Exchange Networks and Local Transformation: Interaction and local change in Europe and the...

Exchange Networks and Local Transformations

Interaction and local change in Europe and the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age

Maria Emanuela Alberti and Serena Sabatini

OXBOW BOOKSOxford and Oakville

Published byOxbow Books Oxford UK

copy Oxbow Books and the authors 2013

ISBN 978-1-84217-485-2

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library

This book is available direct from

Oxbow Books Oxford UK(Phone 01865-241249 Fax 01865-794449)

and

The David Brown Book CompanyPO Box 511 Oakville CT 06779 USA

(Phone 860-945-9329 Fax 860-945-9468)

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Front cover image Aft ernoon lights on the Amalfi coast Italy (courtesy of Mr B Stoew)Back cover image The Gevelingshausen vessel (courtesy of the Roumlmisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen

Archaumlologischen Instituts Frankfuumlrt a M)

Printed in Great Britain byShort Run Press Exeter

Contents

List of contributors vAbstracts viiPreface xi

Introduction Transcultural interaction and local transformations in Europeand the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age 1Maria Emanuela Alberti and Serena Sabatini

1 Theorising exchange and interaction during the Bronze Age 6Kristian Kristiansen

2 lsquoPeriphery versus corersquo The integration of secondary states into the World System of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age (1600ndash1200 BC) 9Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga

3 Aegean trade systems Overview and observations on the Middle Bronze Age 22Maria Emanuela Alberti

4 The Minoans in the south-eastern Aegean The evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos and its significance 44Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Vitale

5 Westernizing Aegean of LH III C 60Francesco Iacono

6 Malta Sicily and southern Italy during the Bronze Age The meaning of a changing relationship 80Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia

7 External role in the social transformation of nuragic society A case study from Sagraverrala Eastern Sardinia Middle Bronze to Early Iron Age 92Luca Lai

8 Metalwork rituals and the making of elite identity in central Italy at the Bronze AgendashIron Age transition 102Cristiano Iaia

9 Indigenous political dynamics and identity from a comparative perspective Etruria and Latium vetus 117Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart

iv Contents

10 Local and transcultural burial practices in Northern Europe in the Late Bronze Age Face house and facedoor urns 134Serena Sabatini

11 Migration innovation and meaning Sword depositions on Lolland 1600ndash1100 BC 146Sophie Bergerbrant

12 Long and close distance trade and exchange beyond the Baltic coast during the Early Iron Age 156Jutta Kneisel

13 Ceramic technology and the materiality of Celtic graphitic pottery 169Attila Kreiter Szilvia Bartus Szoumlllősi Bernadett Bajnoacuteczi Izabella Azbej Havancsaacutek Maacuteria Toacuteth and Gyoumlrgy Szakmaacuteny

List of Contributors

Maria Emanuela AlbertiDepartment of ArchaeologyUniversity of Sheffield UKmemalbertigmailcom

Sophie Bergerbrant Norwegian University of Science and Technology Trondheim Norwaysophiebergerbrantntnuno

Bernadett BajnoacutecziInstitute for Geological and Geochemical Research Hungarian Academy of Sciences Hungary bajnoczigeochemhu

Alberto Cazzella Department of Sciences of AntiquityRome University ldquoLa Sapienzardquo Italyacazzellavirgilioit

Francesca Fulminante Department of ArchaeologyCambridge University UKff234camacuk

Teresa Hancock Vitale University of Toronto Canadateresahancockutorontoca

Izabella Azbej HavancsaacutekInstitute for Geological and Geochemical Research Hungarian Academy of Sciences Hungary havancsakigeochemhu

Francesco Iacono PhD candidate UCL London UKfrancescoiaconogooglemailcom

Cristiano Iaia Heritage DepartmentUniversity of Viterbo ldquoLa Tusciardquo Italy crisiaiatiscaliit

Jutta Kneisel Christian Albrechts University of Kiel Germanyjuttakneiselufguni-kielde

Attila KreiterHungarian National Museum National Heritage

Protection CentreBudapest Hungary attilakreitermmmmokgovhu

Demetra Kriga College Year in Athens Greecemimikakrigmailcom

Kristian Kristiansen Department of Historical StudiesUniversity of Goumlteborg Swedenkristiankristiansenarchaeologyguse

Luca LaiUniversity of South Florida USA University of

Cagliarci Italymelisenda74yahooit

Nikolas Papadimitriou Museum of Cycladic Art Athens Greece npapadcycladicgr

Giulia Recchia Department of Human SciencesUniversity of Foggia Italygrecchiaunifgit

Serena Sabatini Department of Historical StudiesUniversity of Goumlteborg Sweden serenasabatiniarchaeologyguse

Simon Stoddart Department of ArchaeologyCambridge University UKss16camacuk

Gyoumlrgy Szakmaacuteny Department of Petrology and GeochemistryEoumltvoumls Loraacutend University Budapest Hungarygyorgyszakmanygeologyeltehu

Szilvia Bartus Szoumlllősi Institute of Archaeological ScienceEoumltvoumls Loraacutend University Budapest Hungary szolloszilvagmailcom

Maacuteria Toacuteth Institute for Geological and Geochemical ResearchHungarian Academy of Sciences Hungary totyigeochemhu

Salvatore VitaleUniversitagrave della Calabria Italysvitalearchunipiit

1 Theorizing exchange and interaction during the Bronze AgeKristian Kristiansen

The collection of articles in this volume integrates archaeological evidence and theory in new exciting ways probing more deeply into the historical nature of Bronze Age exchange and interaction The aim of this article is to briefly explore what meaning can be given to these generalizing concepts in the historical context of the Bronze Age The reader will then be able to engage in reflections on their possible application in the various case studies presented When approached with relevant theoretical categories and analytical tools to organize the evidence we learn how communities responded to the dynamics of a globalized Bronze Age world by constantly negotiating its incorporation into local worlds

2 lsquoPeriphery versus corersquo The integration of secondary states into the World System of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age (1600ndash1200 BC)Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga

World Systems Theory originally developed by I Wallerstein for the study of modern capitalist economies has proved a useful analytical tool for prehistoric archaeologists too Its emphasis on the longue dureacutee and the interdependence of socio-economic phenomena and structures has allowed for the synthesis of seemingly unrelated processes into unified macro-historical approaches

The Late Bronze Age was a period of intense interaction in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East From Mesopotamia to the Aegean comparable political institutions emerged which were based on centralized lsquopalatialrsquo economies administered through sophisticated bureaucracies Inter-regional exchanges ensured the wide circulation of raw materials (mainly metals) and luxuries but also artistic traditions religious beliefs and ideological constructs

World Systems approaches to the period have focused so far on the systemic role of the most powerful ndash economically and militarily ndash lsquocorersquo political formations of the region (the Egyptian and Hittite empires Babylonia and Assyria) Our paper examines how smaller lsquoperipheralrsquo states in the Levant Cyprus

and the Aegean managed to integrate into that system It is argued that such lsquosecondaryrsquo polities developed rather late and were largely dependent on maritime trade networks This dependence imposed strategies of economic specialization in commodities favoured by the affluent elites of coastal urban centres while at the same time necessitating the introduction of new forms of sumptuous behaviour that would further support the consumption of such commodities

3 Aegean trade systems Overview and observations on the Middle Bronze AgeMaria Emanuela Alberti

The Aegean area has always been a sort of lsquointerfacersquo between Eastern and Western Mediterranean and Central Europe During the Bronze Age it was the filter between urban and palatial Near East and less complex generally tribal European societies This is the key of the historical developments of the Bronze Age Aegean as we can reconstruct them

At various levels we can sketch out the history of the global Aegean area ndash and of its various parts ndash in the framework of a lsquocorersquo-lsquoperipheryrsquo-lsquomarginrsquo system the main and general lsquocorersquo being Near Eastern civilizations Minor lsquocoresrsquo can be individuated through time in various Aegean areas or societies The overall picture sees the Aegean starting at the lsquomarginrsquo of the Levant in the Early Bronze Age to enter the lsquocorersquo tough in a liminal position during the Late Bronze Age (with its own lsquoperipheryrsquo and lsquomarginrsquo in the Balkans and central Mediterranean) Crete playing a pivot-role in this process

These dynamics arise from the interaction between internal factors and developments and external inputs and influences Trade systems ndash both at lsquointernationalrsquo and local level ndash are essential in this view and can be considered the key for the interpretation and reconstruction Trade networks have strongly influenced social and economic developments in various periods and areas and constituted the backbone of the growing Aegean economies They had to go on and they did even after the lsquocollapsersquo of the palaces c 1200 BC

The aim of this article is to reconstruct the role of trade systems in the historical developments of Bronze Age Aegean At the same time it also to reconstruct the history of the Aegean through archaeological

Abstracts

viii

evidences of trade Case studies focusing on the crucial period of the middle Bronze Age will be taken into consideration in order to underline various levels of interpretation general phenomena common features local initiatives and specific solutions

4 The Minoans in the south-eastern Aegean The evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos and its significanceSalvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Vitale

At the beginning of the Late Bronze Age period the presence of Minoan andor Minoanizing features including Cretan-type pottery wall paintings and architecture dramatically increases throughout the Aegean area The widespread occurrence of the aforementioned characteristics has been variously interpreted as evidence for Minoan settlement governed or community colonies thus implying a certain movement of people from the island of Crete abroad While such a crucial phenomenon has been more thoroughly investigated in relation to the Cyclades (Kythira Keos Thera and Phylakopi) and the south-western Anatolian coast (Miletus) the area of the Dodecanese has been so far relatively neglected

The aim of the present paper is to reconsider the evidence for the presence of Minoan people in the southeast Aegean with particular reference to the settlement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos In so doing a careful re-examination of the most important archaeological contexts dating to the earliest Late Bronze Age Period (LBA IA Early to LBA IA Mature) will be proposed Attention will be devoted to the following crucial points and their historical implications

a) Defining the comparative relative chronologies of Crete and Kos in the early 17th century BC

b) Determining the extent and the meaning of the interaction between the Koan lsquolocal traditionrsquo and the new Minoan elements

c) Comparing the evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo with that from the neighbouring islands of the Dodecanese and the Cyclades

d) Interpreting the nature of the possible Minoan presence in relation to the well know problem of the so-called Minoan Thalassocracy

5 Westernizing Aegean of LH III CFrancesco Iacono

The twilight of Mycenaean Palaces and the subsequent post-palatial era have been always topics arousing an outstanding interest in the academic community as

well as among the general public In the spectrum of hypotheses proposed in order to explain this puzzling transitory phase exogenous factors have periodically re-emerged as something which cannot be ruled out completely These exogenous elements or more specifically their material traces are the principal data that I will discuss in this paper They are by no means new indeed they were recognised long ago as well as extensively treated by various authors in the last decades

