think much
of their son. Likewise, she would also pray that
God may enlighten the minds of those who killed
her son, and that God would reprimand them for
what they have done. If in case her son has also
done something wrong, she would also ask for
God’s forgiveness.
On the other hand, considering their
family’s condition, she expects the government
to give them financial assistance especially for
the every day’s needs of their children, rice,
livelihood like raising livestock and whatever it
could possibly offer. Similarly, she would also
welcome whatever her community could give
them, as long as it comes from their heart.
Financial assistance, especially for the bereave
wife and child of her son, is also what they
63
expect from the church, specifically from the
Social Action Center.
As to her fellow widows with the same
experience as she does, she simply said that they
just have to offer to God whatever happened to
them.
Ate May. “Perhaps the absence of my
husband was God’s way of training and
preparing me for what will happen to him later”
– this is how Ate May, 45 years old, a college
graduate and a government employee, described
her experience before the death of her husband,
who was then a barangay official in their locality
almost 7 years ago.
Ate May’s husband, also a college
graduate who was then 38 years old, was shot on
the head in the presence of their youngest child
when the former was bidding farewell to a
reporter who interviewed him. According to her
at around nine o’clock in the morning of
Saturday, while she was waiting for her children
to come home from school to spend the weekend
with them, she heard a gunshot. She never
assumed it was her husband because she knew
that he was outside with their youngest child
answering the queries of a reporter. After few
minutes, her cousin shouted calling her name and
informed her of what happened to her husband.
When she went to the place of the incident, her
husband was profusely bleeding and dead along
the road. The alleged killer was described by her
child as fat, with an army cut hair, tall and well-
built man. The cousin who called her supported
this statement by saying that the man who shot
her husband was 5’5” or 5’6” in height, and
indeed possessed the physical characteristics
mentioned by the kid. Her cousin further stated
that when she heard the gunshot and got out, the
man was riding a motorcycle and came back to
the scene to look at her. Accordingly, there were
two men riding the motorcycle.
Ate May attributed this incidence to the
events that happened prior to the shooting
incident. She claimed the he had been saying
that he was receiving death threats for allegedly
supporting the NPA, as reported by the CAFGU.
On the same morning of her husband’s death,
somebody came to their house to fix a case of
illegal logging which her husband had
apprehended. She also said that the man behind
the illegal logging operation was a politician.
Furthermore, there was also a case of stolen
cows that which he never feared to face. These
she cited as the possible reasons for her
husband’s death.
Before her husband died, she already
felt the absence of her husband, which helped her
more to move on easily, as the latter always
seemed to be pre-occupied with a lot of things
being a barangay official in their place than their
family issues that which caused a division
between them then. She said that they were poor
and that she had to strive as equally as her
husband does to provide for their needs.
When her husband died, she did not
find it hard then to adjust to her husband’s
absence because of her experience prior to the
killing. It was her children who found it hard to
adjust. The first she attended to were all the
papers needing immediate action in the barangay
which were still her husband’s accountability
and which need to be cleared. It was while doing
that she found out of her husband’s deficiencies
in their barangay. Among these, she found it
very difficult to process the papers for a gun she
did not know of. She felt relief when a police
friend of hers helped her secure a police blotter
and clearance. Further complicating the matter
was the equipment in the barangay that her
husband left.
She never saw their children as
problems, but the work mentioned, along with
the on-going projects and collection papers her
husband handled. But what pained her most at
the time of her husband’s death was it was the
time that she found out of her husband’s other
woman, whom was being doubted as having a
military boyfriend, who was also being doubted
as the one responsible for the death of her
husband. “Feeling ko, ako nagparasapar kang
gabos, maray siya ta trangkilo na (I felt I had to
absorb everything. Good for him because he is
already at peace).” She further attributed the
burden that she felt at that time not from the
matters that needed to be attended in line with
her husband’s death, but more on the papers she
64
had to do for her husband and the reality of the
other woman she had to deal with.
After her husband’s death, she felt
uneasiness and nervousness for awhile. She
claimed to have seen her husband who had been
reminding her of all that need to be done. She
also said that she always seem to smell blood
even when there was no blood around. She also
became doubtful of everybody who goes to their
house and was even hesitant to allow her
children to leave the house for fear that there
may be persons eyeing them and they may get
shot anytime like her husband. She said that her
seven children cried for several days and missed
their father very much. But she made them
understood that what happened was God’s way
and that there is a reason why it happened. This
was her way of coping, she said. The constant
reminder she gave to their children that God has
a purpose for what happened was also at the
same time her reminder to herself. She further
opted to look at her good memories with her
husband than think of all the difficulties she had
experienced.