What is really new here is the will to openly challenge one of the more long lasting underlying assumptions in Mediterranean archaeology namely that of directionality of cultural influence from east to west from the lsquocivilizedrsquo to the lsquouncivilizedrsquo Can cultural influence travel the other way round My point here is that it is possible and I will try to show in this paper how after the dissolution of mainland states the contraction occurring in the sphere of cultural influence in the Mycenaean lsquocorersquo left room for a variety of lsquoperipheralrsquo elements to be accepted and become largely influential in Greece

6 Malta Sicily and southern Italy during the Bronze Age The meaning of a changing relationshipAlberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia

The elements connecting Malta and Sicily during the Bronze Age are well known but the specific features of those links are still to understand Luigi Bernabograve Brearsquos hypothesis of Maltese lsquocoloniesrsquo seems to be difficult to accept in a literal meaning Some year ago a few elements connecting southern Italy to the Maltese archipelago were recognized but the meaning of this phenomenon remains unexplored

The authors aim at discussing the role played by the interaction between Malta Sicily and southern Italy during the Bronze Age Their purpose is also to analyse possible causes and transformations of such interaction examining more generally the changes occurred in the economic and social context of those areas

7 External role in the social transformation of nuragic society A case study from Sagraverrala Eastern Sardinia Middle Bronze to Early Iron AgeLuca Lai

The role of external contacts in the social history of the Nuragic culture of Sardinia has long been an issue In this paper the main theories formulated on the subject are measured against evidence from Sagraverrala in Eastern Sardinia Here despite poor stratigraphic evidence a preliminary survey and mapping with the contribution of oral knowledge for destroyed sites and

Abstracts

ix

the presence and distribution of materials of non-local origin allowed the assessment of spheres of interaction and their role if any in the progressive nucleation documented between the Middle Bronze and the Iron Ages (c 16th through 7th century BC)

An outline of organizational evolution could be drawn which is articulated into first signs of presence evidence of fission and filling of the landscape with approximately 25 sites beginning of enlargement and possibly competition and finally progressive concentration of building activity at only five sites The fact that non-local stone is used only at the most complex sites and that at one of them Mycenaean sherds and ox-hide ingot fragments were retrieved are discussed as a contribution to the debate on the relevance of external vs internal factors in social dynamics The conclusion is that a significant direct role of extra-insular groups seems unsubstantiated until the last phase (Final BronzendashEarly Iron Age)

8 Metalwork rituals and the making of elite identity in central Italy at the Bronze Age-Iron Age transitionCristiano Iaia

During the transition between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age in South Etruria and in other zones connected to it the emergence of a new kind of community characterized by settlement and production centralisation (lsquoproto-urban centresrsquo) results in a increasing openness to transmission of models through long-distance exchange symptomatic of this is the elaboration of prestige items particularly metal artefacts of highly specialised craft whose typological technical and stylistic features have both a intercultural character and a strong link to localized groups Among these are elements of armours (helmets) and bronze vessels which are very akin to similar central and northern European objects A complex embossed decoration (Sun-ship bird motive) characterizes some examples of these symbols of power and social hierarchy strictly related to a cosmological thought deeply rooted in north-central Italy since the Late Bronze Age This is the first attempt at creating a material identity particularly elaborated in burial rituals of the emerging Villanovan warrior elites

9 Indigenous political dynamics and identity from a comparative perspective Etruria and Latium vetusFrancesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart Within the major debate on Bronze and Iron Age Mediterranean and European transformations the authors will examine the tension between indigenous

political dynamics and connectivity in two geographic-ally related but contrasting political contexts Etruria and Latium vetus (central Italy) The long established debate on urbanism in Etruria and Latium vetus dating in Italy since at least the 1977 lsquoFormation of the Cityrsquo conference (La Formazione della cittagrave nel Lazio) will be updated in the light of current debates of settlement dynamics political identity and the timing and significance of interaction in the central Mediterranean

The settlement patterns in Etruria (Stoddart) will be contrasted and compared with the settlement patterns and social transformations as mirrored in the funerary evidence of Latium vetus (Fulminante) within the Mediterranean context of connectivity over the period 1200ndash500 BC and in the light of new socio-anthropological models such as the network idea

10 Local and transcultural burial practices in Northern Europe in the Late Bronze Age Face house and facedoor urns Serena Sabatini

Archaeological evidences from Late Bronze Age Northern Europe invite reflecting upon the presence of foreign objects belonging to traditions from the southern part of the continent Also specific ritual practices appear travelling the same large distances to be adopted not before undergoing significant local transformations Within this framework three burial practices (so called face house and facedoor urns) are analysed and compared with each other They suggest not only the existence of intercultural interaction between variously far societies but also of selective processes of negotiation and incorporation of external material culture They study of face house and facedoor urns provides useful insights into the cultural complexity of Late Bronze Age Northern European communities within the larger continental framework It unveils their capacity to perform phenomena of hybridization between practices with different cultural origins and allows discussing the complex role of material culture as marker of identity

11 Migration innovation and meaning Sword depositions on Lolland 1600ndash1100 BCSophie Bergerbrant

This article will consider the deposition of local and foreign swords on Lolland a Danish island between 1600ndash1100 BC It focuses on the treatment of the earliest imported examples of Hajduacutesaacutemson-Apa swords (from the Carpathian Basin) and its local copies and discusses the swords from the following periods

Abstracts

x Abstracts

Topics to be discussed include how the different types of swords were accepted and used ie how and where they were deposited (hoards burial or stray finds) A closer consideration of the use and treatment of this material helps us to understand how new innovations are accepted into a society

Theoretical perspectives such as migration theory and concepts such as hybridity and third space will be used to shed light on the relationships between the meaning of an object in its area of origin and the transformation that occurs upon entering its new context as well as how objects were accepted copied and subsequently made into local types The combination of a detailed study of use and the context of artefacts in a new area and theoretical discussions will give us a much better understanding of phenomena relating to transculturation This study focuses on Lolland since it is an island with both imported and local copies of Apa-Hajduacutesaacutemson swords and this can therefore help us to understand how a significant innovation like lsquothe swordrsquo was accepted into south Scandinavia

12 Long and close distance trade and exchange beyond the Baltic coast during the Early Iron AgeJutta Kneisel

By considering the so called Early Iron Age Pomeranian Culture in Northern Poland it is possible to show close and distant trade contacts between the Baltic Sea and the Hallstatt-Area

Close contacts appear through the analysis of clay lids of anthropomorphic urns The lids are often found together with face urns and are decorated with complicated patterns These ornaments facilitate a fine differentiation of decoration kinds styles and forms

GIS-analyses reveal linear patterns which reach from the Baltic coast to the southern rivers Varta and Noteć The distribution of these ornaments in a linear way is striking because lids are found in numerous burial sites next to these lines

In contrast to the regionally restricted lid-ornaments amber can serve as an example for long-distant contacts Though amber is rarely found within the Pomeranian Culture the large amounts of raw amber found at Komorowo which lies farther South indicates that there was a centre of amber processing At the same time the nearby burial site of Gorszcewice featuring Polands northernmost Hallstatt-imports indicates connections with the Hallstatt-Area It is therefore argued that Komorowo was involved in the exchange of amber to the South ndash presumably to Italy

13 Ceramic technology and the materiality of Celtic graphitic potteryAttila Kreiter Szilvia Bartus Szoumlllősi Bernadett Bajnoacuteczi Izabella Azbej Havancsaacutek Maacuteria Toacuteth Gyoumlrgy Szakmaacuteny

This article examines the ceramic technology of Celtic pottery from Hungary focusing on graphite-tempered pottery By the means of petrographic analysis X-ray diffraction and X-ray fluorescence analyses and scanning electron microscopy the use of ceramic raw materials and tempers are examined The analyses put great emphasis on the provenance of graphite The results suggest that all the examined vessels were locally made although the graphite incorporated into the ceramics was procured from a distant region The examined society appears to be involved in long distance exchange networks and the results indicate complex social and economic organization

The idea of this volume matured gradually over time following a series of events Originally it was the aim of the editors to promote a large project investigating trade and exchange as a means for the development and expansion of societies in Bronze Age and Iron Age Europe and the Mediterranean A convenient starting discussion for this project took place at a relevant session at the 14th annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists in Malta (September 2008)1 The project has not yet materialized However following the session in Malta there was general agreement regarding the lack of comprehensive studies on the reciprocal relations between exchange networks and local transformations particularly those focusing on the latter and their specific dynamics We decided then to attempt to address this scientific gap With an eye to our main areas and periods of interest (the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Mediterranean and Europe) we felt that such a study would benefit from including a large number of regions and chronological horizons

We also agreed on the potentially fruitful results that could arise from overcoming the disciplinary barriers which often prevent dialogue between archaeologists working in the Mediterranean and in continental Europe While this problem undoubtedly persists the channels of communication have been opened and we

feel the present volume represents a significant step in the right direction Some of the articles in the volume were written by participants in the EAA session in Malta 2008 while others were written by scholars who were subsequently invited by the editors

During the long editing process2 we have had support from several colleagues and friends In particular we wish to thank Kristian Kristiansen who also contributed to the volume as well as Paola Cagravessola Guida Elisabetta Borgna Renato Peroni and Andrea Cardarelli As far as the very conception of this book is concerned thanks must go to Anthony Harding for the inspiring talk right after the session in Malta 2008 We are also grateful to the organisers of the 14th annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists in Malta who made the session possible In addition we wish to thank Goumlteborg University and the Jubileumsfond for its generous support Of course we also extend warm thanks to all of the contributors to this book ndash your collaboration has been very stimulating in many ways We wish to also tahnk very much Kristin Bornholdt Collins for considerably improving the language of the introductort parts of this volume Finally we would like to thank the publisher Oxbow Books Ltd for taking an interest in our work and in particular Dr Julie Gardiner for help and support with the publication

Preface

Note1 The original title of the session was Exchange interactions conflicts and transformations social and cultural changes in

Europe and the Mediterranean between the Bronze and Iron Ages2 The volume was completed at the beginning of 2011 Therefore not all bibliographical references might be fully updated

Both editors equally worked on the volume

Maria Emanuela Alberti and Serena Sabatini2012

IntroductionTranscultural interaction and local transformations in Europe and the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age


European and Mediterranean societies appear to have been involved in complex systems of exchange networks throughout their respective Bronze- and Iron Ages This book seeks to investigate how these networks aff ected local customs and historical developments Archaeological evidence suggests social and economic phenomena cultural expressions and technological skills stemmed from multifaceted encounters between local traditions and external infl uences Examples of cultural openness and transcultural hybridization can be found all over the continent in sett lement patt erns and organization material culture and technology funerary customs and ritual practices

As far as the study of these phenomena is concerned both in continental Europe and the Mediterranean we believe two issues deserve wider investigation

bull the outcomes of the dynamic relationship between local traditions and exchange networks

bull the possible parallels between patterns of interconnection and transformation

At the core of this work is the assumption that people (as individuals or organized groups) always moved although for diff erent reasons and signifi cantly diff erent distances In their movements they invariably carried with them means of sustenance objects goods ideas and narratives likely to be exchanged with other people having consequences that can vary signifi cantly from one context to another

Archaeology today uses the term lsquoexchangersquo very freely to embrace a wide range of activities regardless of their scale (from single site to regional and continental) their requirements (involving variously complex technologies and skills andor long journeys) or their

outcomes (being at the origin of cultural social economic changes production specialization andor intermingled with the building of ideological power) In this volume we do not question the general use of the term although one might argue that is necessary it should be made clear though that the term lsquoexchange networkrsquo is employed to identify movements (regardless of their purpose) of people and goods on an interregional scale thus necessarily involving transcultural dialogues

Exchange and transformationA long tradition of contacts and exchange practices can be traced back to very early periods of prehistory in Europe and the Mediterranean Bronze- and Iron Age societies appear to have been involved in a variety of complex systems of exchange and trade which have been widely investigated (eg Thrane 1975 Bouzek 1985 1997 Gale 1991 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Sherratt 1993 1997 Kristiansen 1993 1998 Oates 1993 Scarre and Healy 1993 Dickinson 1994 234ndash256 Pydyn 1999 Harding 2000 164ndash196 Pare 2000 Peroni 2004 Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 Laffi neur and Greco 2005 Galanaki et al 2007 Vandkilde 2007 Cunliff e 2008 Clark 2009 Dzięgielewski et al 2010 Wilkinson et al 2011)

The particular aim of this volume is to apply a bott om-up strategy and thus discuss exchange patt erns through the analysis of regionally contextualized archaeological evidence Specifically the focus is on the reciprocal relationship between material culture development and varying transformations and exchange networks where the former represent


the epistemological means to reach the latt er and not the other way around At the core of this work is the conviction that tangible traces such as those seen in distribution maps of lsquointernationalrsquo artefacts (eg Kristiansen 1993 von Hase 1992 Bouzek 1985 Thrane 1975 Jockenhoumlvel 1974) are not the only ones left by exchange Its impact may also aff ect communities which receive or participate in the transmission of other people and material culture in less obvious ways as far as the study of archaeological evidence is concerned People invariably learn from each other and signifi cant changes may occur in reaction to contacts even where the lack of foreign objects might cause one to question the existence of any exchange We believe it is necessary to highlight contextual social cultural economic and technological transformations as relevant for the study of exchange networks and associated movements of material and non-material culture As noted by Kristiansen (Chapter 1) in the last 50 years great advances have been made in archaeological sciences and in the use and interpretation of both textual and material evidence There is therefore room for a better historical understanding of the relationship between individual actors or communities and the institutional political socio-cultural and economic framework in which they moved The collected contributions examine and discuss those issues through case studies and from a theoretical point of view Some of the papers discuss evidence of selection negotiation incorporation eventual transformation or refusal of external inputs Most discussions treat the occurrence of hybridization at various levels (ie within material culture ritual social and technological practices) andor illustrate long or short term socio-cultural and economic transformations

In Papadimitriou and Krigarsquos discourse (Chapter 2) when shift ing the focus from the largest Mediterranean regions and cultures to minor communities it appears clear that a multifaceted variety of strategies has been adopted to enter the international trade Production specialization and internal cultural changes gain renewed meaning when analysed in the light of the interregional Mediterranean networking pattern Albertirsquos work (Chapter 3) seeks to demonstrate how interaction and hybridization along with resources and territorial management seem to constitute the backbone of the historical development(s) in the Aegean in a crucial formative period known as the local Middle Bronze Age In her analysis the structure of the trade circuits appears at the same time to have been cause and consequence of society formations and transformations

A careful study of local transformations may also provide new perspectives on long debated issues such as the possible stable presence of foreign

groups beyond local cultural changes and externally inspired production Vitale and Hancockrsquos study (Chapter 4) of the evidence from Kos and Cazzella and Recchiarsquos analysis (Chapter 6) of the relations among Malta Sicily and Southern Italy throughout the Bronze Age reveal the necessity to question previous interpretations and to adopt wide-ranging approaches for the understanding of changes and transformation in reaction to large exchange networks Along the same lines Iaconorsquos (Chapter 5) paper opens up a discussion about reverse infl uence patt erns His study of particular ceramic productions is a trigger for revisiting the traditional centre-periphery mechanisms to allow for the possibility of the adoption of westernizing elements in Late Helladic IIIC Greece

Iaiarsquos and Sabatinirsquos (Chapter 8 and 10) contributions show in diff erent ways how local transformation(s) in connection with exchange networks may also mirror identity strategies Together with Bergerbrantrsquos analysis of the incorporation of swords in the Nordic material culture (Chapter 11) they illustrate how material culture is rarely simply borrowed Identity as much as ideological strategies involve negotiations and local elaboration of original meanings In other words these contributions show how external inputs do not aff ect internal developments unless local societies are keen to negotiate and incorporate them into their own trajectories of transformation

The articles in the volume also show how change is detectable out of very different archaeological sources The studies of Lai (Chapter 7) and Fulminante and Stoddart (Chapter 9) demonstrate how complex combinations of economic social and ideological factors may influence structural development in sett lement patt erns and organization

It also seems that the rarer the exchanges the more subtle and less visible is the impact on local communities and cultures However as Kneiselrsquos study (Chapter 12) illustrates specifi c decorative patt erns on the lids of Pomeranian face urns provide insights into exchange networks even where other evidence does not show consistent traces of intercultural interrelations

When exchanges involve perishable materials or microscopic elements within complex fi nal products like for example ceramics they are less easy to detect In their work Kreiter Bartus Szoumlllősi Bajnoacuteczi Azbej Havancsaacutek Toacuteth and Szakmaacuteny (Chapter 13) demonstrate how we can fruitfully derive evidence of exchange from the analysis of ceramic composition Thus even more transformations of varying nature might represent important evidence for an updated map of the movements of people and material culture throughout the continent and the Mediterranean basin

Introduction 3

Transculturality and hybridization Two particular conceptual frameworks appear to inform the contributions to this volume transculturality and hybridization Both concepts belong we could say to the post-colonial study tradition and to discussions about the permeability of cultures From the beginning one of the basic aims of post-colonial literature (eg Said 1978 Spivak 1988 Young 2001) has been to question the general supposition that so-called subaltern cultures (colonized) normally underwent processes of acculturation imposed by the dominant ones (colonizers) In doing so post-colonial studies invited an innovative approach to interpreting the complex outcomes of any multicultural meeting (eg Bhabha 1994 Young 2003) Subaltern as much as dominant cultures negotiate and absorb each other at the same time as their merging together gives space to a variety of new expressions not belonging to any previous tradition but being new and unpredictable (eg Rutherford 1990 Bhabha 1994) From such an exciting tradition of study originally investigating pre-modern and modern societies within the colonial experience in its entirety and consequences important theoretical frameworks have been borrowed for the study of ancient societies Regarded through post-colonial sensitive lenses material culture becomes not only a marker of transcultural dialogues but a promising laboratory for the analysis of their forms of expression (see eg Bett elli 2002 Broodbank 2004 van Dommelen 2005 Stein 2005 Riva and Vella 2006 Streiff ert Eikeland 2006 Anthony 2007 Antoniadou and Pace 2007 Cassel 2008 Habu et al 2008 Knapp 2008 Vivres ndash Ferraacutendiz 2008 Dzięgielewski et al 2010)

Most of the articles in this volume discuss archaeological evidence to illustrate the negotiation and combination of external and endogenous stimuli Hybridization between local elements and external inputs appears more a norm than an exception Objects rituals and technologies usually are not imported or copied tout court as they are rather they enter new environments acquiring new forms or meanings Upon fi rst glance they might appear to illustrate trajectories of acculturation from dominant groups or ideologies towards peripheral or lsquosubalternrsquo actors However archaeological evidence most oft en reveals processes of transculturation rather than acculturation in the sense of conveying cultural instances from diff erent environments into new forms of expressions

As far as social and economic change is concerned a post-colonial approach also provides fresh insights into established and largely debated interpretative frames of reference such as the core-periphery model

(eg Wallerstein 1974 Rowlands et al 1987 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Chase-Dunn and Hall 1993 1997 Frank 1993 Oates 1993 Sherratt 1993 1994 Mathers and Stoddard 1994 Harding 2000 414ndash430 Broodbank 2004 Laffi neur and Greco 2005 Galanaki et al 2007) The issue is addressed by various contributions in the volume presenting a range of reformulations declinations and deconstructions of the model It appears that the very status of centres margins and peripheries needs to be readdressed highlighting regional dynamics and local strategies Economic forces and trends which come into play in each region and contribute to social and cultural changes appear to be multi-directional and multi-faceted They involve external initiatives and agents but are also grounded and eventually aff ected by the interplay between tradition and innovation in a continuum of transforming combinations

Continental Europe and the Mediterranean in the Bronze and Iron AgesAnother important goal for this volume has been to bring together studies investigating both the Mediterranean and continental Europe We were well aware from the start that they are not only two diff erent socio-cultural and economic environments but that they conventionally belong to diff erent study traditions as well Scholars working on Mediterranean or European proto-history seldom have occasion to meet They normally publish and discuss their respective fi eld issues in separate forums Lately something seems to be changing and the environment is becoming more hospitable to open collaborations (eg Sherratt 1997 Eliten 1999 Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 Artursson and Nicolis 2007 Galanaki et al 2007 Cunliff e 2008 Dzięgielewski et al 2010 Fredell et al 2010 Kristiansen and Earle 2010 Wilkinson et al 2011) but the situation still has far to go We of course recognise that there are reasons for the traditional divide Continental Europe and the Mediterranean basin are characterized in many ways by specifi cally local socio-cultural and economic dynamics and patterns of relations In the volume it is not by chance that transculturality recurs more oft en in the contributions dealing with mainland Europe while core-periphery models are still more likely to inform the debate on Mediterranean interaction and state formation Nonetheless as a whole the content of this volume highlights how those worlds are not alien to each other Territories and people from Scandinavia to the Mediterranean have been variously connected


throughout late prehistory We fear that many of the supposed diff erences between them derive more from being objects of separate traditions of archaeological research rather than their actual existence Very litt le eff ort is normally invested in order to combine and discuss common problems and achievements We fi rmly believe that several specifi c phenomena acquire signifi cant value when adopting a broader and more comprehensive approach that includes both zones Therefore the contributions in this volume discuss case studies from the Eastern Mediterranean to Scandinavia although we have to regret the lack of papers discussing Western and Atlantic Europe and hope to include them in future works