Her faith was also strengthened through
her involvement in the church. Her workmates
also contributed greatly to this by constantly
giving her Christian books to read. Her husband
also liked to listen to music before in which she
also learned to love and helped her to relax. She
also made herself busy by taking an extra work
and attending to the needs of her children. She
spends the weekends at the parish helping out.
But the greatest action she did was to confront
her husband’s mistress and talk about different
things. She said that since her husband did not
have kids with the other woman, it was easy for
her. She and the mistress even became friends
and the latter would even seek for advice from
her. She added that forgiveness, which she gave
to her husband’s mistress, made the death of her
husband lighter for her to carry.
However, she claims that she no longer
expects anything from the government, because
up to now, nothing has been done yet regarding
her husband’s case. Similarly, she does not have
any expectation from the church. As from her
community, she simply expects the same support
that they are expressing towards her.
Furthermore, she advises all the other women
whose husbands were victims of extra-judicial
killings to look for a job to deviate their attention
from focusing solely on the loss of their
husbands, to focus instead on their children who
are still dependent on them, and to have a strong
will to face their situation because they do not
have any other choice but to survive and accept
what happened because God has a purpose for
that.
Ate Teresa. “Siguro ini talaga ang
tinalaga sakuya kang Mahal na Diyos (Perhaps
this is really God’s will for me)” is the statement
of Ate Teresa, a 48-year old elementary graduate
and a handicraft factory employee, about her
being a widow.
Already living by herself as a widow for
two years with one 22-year old son, she now
describes herself as being very faithful compared
before. She already has gotten to a point of
trusting God’s will and giving Him her sacrifices
as offerings of faith. Widowed since March 3,
2006, she still vividly recalls what was recounted
to her about her husband’s death.
The man, who told her about the
incident, was the passenger of a motorcycle who
witnessed the killing, and she stated as
translated:
Ten o’clock that Friday
evening, he went down (from our
locality) to pick me up from work. I
could not leave because I was having
my overtime so he decided to leave and
take a passenger with him as he is
engaged in ‘habal-habal’ (door to door
transport service) going to our place.
From a city church, two men hailed
him, and asked to transport them going
to the direction of their residence. In
fact, the man, who saw the killing, said
that he was also requested by the two
men to bring them to the same locale.
However, since he already had a prior
arrangement with a customer, and the
one next in line was her husband, her
husband’s motorcycle was the one
rented by the two men. He also
overheard that the two men were going
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to a village. Hence, they went ahead.
When the witness followed later on, he
saw upon reaching the area near a
village that the motorcycle of her
husband signaled as if needing help.
Since he already passed, he went back
towards her husband’s motorcycle. But
before he was able to get near, he saw
that her husband was shot. Out of fear,
he hurriedly drove his motorcycle away
from the incident. That time, a tricycle
driver was also passing by and he saw
my husband lying along the street.
After the incident, Ate Teresa further
narrated that the man riding the tricycle went to
their house to awaken their sons who were told
that their father had an accident. Her two sons
then went to the place and found their father
already cold and dead. The cadaver was then
brought to the hospital while one of her sons
went to her office to fetch and tell her what
happened. As she immediately went to the
hospital, she found her husband already dead and
with no diagnosis done by the doctors at the
hospital. She recalled that the wound of her
husband was at his head as this was the spot
where there was a lot of oozing blood. She even
remembered how she was shocked when the
blood that dripped off her husband’s ear was still
warm despite his death. She perceived that as
being the signal of what her husband wanted her
to know.
Despite the narration given by the
witnesses, the latter refused to testify because of
fear. Hence, no case could be filed.
The death of her husband had a
tremendous impact on her, notwithstanding that
she became too thin, and her family because she
is now left on her own to provide for her and her
son’s needs. Her husband, who was then 47
years old, an elementary undergraduate, and a
former fish vendor, was engaged in ‘habal-
habal’. Hence, the death of her husband resulted
to her taking over the role of material provider
for the family. The loss of her husband was a
very big one according to her as she claimed that
money was never a problem to her before since
both of them are working, but not it is.
This is further intensified by the fact
that after her husband’s death, she became
indebted because of loans accumulated and spent
in the 10-day lavish burial of her husband. She
said that if it were not for her children’s request
to have a long wake for their father, she would
not have that much loans at her office. Further
complicating is the fact that she still has her 22-
year old unemployed son to feed.
In the 10-day wake following her
husband’s death, she did not take a long leave
from her work because she would just feel
melancholic and confused. Her manager even
suggested giving her a 2-month leave to enable
her to cope very well. But she did not take it.
Instead, she just filed a leave for 15 days. She
further even did a lot of overtime, went to
confession and strengthened her faith in God.
She constantly reminded herself and her sons as
well that God has a purpose why it happened.