Despite our aim to combine diff erent fi elds of study (Mediterranean and European) we had to concur aft er much discussion that the most logical order for presenting the various contributions was still geographical The order in which the papers appear is determined by the principal areas where the various case studies develop The volume thus off ers a journey which takes off aft er Kristiansenrsquos introductory words in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean (Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga Maria Emanuela Alberti Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock and partly Francesco Iacono) It then transports the reader to the Central Mediterranean and the Italian peninsula (partly Francesco Iacono Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia Luca Lai Cristiano Iaia and Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart) before ending with papers discussing case studies from Northern Europe (Sophie Bergerbrant and in part Serena Sabatini and Jutt a Kneisel) and Central-Eastern Europe (Att ila Kreiter et al and in part Jutt a Kneisel and Serena Sabatini)

The aim of this book is also ambitious from a chronological perspective since a broad spectrum of periods has been included

bull Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean Early Middle and Late Bronze Age (Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga Maria Emanuela Alberti Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Francesco Iacono)

bull Central Mediterranean Early to Late Bronze Age (Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia)

bull Italian Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age and the corresponding Halstatt period A-C1 fruumlh in Central and Northern Europe (Luca Lai Cristiano Iaia and Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart Sophie Bergerbrant and Serena Sabatini)

bull Hallstatt C-D La Teacutene A and B periods in Central and Northern Europe (Jutta Kneisel and Attila Kreiter et al)

It is our sincere hope that this volume will reinvigorate the subject and pave the way for future work and that

interdisciplinary collaborations will continue Since our remotest past people and goods have travelled great distances throughout the Mediterranean and the European continent hellip we invite you now to join in this renewed journey towards understanding their traces and impacts

ReferencesAnthony D W 2007 The Horse the Wheel and Language How

Bronze-Age Riders From The Eurasian Steppes Shaped The Modern World Princeton

Antoniadou S and Pace A (eds) 2007 Mediterranean Crossroads Athens

Artursson M and Nicolis F 2007 lsquoCultural Relations between the Mediterranean and the Baltic Seas during the Bronze Age The Evidence from Northern Italy and Southern Scandinaviarsquo In Galanaki et al 2007 331ndash342

Bett elli M 2002 Italia meridionale e mondo miceneo Ricerche su dinamiche di acculturazione e aspett i archeologici con particolare riferimento ai versanti adriatico e ionico della penisola italiana (Grandi contesti e problemi della protostoria italiana 5) Firenze

Bhabha H K 1994 The Location of Culture London and New York

Bouzek J 1985 The Aegean Anatolia and Europe Cultural Interrelations in the Second Millennium BC (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 29) Goumlteborg

Bouzek J 1997 Greece Anatolia and Europe Cultural Interrelations during the Early Iron Age Jonsered

Broodbank C 2004 lsquoMinoanisationrsquo Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 50 46ndash91

Cassel K 2008 Det gemensamma rummet Migrationer myter och moumlten (Soumldertoumlrn Archaeological Studies 5) Huddinge

Chase-Dunn C and Hall T D 1993 lsquoComparing World Systems Concepts and Working Hypothesisrsquo Social Forces 71 4 851ndash886

Chase-Dunn C and Hall T D 1997 Rise and Demise Comparing World-Systems Boulder Co

Clark P 2009 Bronze Age Connections Cultural Contacts in Prehistoric Europe Oxford

Cunliff e B 2008 Europe between the Oceans Themes and Variations 9000 BCndashAD 1000 Yale

Dickinson O 1994 The Aegean Bronze Age CambridgeDommelen P van 2005 lsquoColonial Interactions and Hybrid

Practices Phoenician and Carthaginian Sett lement in the Ancient Mediterraneanrsquo In Stein 2005 109ndash141

Dzięgielewski K Przybyła M S and Gawlik A (eds) 2010 Migration in Bronze and Early Iron Age Europe Krakoacutew

Eliten 1999 Eliten in der Bronzezeit Ergebnisse zweier Kolloquien in Mainz und Athen (Roumlmisch ndash Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschunginstitut fuumlr Vor-und Fruumlgeschichte Monographien Band 43 1) Mainz 1999

Frank A G 1993 lsquoBronze Age World System Cyclesrsquo Current Anthropology 34 4 383ndash429

Fredell Aring C Kristiansen K and Criado Boado F (eds) 2010 Representations and Communications Creating an Archaeological Matrix of Late prehistoric Rock Art Oxford

Galanaki I Tomas H Galanakis Y and Laffi neur R (eds) 2007 Between the Aegean and Baltic Seas Prehistory across

Introduction 5

Borders Proceedings of the International Conference lsquoBronze and Early Iron Age Interconnections and Contemporary Developments between the Aegean and the Regions of the Balkan Peninsula Central and Northern Europe University of Zagreb 11ndash14 April 2005 (Aegaeum 27) Liegravege

Gale N H (ed) 1991 Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology XC) Jonsered

Harding A F 2000 European Societies in the Bronze Age Cambridge

Habu J Fawcett C and Matsunaga J M (eds) 2008 Evaluating Multiple Narratives Beyond Nationalist Colonialist Imperialist Archaeologies New York

Knapp A B 2008 Prehistoric and Protohistoric Cyprus Identity Insularity and Connectivity New York

Kristiansen K 1993 lsquoFrom Villanova to Seddinrsquo In Scarre and Healy 1993 143ndash151

Kristiansen K 1998 Europe before History (New Studies in Archaeology) Cambridge

Kristiansen K and Earle T 2010 Organizing Bronze Age Societies The Mediterranean Central Europe and Scandinavia Compared Cambridge

Kristiansen K and Larsson T B 2005 The Rise of Bronze Age Society Cambridge

Laffi neur R and Greco E (eds) 2005 Emporia Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean Proceedings of the 10th International Aegean Conference Athens Italian School of Archaeology 14ndash18 April 2004 (Aegaeum 25) Liegravege

Mathers C and Stoddart S K F (eds) 1994 Development and Decline in the Mediterranean Bronze Age (Sheffield Archaeological Monographs 8) Sheffi eld

Oates J (ed) 1993 Ancient Trade New Perspectives World Archaeology 243

Pare C F E (ed) 2000 Metals Make the World Go Round The Supply and Circulation of Metals in Bronze Age Europe Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Birmingham in June 1997 Oxford

Peroni R 2004 lsquoSistemi transculturali nellrsquoeconomia nella societagrave nellrsquoideologiarsquo In Cocchi Genick D (ed) 2004 Lrsquoetagrave del bronzo recente in Italia Att i del Congresso Nazionale di Lido di Camaiore 26ndash29 Ott obre 2000 Viareggio 411ndash427

Pydyn A 1999 Exchange and Cultural Interactions (British Archaeological Report International Series 813) Oxford

Riva C and Vella N 2006 (eds) Debating Orientalizing Multidisciplinary Approaches to Processes of Change in the Ancient Mediterranean London

Rowlands M Larsen M and Kristiansen K 1987 Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World Cambridge

Rutherford J 1990 lsquoInterview with Homi Bhabharsquo In Rutherford J (ed) Identity Community Culture Diff erence London 207ndash221

Said E 1978 Orientalism New YorkScarre C and Healy F (eds) 1993 Trade and Exchange in

Prehistoric Europe OxfordSherratt A 1993 lsquoWhat Would a Bronze Age World System

Look Like Relations between Temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in Later Prehistoryrsquo Journal of European Archaeology 12 1ndash58

Sherratt A 1994 lsquoCore Periphery and Margin Perspectives on the Bronze Agersquo In Mathers and Stoddart 1994 335ndash346

Sherratt A 1997 Economy and Society in Prehistoric Europe Changing Perspectives Edinburgh

Sherratt A and Sherratt S 1991 lsquoFrom Luxuries to Commodities the Nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systemsrsquo In Gale 1991 351ndash386

Spivak G C 1988 lsquoCan the Subaltern Speakrsquo In Nelson C and Grossberg L Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture Houndmills 66ndash111

Stein G (ed) 2005 The Archaeology of Colonial Encounters Comparative Perspectives Santa Fe

Streiff ert Eikeland K 2006 Indigenous Households Transculturation of Sicily and Southern Italy in the Archaic Period (Gotarc Serie B Gothenburg Archaeological Theses nr 44) Goumlteborg

Thrane H 1975 Europaeligiske forbindelser bidrag til studiet of fremmede forbindelser i Danmarks yngre broncealder (periode IVndashV) Copenhagen

Vandkilde H 2007 Culture and change in Central European Prehistory 6th to 1st millenium BC Aarhus

Vivres-Ferraacutendiz J 2008 lsquoNegotiating Colonial Encounters Hybrid Practices and Consumption in Eastern Iberia (8thndash6th centuries BC)rsquo Journal of Mediteranean Archaeology 212 241ndash272

Wallerstein I 1974 The Modern World System Vol I New YorkWilkinson T C Sherratt S and Bennet J (eds) 2011 Interweaving

Worlds Systemic Interactions in Eurasia 7th to 1st Millennia BC Papers from a conference in memory of Professor Andrew Sherratt Oxford

Young R J C 2001 Postcolonialism an Historical Introduction Oxford

Young R J C 2003 Postcolonialism a Very Short Introduction Oxford

1

Theorising exchange and interaction in the Bronze Age

Kristian Kristiansen

This collection of articles integrates archaeological evidence and theory in new exciting ways probing more deeply into the historical nature of Bronze Age exchange and interaction I shall therefore briefl y explore what meaning can be given to these generalizing concepts in the historical context of the Bronze Age The reader will then be able to engage in refl ections on their possible application in the various case studies presented

The Bronze Age was a mobile world for the very simple economic reason that copper and tin or bronze in fi nished or semi-fi nished form had to be distributed to all societies throughout the known world from a few source areas (Kristiansen and Larsson 2005) It was also a world whose social and political complexity that spanned from City-States and Palace Economies in the eastern Mediterranean to Chiefdoms of varying degrees of complexity in the western Mediterranean and Europe (eg Shelmerdine 2008 Earle and Kristiansen 2010) However there existed certain commonalities in social organisation that allowed metal to fl ow between all these communities The question then becomes what were the social mechanisms that facilitated this fl ow of goods and metal Which social categories of people could travel and for what reasons Which were the institutions that facilitated their travels And fi nally which were the technologies that supported such travels over land and at sea

On Figure 11 I list what I consider to be relevant categories of peoplesocial groups and their relevant institutions

The categories of people who travelled were traders warriorsmercenaries migrants diplomats and other specialists of various type in particular artisans or craft

workers Among the evidence from the Bronze Age one can mention the Uluburun shipwreck (eg Pulak 1998) as an example of the maritime technology that allowed bulk-trade and which also carried warriors (or maybe mercenaries) to protect the cargo or maybe just to travel to distant courts At the other end of the scale the complex of phenomena oft en cursory labelled as lsquoSea Peoplersquo movements exemplify phenomena of migrations and colonization during the 12th century BC later followed by directed migrations during the 11th century BC

The best possibility to catch a glimpse of such social and institutional mechanisms is to examine the archaeological evidence in detail and to consider the multidimensionality of identities and the various forms and meanings of trans-cultural and hybrid identities This may represent a fi rst stage of acculturation and transformation which in some cases is followed by secondary state formation The present volume off ers a good selection of articles that exemplifi es such an integrated theoretical and methodological approach

Papadimitriou and Krigarsquos (chapter 2) and Albertirsquos (chapter 3) contributions show how minor Mediterranean centres strive through the adoption of a variety of strategies to be part of the international Bronze Age trade In their analyses specialization and local social transformations are the outcome of trade circuits and the necessity to be part of them Vitale and Hancockrsquos study (chapter 4) of the evidence from Kos and Cazzella and Recchiarsquos analysis (chapter 6) of the relation between Malta Sicily and Southern Italy throughout the Bronze Age challenge traditional interpretations of Bronze Age colonization Instead the capacity of local communities is stressed they were in

1 Theorising exchange and interaction in the Bronze Age 7

command of these new encounters and profi ted from them Perhaps we should be prepared also to think in terms of small scale family based trade in which locals and foreigners co-operated on equal terms

It raises the question to what extent is the so-called Mycenaean pott ery and sett lement evidence in the western Mediterranean refl ections of small groups of private tradersfamilies that created a sort of Karum trade embedded within local kingdomschiefdoms as the Assyrian traders in Anatolia leaving only scant traces of their presence And to what extent are they refl ections of the economic power and craft initiatives of local communities that started to be strongly involved in external trade producing fashionable goods which could be exported beyond the immediate interface with the East Mediterranean

If at a local level minor communities seem to work hard in order to maintain a place in the trade Iaconorsquos study (chapter 5) show how not only eastern but also western Mediterranean production centres successfully seek their ways in the international exchange system which may explain the adoption of westernizing elements in the Late Helladic IIIC Greece Lairsquos case study (chapter 7) from Sarrala in Sardinia on the other hand shows how major

transformations can be successfully traced in local sett lement organization when specifi c areas happen to be touched by international trade In Sagraverralarsquos case both architecture and social strategies seem to undergo changes which can be linked to the impact of larger Mediterranean networks

One of the merits of this volume is to show how networking patt erns appear complex and multidirect-ional both in the Mediterranean and in continental Europe In order to understand their transformative capacity we need to consider the dialectic relationship between materiality and social meanings political power and economic foundations (Earle and Kristiansen 2010 14) Several papers take up the challenge and they demonstrate how exchange networks are intrinsically linked to the formation of new social cultural and political meanings at individual and community levels Iaiarsquos analysis (chapter 8) shows how Villanovan elites strived to establish connections with the central European world through the rituals and economic power of metalwork Sabatinirsquos (chapter 10) and Bergerbrantrsquos (chapter 11) contributions deal with Bronze Age northern Europe where they discuss the incorporation of objects and burial practices whose origin is to be found in the southern part

Figure 11 Theorizing trade travels and transmission with relevant categories of peoplesocial groups and their relevant institutions in evidence

Kristian Kristiansen8

of the continent Both studies demonstrate how incorporations in a new local context are to be understood as ideological and political statements in the constant struggle to achieve and maintain specifi c rights for certain groups perhaps travellers and traders The institutional power that emerged from long-distance contacts and networking patt erns is exemplifi ed in the paper by Fulminante and Stoddart (chapter 9) They apply a multidirectional networking model in order to explain urbanization processes in Latium vetus and Etruria in central western Italy during the fi rst quarter of the 1st millennium BC Related examples are found in case studies from the La Teacutene period on the meaning of specifi c ceramic decorative patt erns (Kneisel chapter 12) Finally Kreiter et al (chapter 13) demonstrates how materiality is deeply embedded in lsquoregularrsquo technological practices and therefore linked to the transmission of skills between people

I suggest that these and related questions of how to interpret the impact of material fl ows on local traditions can be answered with greater certainty today than 50 years ago not least if we employ historical

models and make controlled comparisons on the much richer archaeological and textual evidence at hand The articles in this book exemplify a move in this direction with the promise of opening up new doors to a bett er historical understanding of the relationship between travellers such as skilled craft speople traders warriors sailors and the political and economic institutions they moved within and between When approached with relevant theoretical categories and analytical tools to organize the evidence we learn how communities responded to the dynamics of a globalized Bronze Age world by constantly negotiating its incorporation into local worlds

ReferencesEarle T and Kristiansen K 2010 Organizing Bronze Age Societies

CambridgeKristiansen K and Larsson T B 2005 The Rise of Bronze Age

Society CambridgePulak C 1998 lsquoThe Uluburun shipwreck an overviewrsquo The

International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 273 188ndash224Shelmerdine C W 2008 The Aegean Bronze Age Cambridge

2

lsquoPeripheriesrsquo versus lsquocoresrsquo The integration of secondary states into the world-system of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age (1600ndash1200 BC)

Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga

IntroductionAccording to a widely held view the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age formed a highly interactive world-system with multiple lsquocoresrsquo lsquosemiperipheriesrsquo and lsquoperipheriesrsquo connected to each other through complex patt erns of reciprocal exchanges and interlinking commercial networks (Liverani 1987 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Kardulias 1999 Manning and Hulin 2002 Wilkinson 2004 Parkinson and Galaty 2007 Wilkinson et al 2011)

At the very heart of the system were great territorial states with substantial military power and a high-degree of economic self-suffi ciency which interacted among themselves mainly through royal reciprocity the New Kingdom in Egypt the Hitt ite Empire in Anatolia and the states of Mittani Assyria and Babylonia in Mesopotamia In the Mediterranean periphery (the Levant Cyprus and the Aegean) there existed smaller political entities which participated actively in maritime trade Those entities are oft en termed lsquosecondaryrsquo because they are thought to have developed via interaction with lsquocorersquo states the exploitation of resources of metal and other raw materials being the main economic motive for such interaction (Keswani 1996 Parkinson and Galaty 2007)

Several scholars have observed that those peripheral regions developed a rather autonomous network of exchanges in the 14th and 13th centuries BC which remained largely beyond the reach or the interest

of the lsquogreat powersrsquo Andrew and Susan Sherratt in particular have suggested that this network ndash which incorporated several smaller exchange circuits and was largely responsible for the emergence of a Mediterranean koine (homogeneity) in the later part of the LBA ndash addressed the needs of an expanding class of urban lsquosub-elitesrsquo as such it was of critical importance for the economies of peripheral polities but had only a minimal impact on their relations with inland Egypt Anatolia or Mesopotamia (Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 2001 Sherratt 1999)

This remark raises a number of questions when and under what conditions was the network of Mediterranean exchanges fi rst established Was it so closely connected with metals and their channelling towards core areas When and how did it become autonomous And fi nally how could a peripheral region integrate into that network The present paper aims to off er some hints to the answers by tracing changes in the pattern of Mediterranean interconnections from the early 2nd millennium to the end of the Late Bronze Age and by examining how these changes relate to long-term developments in the Levantine Cypriot and Aegean societies (Fig 21)

The emergence of the networkMaritime interaction in the Mediterranean was rather limited in scale in the earlier part of the Middle Bronze

Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga10

Age (2000ndash1800 BC) The Levant continued to feel the impact of the lsquourban crisisrsquo that had started in the late 3rd millennium throughout the MB I period1 with many regions in coastal Syria and (mainly) Palestine suff ering from depopulation and lsquode-urbanizationrsquo (Gerstenblith 1983 Akkermans and Schwartz 2003 294) Minoan and Cypriot imports were thinly distributed and even at important harbour sites such as Ugarit and Byblos their numbers were rather negligible (Kantor 1947 18ndash21 Gerstehblith 1983 70ndash73 Marcus 2002 Soslashrensen 2009 22)

Cyprus remained largely isolated during the MC I and most of the MC II period The sett lement patt ern was dispersed with no major urban sites and imports were restricted to a few grave fi nds of Levantine Egyptian and ndash very rarely ndash Minoan origin (Aringstrom 1972 275ndash278)

In Crete the emergence of palaces with bureaucratic administration and large-scale storage of agricultural surpluses c 1900 BC (MM IB) suggests political affi liations with and considerable infl uence from the Near East Indirect evidence for contacts with the

Figure 21 Correlation between the chronologies of the Aegean Cyprus and the Levant

2 lsquoPeripheriesrsquo versus lsquocoresrsquo 11

Orient is provided by the lsquoexoticrsquo materials found in palaces (eg gold ivory faience) and the introduction of new metalworking techniques and iconographic motifs especially in MM II (Watrous 1998) Yet actual imports in Protopalatial Crete are few in number luxurious in nature (scarabs seals stone vessels jewellery but not pott ery) come mostly from Egypt and are usually found in palatial contexts (and in tombs) (Phillips 2008) At the same time contacts with the Levant Cyprus and Anatolia seem to have been at best unsystematic (Lambrou-Phillipson 1990 139ndash146 170ndash171) Minoan exports of the same period are limited to a few ceramics found in Egypt the Levant and Cyprus (Kantor 1947 18ndash19 Kemp and Merrillees 1980 Betancourt 1998 Soslashrensen 2009) The evidence may suggest some kind of state-level relations with the Egyptian Middle Kingdom perhaps via the Levantine coast but certainly no regular transactions As for the rest of the Aegean earlier studies and a recent conference have demonstrated that relations between Crete Mainland Greece the islands and the Anatolian coast were still sporadic with only a small increase in MM II (Rutt er and Zerner 1984 Papagiannopoulou 1991 Macdonald et al 2009)