This she does even up to now because her sons
want to avenge the death of their father.
Ate Teresa also emphasized that she
and her sons know the suspect because of
rumors. Their alleged suspect is a military man
from a nearby town who was assigned in their
place. This she said along with her seen motive
to silence her husband because after her
husband’s death, rumors spread that her husband
was a messenger of a leftist organization – a
matter that she did not even know before.
Further, she admitted that she even doubts the
tricycle driver and its passengers because they
knew her husband and their house. She further
doubts that maybe the driver was asked by the
alleged killers to bring them back to the city
proper before he went to their house. She was
thinking this way because she believed that if the
tricycle driver went directly to their house after
the incident, then the body of her husband would
still be warm. However, when she and her sons
saw and touched the body, it was already too
cold.
With all that had happened to her
husband and their family, she has a great
expectation from the government particularly in
terms of the victims of EJK. She wants the
government to put lookouts in the areas whereby
such killings have taken place. Moreover, she
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wants the government to help the families of the
victims in filing a case because often, like her,
those who do not have the money are hesitant to
file a case because of the work attached to it and
the cost of processing. As for the community,
she has expectation only from those barangay
officials to tighten the security in their place to
prevent further occurrence of more EJK. Finally,
from the church, she expects the SAC to help the
families of the victims of EJK uplift themselves
from poverty by providing means of livelihood.
She is also requesting that SAC help her find a
job for her son or give him one, even as a janitor.
She advises the women who have experienced
the same thing she did to meet with other fellow
women thru SAC so they could help each other
clear their thoughts. She considers the
conversation that will take place as essential in
finding one’s direction.
Ate Cristina. “Dai man akong
naginibo. Dai akong naiisip. Garo daing laog
so payo ko kaidto. Garo kuyan invalido so isip
ko kaidto. Tinios ko na sana su kulog kan boot,
sa irarom kan boot ko na sana. Dai akong
maginibo. Ano ko man maginibo (I was not able
to do or think anything. I think my head then
was empty, and my mind was unstable. I simply
kept the pain inside of me. I cannot do anything.
What else can I do)?” This is how Ate Cristina,
68 years old, elementary undergraduate and a
housewife, recalled her experience after the
death of her husband.
She remembered that in 2003, her
husband, 58 years old then, and an elementary
graduate but became a barangay official, was
shot from the left side of his torso; and the bullet
went out on the right side of his head. But she
never heard a gunshot even if she was standing
right beside her husband. She later found out
that her husband’s killer used a silencer,
according to the authorities.
At the beginning, the said killer was
looking for her husband in his capacity as a
barangay official. She was actually the one who
entertained him at first. She recalled that the
man was allegedly saying that he was looking for
a certain person who had a long outstanding debt
from certain marketing agency. Since her
husband was an official in their barangay, he told
her that her husband might know the person
whom he was looking for. Her husband then
went out from their room to receive the
seemingly letter from the said marketing. While
he was about to open to letter, the man
supposedly said that “Bahala ka na kaiyan (You
just take care of it).” Then after that, all she
knew was a bullet already hit her husband.
Ate Cristina claimed that she was not
able to recognize the killer since a hand towel
was covering his face, and he was also covering
his nose with a handkerchief while biting a ball
pen. But as far as she could remember, the said
killer was a bit old, thin and short, less than five
feet in height. She likewise could not think of a
possible motive except that one time, or a year
before her husband was killed, he has been
lambasted by a military commander in their
locality for allegedly reporting the killing
incident of a CAFGU and a military man along
the crossing towards their place to the authorities
at the city proper rather than reporting it to the
said military official. Aside from that, she never
knew any enemy of her husband.
The death of her husband had a great
impact on their family since no one would
already take care of their family’s needs. Unlike
before, they were not that poor and that they
could always have whatever they basically need.
Aside from getting too thin and the personal
impact, which the said incident had on her as
previously mentioned, it is now their two
children who are taking care of her needs based
on whatever they could possibly provide. Ate
Cristina further said that she could not do
anything about what happened simply because it
did happen already. Besides, she added that they
did no longer file a case because they do not
know as to whom to charge with the said crime.
Nevertheless, with what happened to
her husband, her usual relationship with her
neighbors remained the same, and her faith did
not become unsteady. According to her, it was
the same normal or usual faith that she has, even
though at times she would still ask God in a
prayer why it happened to her husband. She also
agreed that it is because of her faith that she is
still able to go on with her life until now.
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At present, she no longer expects
anything from the government now that her
husband is already dead. Unlike before that her
husband was still a barangay official, whatever
the government offered their barangay, their
family would always be benefiting from it.
Good that the Social Action Center gave her
livestock to take care of and to generate income
for their family.