Things start to change as we enter the later part of the MBA (c 1800ndash1600 BC) The Levant enjoys a new wave of urbanization and prosperity in MB II with relatively large states developing in Syria and northern Palestine (Yamkhad Qatna Hazor) and smaller polities in southern Canaan This trend is particularly accentuated in MB IIΒ (mid-18thndash17th centuries BC) when the number of urban sett lements increases considerably with their higher concentration on coastal sett ings or river estuaries (Dever 1987 Kempinski 1992a Akkermans and Schwartz 2003 297ndash298) Imports from Minoan Crete and Cyprus are now more widely distributed across the Mediterranean litt oral (eg Ugarit Byblos Kabri el-Ajjul el-Dabarsquoa) although not in substantial quantities (Kantor 1947 Hankey and Leonard Jr 1998 Soslashrensen 2009 22) Tablets from Mari dating to the mid-18th century BC suggest that Ugarit has evolved into a major centre for the transshipment of copper and tin fi nished metal artifacts and textiles along an EastndashWest axis (between the Near East Cyprus and Crete) and towards Egypt (Heltzer 1989)

Comparable developments can be observed in other Mediterranean regions too Starting from MM III (1750ndash17001650 BC) small coastal sites in central-eastern Crete the Cyclades the Dodecanese and western Anatolia evolve into proper towns with clearly defi ned urban characteristics (eg Palaikastro Gournia Zakros Akrotiri Trianda Miletus) (Dickinson 1994 60ndash69 Branigan 2001 Davis 1992 see also various

papers in Macdonald et al 2009) The amount of oriental imports (fi nished artifacts and raw materials) increases considerably and although Egypt remains a major provider there are clear indications for closer contacts with the Levant especially in LM I (Lambrou-Phillipson 1990 171ndash172 Cline 1994 Soslashrensen 2009 22 Phillips 2008 230) Imports are not anymore restricted to palaces but spread to second-order Cretan sett lements as well as to major Aegean harbours and some Mainland sites Their number however remains limited outside Crete perhaps suggesting some kind of Minoan control over their distribution (Watrous 1993 83 Cline 1994 10) (Fig 22)

Inter-Aegean traffi c also intensifi es in that period (Papagiannopoulou 1991 Graziadio 1998 Macdonald et al 2009) Several new sea-routes are established (Watrous 1993 81ndash85) and a standard system of weight measurement develops in Crete ndash providing fi rst hand evidence of regular transactions and perhaps the conversion of commodities (Petruso 1992 Alberti 2003) One of the most important sea routes of the period was certainly that connecting Crete with the metalliferous area of Laurion in Att ica (Davis 1979) Laurion was rich in silver and copper and may have been a major resource for the Minoans (Stos-Gale and Macdonald 1991 Driessen and Macdonald 1997 79ndash80) It is certainly not a coincidence that the Cycladic harbours of Akrotiri Phylakopi and Ag Irini that lay along this route are among the few areas outside Crete where Minoan-type weights and Linear A records have been found (Schofi eld 1982 21ndash22 Petruso 1992 65ndash66) (Fig 22) The increasing importance of metals for Cretan economy is further indicated by the numerous copper ingots (most of unknown provenance) found in the LM I levels of Ag Triada Zakros Poros and other Cretan sites (Gale 1991b) Search for metals may have also motivated Mainland centres to establish relations with resource-rich areas in Italy as early as LH I if not earlier (Marazzi and Tusa 2005)

In Cyprus contacts with the Levant and the Nile Delta intensify from the MC III period (1725ndash1600 BC) onwards (Aringstroumlm 1972 278ndash279 Eriksson 2003 419 Maguire 2009) Proto-urban sett lements are established along the coastline of the island at the end of the same period or slightly later in LC I (Enkomi Hala Soultan Tekke Toumba tou Skourou) (Negbi 1986 97ndash98) These are usually associated with the systematization of copper production and circulation in the island as suggested among others by the appearance of improved smelting and bronze-working techniques at least in Enkomi in MC III (Keswani 1996 219ndash220 Kassianidou 2008 258) Contacts with Crete and the Aegean however remain restricted until the LM IALC IB period possibly suggesting that initially


Cyprus formed part of a regional Levantine-Egyptian (Hyksos) interface rather than an independent player in international trade (Eriksson 2003 420)

Summarizing the available evidence suggests that maritime exchanges in the Mediterranean were rather limited in the earlier part of the 2nd millennium and started to increase in the course of the 18th century BC only to evolve into a proper network for the circulation of metals other raw materials and fi nished luxuries by the 17th century BC How could we explain this development within a wider macro-historical context

In systemic terms it may not be irrelevant that during the early 2nd millennium BC great territorial states exploited mainly overland routes for the acquisition of metals and other precious raw materials Ashur acquired silver and gold from Anatolia through a complex system of commercial stations (karum) (Larsen 1987) southern Mesopotamian states acquired copper and precious metals from Dilmun in the Persian Gulf (although this route involved seafaring too) and tin from Elam (Iran) (Kohl 1987 Yoff ee 1995 1391ndash1392) Middle Kingdom Egypt exploited the vast resources of Nubia the Sinai Peninsula and the eastern Delta (Flammini 2011)

This early phase of prosperity and political cohesion in core areas of the system was succeeded by a period of

political unrest and economic instability The Assyrian trade with Anatolia started to decline aft er 1800 BC and ceased in the mid-17th century BC most probably under the pressure of Hitt ite state formation (Larsen 1987) In southern Mesopotamia a combination of population movements (Kassites) internal confl icts and the occupation of the extreme south of Iraq by the enigmatic lsquoSealand dynastyrsquo in the late 18th and 17th centuries BC led to the disruption of the lucrative Gulf trade and the weakening of political power ndash dramatically culminating in the sack of Babylon by the Hitt ites around 1600 BC (Roaf 1990 121ndash123 Kurht 1995 115 116 Yoff ee 1995 1392) In Egypt the powerful Middle Kingdom dissolved in the mid-18th century BC and the country was divided for almost two centuries leaving the rulers of the Nile Delta (especially in the Hyskos period XV dynasty) short of the rich resources of Nubia (Flammini 2011)

Whatever the reasons for these concurrent events of political fragmentation in core areas of the system during the MB II period it is conceivable that it caused a kind of crisis in the supply of metals This may have allowed the Levantine states ndash especially the kingdom of Yamkhad which seems to have expanded considerably in the period of the Mari tablets (van Koppen 2007 370) ndash to assume a more active role in international aff airs and develop inter-dependency

Figure 22 The distribution of oriental imports in secure MM IIIMH IIIndashLM IBLH IIA Aegean contexts (aft er Cline 1994 tables 63ndash68) [objects listed as lsquoLMLH IndashIIrsquo not included] and the distribution of Linear A documents and Minoan-type weights outside Crete (aft er Petruso 1992)


with Egypt (especially in the Hyksos period) and Mesopotamia by off ering access to alternative sources of raw materials

Initially this may have involved copper-rich Cyprus only but soon Crete would enter the stage too Crete which was already known in the Orient for the high quality of its metal products and luxurious textiles (Heltzer 1989) evidently exploited Aegean resources from the end of the MBA but was also in need of tin for making bronze other not locally available raw materials and fi nished luxuries Such luxuries may have been increasingly important for the Minoans as Aegean interrelations were becoming more complex the fact that beyond Crete they are frequently found in signifi cant burial contexts such as the Mycenae Shaft Graves suggests that they were perceived as prestige markers by local elites or even as indicators of preferential access to major exchange networks (Voutsaki 1993 146ndash147) As such they must have been crucial for Minoan interaction with other Aegean regions Cretans may have found in Laurion silver a highly convertible resource that allowed them to participate actively in Mediterranean exchanges (Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 369) The development of equivalences between the Minoan and the Levantine weighing system in that period testifi es to the regular character of transactions between Crete and the Eastern Mediterranean (Alberti and Parise 2005 Michailidou 2008)

Because of its importance it is probable that metal trade was largely controlled by royal authorities (Watrous 1993 83 Sherratt 1999 178) Although no direct evidence is available the testimony of the Mari tablets the considerable amounts of lsquoexoticrsquo materials found in Cretan New Palaces (conceivably acquired through gift exchange) and the aforementioned evidence for controlled distribution of oriental imports to the rest of the Aegean may lend some support to this assumption Moreover the discovery of lsquoMinoan-stylersquo frescos at Alalakh Kabri and el-Dabarsquoa and the famous lid with the cartouche of the Hyksos ruler Khyan from the palace of Knossos off er incontestable evidence of signifi cant affi liations between Mediterranean royal courts in that early period ndash certainly extending into the times of the early XVIIIth dynasty (Betancourt 1997 429 Niemeier and Niemeier 1998 Bietak 2007 Phillips 2008 vol II 98)

Of course the emerging nexus of international exchanges diff ers in various ways from a typical world-system as originally defi ned by Wallerstein (1974) For example it is diffi cult to discern here a patt ern of underdeveloped peripheries unilaterally supplying raw materials to technologically advanced urbanized cores This may have been the case only

on a regional level eg between Mainland Greece (especially Laurion) and Crete or between Cyprus and the Levant otherwise circulation of metals seems to have been multidirectional (eg with Cypriot copper eventually reaching Crete Aegean silver reaching the east etc) Neither is another feature of Wallersteinrsquos world-systems namely the channelling of agricultural surpluses to core areas fulfilled yet there is no evidence that maritime exchanges involved foodstuff s and other commodities until an advanced stage of the LBA Therefore although shortage of metals in core areas may have been the decisive factor for the genesis of a Mediterranean exchange network the resulting situation was probably quite complex with Crete and the Levant acting as semi-peripheries that exploited peripheral regional networks both to their own advantage and in order to channel resources toward core areas in exchange for other raw materials (eg tin gold precious stones) and luxuries

The MBLB transition and the early LBAIf however metal supply was the main concern of early maritime exchange and if metal trade was strictly controlled by royal authorities how did the network aff ect wider sectors of the local societies A number of developments in the later part of the MBA and the early LBA suggest that increased maritime mobility created new nodes of interaction and instigated signifi cant economic and social changes at various levels

We have already commented on the importance of maritime exchanges for the emergence of urban life not only in the Levant and Crete but also in regions with lower level of economic and administrative sophistication Enkomi in Cyprus Trianda in Rhodes and Akrotiri in Thera are good examples of sites that benefi ted vastly from their location along major sea routes

Less developed areas which may have been initially exploited for their resources were also aff ected by the sudden fl ow of material wealth and information For example in Mainland Greece ndash which had experienced conditions of striking poverty and isolation for most of the MBA (Dickinson 1977 32ndash38) ndash increasing Minoan involvement from MM III onwards instigated intense competition among local elites as clearly refl ected on the funerary record of the period (Voutsaki 1993 146ndash149) and provided the impetus for the emergence of sophisticated local lsquoindustriesrsquo ndash through an unashamed imitation of Cretan craft s (Dickinson 1977) Mainland products ndash pott ery and other artefacts ndash were soon exported to areas beyond the sphere of Minoan interest such as central and western Greece and also Italy thus


creating new circuits of exchange (van Wĳ ngaarden 2002 261ndash262)

Even more interesting phenomena took place in areas with more complex socio-economic organization such as Crete and the Levant Among them most important is a general trend towards the decentralization of economic and administrative activity This is best exemplifi ed by the appearance of large mansions with substantial storage and working space ndash oft en for the production of oil and wine ndash in the Levant during the later part of MB II (the so-called lsquopatrician housesrsquo) and in Crete and the Cyclades in MM IIIB and LM I (the so-called lsquovillasrsquo or lsquotown-housesrsquo) (Oren 1992 115ndash117 Kempinski 1992a 195ndash196 Haumlgg and Marinatos 1997) Whether these edifi ces were private or semi-dependent on royal authority is far from clear but in any case their very presence suggests a level or autonomy from immediate palatial control

The case of decentralization is supported by other developments too In several Levantine sites (eg Ugarit Qatna Meggido) the MBndashLB transition is marked by a signifi cant shift in sett lement organization palaces move from the centre of the tell next to the main gate of the sett lement and numerous lsquopublicrsquo buildings are erected in various parts of the corresponding sites (Kempinski 1992b Gonen 1992 220) According to some scholars this shift suggests a change in economic administration or even the replacement of lsquothe nuclear model of Mesopotamian tradition based on a single large palace hellip by a decentralized patt ernrsquo (Morandi-Bonacossi 2007 229) In Crete writt en documents are not anymore restricted to palaces (as was the case in the Protopalatial period) but are also used in mansions and other non-strictly palatial contexts (Driessen and Macdonald 1997 83 Knappet and Schoep 2000 367) the same is true for imports which are now widely distributed beyond the limits of palaces (Cline 1994)

At exactly the same period signifi cant changes can be observed in the ceramic repertoires of Mediterranean regions Specialized containers for the exportation of oil and wine such as the Minoan stirrup-jar and the Canaanite jar either make now their fi rst appearance (the former) or are highly standardized (the latt er) smaller containers for the transportation of perfumes ointments drugs and spices such as Aegean alabastra and pithoid jars Cypriot and Levantine juglets also appear at that time (Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 362ndash363) Although the number of such containers remains limited until the 15th century BC their wide distribution suggests the emergence of less formalized exchange patt erns in parallel with the palace-controlled circulation of metals and lsquoluxuriesrsquo

Of course the line between royal exchange and informal barter is difficult to draw Watrous has

recently proposed that this mixing of palatial and non-palace controlled activities may have given rise to new urban elites in Neopalatial harbour towns who claimed independent access to large-scale exchange networks eventually undermining the traditional palatial hierarchy (Watrous 2007) His approach marks a departure from traditional approaches to Neopalatial Crete as a place of omnipresent palatial power and stimulates new insights into Minoan societies as living organisms where confl ict of interests and even social upheaval are conceivable (see also Hamilakis 2002) The aforementioned shift s in the sett lements patt ern of coastal Syria during the MBndashLB transition may provide useful comparanda for Watrousrsquo approach

Summing up it is clear that maritime traffi c in the Eastern Mediterranean brought new areas into the international arena mobilized previously unexploited resources (eg metal ores) and created complex economic and political inter-dependencies that were constantly renegotiated As a result it aff ected not only the centralized polities that participated directly in long distance exchange but also less developed societies that were involved in local circuits such as those in the Cyclades Mainland Greece and Cyprus

The transformation of the systemConditions however were soon to change Most Minoan and Cycladic centres were destroyed between the end of the LM IA and the end of the LM IB period (late 16thndashearly 15th centuries BC) by natural causes possibly associated with the Santorini volcanic eruption and never regained their earlier status As a result Mycenaean polities extended their claims over larger areas of the Aegean In LM IILH IIB (second half of the 15th century BC) Knossos was probably overtaken by Greek mainlanders who maintained the Minoan system of palatial administration collecting and redistributing huge amounts of grain and wool (Dickinson 1994 73ndash76 Bennet 1990 Sherratt 2001 228) Yet evidence for overseas contacts in that period is limited to a few sites only suggesting that the international spirit of the Neopalatial period had faded out (Fig 23)

In Cyprus LC I is marked by disturbances and the construction of fortresses in several parts of the island suggesting conditions of unrest During LC IIAndashB however most sett lements fl ourish and show increasing preoccupation with copper production and metalworking Systematic metal production and the introduction of the Cypro-Minoan script in that period suggest more complex social and economic organization (Keswani 1996 235ndash236 Negbi 2005)


Moreover the mention of lsquothe king of Alashiyarsquo in later (early 14th century BC) offi cial correspondence from Amarna and Ugarit indicates the presence of at least one internationally recognized ruler on the island Contacts with the Levant were regular but the relations with the Aegean remained rather limited until the mid-15th century BC (Eriksson 2003 420ndash422)

In the Levant the LB I period was one of severe disturbance owing to the revival of imperial powers in Mesopotamia (Mitanni) Anatolia (Hitt ites) and Egypt (XVIIIth dynasty) During the 16th and the fi rst half of the 15th centuries BC the Syro-Palestinian coast suff ered heavily from military confl icts and occupation (Gonen 1992 211ndash216 Bourke 1993 189ndash192 Kempinski 1997 329) The MBA Syrian states continued to exist but less tell sites were occupied and rural populations congregated in urban centres such as Ugarit to gain protection from interstate war and raids from nomadic groups (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003 329 333ndash334) In Canaan many MBA sites were destroyed by Egyptian armies and the urban fabric weakened dramatically (Gonen 1984) Evidence for Mediterranean contacts is limited although the presence of some LH IIBndashIIIA1 Mycenaean vases

indicates that exchanges with the Aegean continued aft er the collapse of Minoan palaces albeit at a much reduced pace (van Wĳ ngaarden 2002 261)

It was only aft er Thuthmose IIIrsquos victory over the Mitanni in the mid-15th century BC that a more stable status quo was established and conditions of peace and security prevailed Canaan remained under strict Egyptian rule and urban life revived with small city-states developing in coastal valleys (Gonen 1984) Western Syria became subservient initially to Egypt and following Suppiluliumarsquos I campaigns in the mid-14th century BC to the Hitt ite Empire Old palace sites such as Alalakh (IV) and Qatna were destroyed by the Hitt ites and the overall political structure became more decentralized with vassal city-states constituting the basic political unit (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003 334)

In systemic terms one would expect that the reconsolidation of hegemonic power in core areas and the restitution of overland access to regions rich in metal resources would lay stress on maritime exchanges ndash even more so since writt en evidence suggests that imperial states (when not at war) interacted among themselves mainly through royal reciprocity not

Figure 23 The distribution of oriental imports in secure LM IILH IIBndashLMLH IIIA1 contexts (aft er Cline 1994 tables 63ndash68) [23 out of 30 objects from Knossos come from LM II contexts objects listed as lsquoLMLH IndashIIrsquo or lsquoLMLH IIIArsquo not included]


trade (Zaccagnini 1987) Things however seem to have worked in a rather diff erent way Apart from the fact that the lsquoreciprocity thesisrsquo has been slightly exaggerated (Liverani 1990 218ndash223) it is also possible that the restoration of relative self-sufficiency in core areas actually facilitated the transformation of Mediterranean exchanges into a largely autonomous commercial network at the later part of the LBA A long tradition of maritime trade had turned Ugarit and perhaps other less investigated Levantine cities into major sources of wealth and neither their Hitt ites overlords ndash who were mainly interested in collecting the annual tribute ndash nor any other imperial power had to lose from (or feel threatened by) their further development (Bryce 2002 87)

The changing nature of Mediterranean exchanges can be perhaps best traced at Kommos the most important harbour of southern Crete Here a wide array of Levantine Cypriot and Italian imports have been found together in LM IIIA1 levels (early 14th century BC) (Shaw 2004) This co-existence testifi es to the integration of a number of smaller circuits of communication into a major EastndashWest sea route What is more ceramic containers make up for a considerable proportion of the imported assemblage clearly indicating the increasing importance of wine oil and other secondary agricultural products as signifi cant components of Mediterranean trade (Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 369)

Interestingly enough this new EastndashWest sea route almost bypassed the Aegean Kommos and Knossos are the only Aegean sites with large numbers of imports in that period (Fig 23) It is possible that one of the motives behind this shift was the exploitation of signifi cant metal resources at Lipari and Sardinia (Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 370) This should remind us that metals remained the real driving force behind Mediterranean trade Yet the appearance for the fi rst time of signifi cant quantities of containers for liquids or foodstuff indicates that the maritime network gradually expanded to other commodities too

The late LBAMediterranean exchanges reached a climax in the 14th and 13th centuries BC The Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya wrecks as well as numerous offi cial documents confi rm the enduring importance of metal trade with coastal Syria (mainly Ugarit) playing a leading role as an articulation point between core areas and the Mediterranean periphery

Alongside metals however thousands of Mycenaean Cypriot and Levantine containers and drinking vessels

circulated now all over the Mediterranean coasts including Italy Although their distribution was much wider than that of metals and luxuries they rarely managed to penetrate inland Egypt Anatolia or inland Syria (Sherratt 1999 171 182 van Wĳ ngaarden 2002 16ndash22) A and S Sherratt have interpreted this patt ern as refl ecting the development of a peripheral lower level network that addressed the consuming and ideological needs of expanding urban lsquosub-elitesrsquo Those elites who most probably profi ted from manufacture and trade were highly competitive and tried to emulate royal customs but in all probability had no direct access to higher level circuits of exchange The Sherrats have also suggested that this was a contiguous process that led to (and was fed by) the continuous expansion of the network and the incorporation of new resource-rich areas into it (Sherratt 1999 184ndash187 Sherratt and Sherratt 2001 28ndash29)

This sophisticated model presupposes that maritime trade was inherently linked with developed urban polities in the fringes of major states However from the mid-14th century BC new elements appear into the system that do not conform to that patt ern

The infl ux of Mycenaean pott ery in Mediterranean sites starts in earnest in LH IIIA2 that is concurrently with the establishment of palatial complexes at Mycenae Tiryns Pylos Thebes and Volos (van Wĳ ngaarden 2002 20ndash22 Darcque 2005) Despite the absence of references to trade activities in Linear B tablets (Killen 1985 262ndash270) this can hardly be a coincidence It is well known that the economy of the palace of Pylos was largely concerned with the production of perfumed oil and that many of the exported Mycenaean vases in the Levant Cyprus and Italy were perfume containers (Shelmerdine 1985 van Wijngaarden 2002 15 269ndash271) It has been also demonstrated that in the late 14th and 13th centuries BC large numbers of decorated drinking vessels associated with wine consumption (mainly kraters) were produced in the Argolid exclusively for exportation to Cyprus and the Levant (Sherratt 1999 166ndash167)

Such large-scale manufacturing activities would not be surprising for a long-established Levantine city a Minoan town or even a Cypriot emporium Mainland Greece however had neither previous experience in centralized administration nor any kind of urban tradition during the MBA and the early LBA Some indications of increasing social complexity are provided by LH IndashLH IIBIIIA1 tombs (Mee and Cavanagh 1984) but such telling features of state organization as palatial complexes writt en documents seals and large public works (fortifi cations roads bridges dams etc) are only evident from LH IIIA2 onwards (Dickinson


1994 78ndash81 Darcque 2005 374) Moreover it seems probable that even in the 13th century BC Mycenaean palace sites did not accommodate substantial numbers of inhabitants therefore to call them lsquourbanrsquo and make comparisons with Ugarit or Enkomi is rather misleading As far we are not aware of even one major Mycenaean harbour (although the ongoing excavations at Korfos may change this picture see Pullen and Tartaron 2007) neither is there evidence of a developed sett lement hierarchy with lsquosecond-orderrsquo towns Writt en documents are strictly limited to palatial sites and the same is largely true for imports (Cline 1994 Sherratt 2001 214ndash216 Cherry and Davis 2007 123)

What can all these tell us about the integration of Mycenaean Greece into the LBA world-system It is well known that Mycenaean polities emerged as highly authoritative and exploitative agents of political power within a brief period of time perhaps by transplanting to mainland Greece the most crucial features of Minoan administration the Mycenaeans had learned during their tenure as rulers of the Knossian palace in LM IIndashIIIA1 (Sherratt 2001 228ndash230) However one of the vital aspects of Cretan economy ndash access to Mediterranean exchange networks of metals and luxuries ndash had suff ered a serious blast aft er the Minoan collapse This is evident in the relative scarcity of oriental imports in the Aegean and of Mycenaean exports in the Levant in the LH IIBIIIA1 period and the shift of sea-routes towards southern Crete (Kommos) and the Central Mediterranean Metals and luxuries however were essential to the Mycenaeans not only for economic purposes but also for establishing political legitimization and control over the Aegean (as they had also been for the Minoans several centuries earlier) (Sherratt and Sherratt 2001 20ndash21) It is therefore reasonable to assume that the emergence of Mycenaean states in mainland Greece was inherently associated with (or even presupposed) participation in the Mediterranean exchange network

Whether the Mycenaeans managed to participate in that network by off ering access to new resource-rich areas is not clear Aft er the Minoan collapse the polymetallic mines of Laurion were exploited by the Mycenaeans and S Sherratt has suggested that the location of Mycenaean palaces in Mainland Greece was determined ndash among others ndash by their proximity to sea-routes leading to metalliferous areas in Italy and the north Aegean (Sherratt 2001 226ndash227)

We do believe however that the most convincing evidence of a causal relation between trade and the emergence of Mycenaean palace states derives from the fact that the latt er did not adopt the highly demanding Knossian system of producing huge amounts of

agricultural surpluses for internal redistribution but instead chose to invest on cash-crops and animal breeding for the specialized production of low-cost high-value secondary products such as oil wine and textiles ndash alongside good-quality decorated pott ery and a relatively small output of metal artefacts ndash that were highly convertible in an already active Mediterranean trade network (Halstead 1992 Flouda 2006) Sherratt and Dabney have independently suggested that the Mycenaeans consciously adopted lsquomarketing strategiesrsquo (mainly ideological) to promote their products in Cyprus and the Levant a thesis which if true would lend support to our hypothesis (Sherratt 2001 187ndash195 Dabney 2007)

Specialized economy metal craft production and effi cient lsquomarketing strategiesrsquo became key elements for Mycenaean elites to negotiate their integration into the Mediterranean world-system ndash or at least the periphery of that system given the lack of evidence for direct correspondence with Near Eastern kings (with the exception of the few references in Hitt ite lett ers) and the absence of Linear B documents from cosmopolitan and multilingual Ugarit

That the Mycenaean experiment was successful is not only att ested by the fl ourishing of Mainland polities in the later part of the LBA but also by the replication of the patt ern in 13th century BC Cyprus

LC IIC was a period of major urban development and political consolidation in the island with new coastal emporia being established at Kition and Palaipaphos (Negbi 2005) Now however a new type of administrative centre made its appearance in some inland sites such as Kalavassos-Agios Dimitrios and Alassa-Paliotaverna Although those centres are usually associated with the exploitation of the Troodos copper resources their most salient features are the impressive installations for the mass production and storage of olive oil found within or next to megaron type lsquopalacesrsquo (South 1998 Hadjisavvas 2003a) The excavator of Kalavassos-Ag Dimitrios has estimated that the huge pithoi at Building X could store up to 50000 litres of olive oil Such a volume was certainly neither for internal consumption nor for local redistribution If we consider the contemporary evidence of increasing oil production at Ugarit and other Levantine sites (Callot 1987) and the overall importance of (perfumed) oil consumption in late LBA societies (Hadisavvas 1992 2003b) it seems probable that the Kalavassos output was largely for exportation Being quite diff erent in organization from Enkomi and other coastal emporia that were dedicated to the production and trade of raw copper and bronze artefacts sites like Kalavassos and Alassa may refl ect the emergence of local elites in LC IIC who profi ted from participating in lower-


level exchanges (South 1998) As in Mycenaean Greece participation in those networks may have been the raison drsquo ecirctre for such communities

Concluding remarksThe above analysis has drawn on long-term develop-ments in the Levant Cyprus and the Aegean in order to trace general trends in the mode of interaction among lsquoperipheralrsquo or lsquosecondaryrsquo states through time It has been suggested that the Mediterranean exchange network developed in a period of political decentralization in the Near East (the later part of the Middle Bronze Age) when access to traditional overland routes of metal circulation was disrupted and was thus primarily concerned with restoring the supply of metals Already from an early stage however parallel less formalized trading activities developed which were to evolve into a true commercial system aft er the reconsolidation of power in core areas in the LBA Moreover it has been proposed that while in its earlier phases the network operated mostly on state-level and only indirectly aff ected peripheral areas in the later part of the LBA it expanded considerably and became much more fl exible involving directly remote or less developed regions In the former stage interaction brought about signifi cant changes in the political structure of existing states In the latt er stage however it may even have instigated the creation of new complex political entities that largely based their existence on participation in this exchange system This may have been one of the reasons for the concurrent collapse of palatial societies in the Mediterranean when the system reached its limits around 1200 BC

To test these hypotheses it is necessary to move beyond the inevitable generalizations and abstractions used for the purposes of this overview achieve much more precise synchronizations among the various Mediterranean regions and study in further detail not only consumption patt erns (as refl ected on the distribution of exports) but also possible changes in the modes of production in each area It is hoped that this paper has managed to outline some crucial questions that need to be addressed in the future in order to achieve a bett er understanding of the economic aspects of the Eastern Mediterranean-Near Eastern world-system in the Late Bronze Age

Note1 Syrian MBA chronology as defi ned broadly in Matt hiae

1997 378ndash379 for refi nements and comparisons with

Canaanite chronology see Kempinski 1992a 1997 Dever 1992 Bietak and Houmlflmayer 2007 For broad Mediterranean correlations see Figure 21 (absolute dates are indicative and follow in general the low lsquohistoricalrsquo chronology)

ReferencesAkkermans P M M G and Schwartz G M 2003 The

Archaeology of Syria From Complex Hunter-Gatherers to Early Urban Societies (ca 16000 BCndash300 BC) Cambridge

Alberti M E 2003 lsquoI sistemi ponderiali dellrsquo Egeo nellrsquo etagrave del bronzo Studi storia pratica e contatt irsquo Annuario della Scuola di Atene 81 597ndash640

Alberti M E and Parise N 2005 lsquoTowards a Unifi cation of Mass-units between the Aegean and the Levantrsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 381ndash391

Aringstroumlm P 1972 The Middle Cypriot Bronze Age (The Swedish Cyprus Expedition IV 1B) Lund

Bennet J 1990 lsquoKnossos in Context Comparative Perspectives on the Linear B Administration of LMIIndashIII Cretersquo American Journal of Archaeology 94 193ndash212

Betancourt P P 1997 lsquoRelations between the Aegean and the Hyksos at the End of the Middle Bronze Agersquo In Oren 1997 429ndash432

Betancourt P P 1998 lsquoMiddle Minoan Objects in the Near Eastrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 5ndash12

Betancourt P P Nelson M C and Williams H (eds) 2007 Krinoi kai Limenes Studies in Honor of Joseph and Maria Shaw Philadelphia

Bietak M (ed) 2003 The Synchronization of Civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium BC II Wien

Bietak M 2007 lsquoBronze Age Paintings in the Levant Chronological and Cultural Considerationsrsquo In Bietak and Czerny 2007 269ndash300

Bietak M and Czerny E (eds) 2007 The Synchronization of Civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium BC III Wien

Bietak M and Houmlfl mayer F 2007 lsquoIntroduction High and Low Chronologyrsquo In Bietak and Czerny 2007 13ndash23

Bourke S 1993 lsquoThe Transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age in Syria the Evidence from Tell Nebi Mendrsquo Levant 25 155ndash195

Branigan K 2001 lsquoAspect of Minoan Urbanismrsquo In Branigan K (ed) Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age Sheffi eld 38ndash50

Bryce T 2002 Life and Society in the Hitt ite World LondonCallot O 1987 lsquoLes huileries du Bronze Reacutecent agrave Ougarit

Premiers eacuteleacutements pour une etudersquo In Yon M (ed) Ras Shamra-Ougarit III Le Centre de la ville 38endash44e campagnes (1978ndash1984) Paris 197ndash212

Cherry J F and Davies J L 2007 lsquoAn Archaeological Homilyrsquo In Galaty and Parkinson 2007 118ndash127

Cline E H 1994 Sailing the Wine-Dark Sea International Trade and the Late Bronze Age Aegean (British Archaeological Report International Series 591) Oxford

Cline E H and Harris-Cline D (eds) 1998 The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium (Aegaeum 18) LiegravegeAustin

Dabney M 2007 lsquoMarketing Mycenaean pott ery in the Levantrsquo In Betancourt et al 2007 191ndash197


Darcque P 2005 Lrsquohabitat myceacutenien formes et fonctions de lrsquoespace bacircti en Gregravece continentale agrave la fi n du IIe milleacutenaire avant J-C Paris

Davis J L 1979 lsquoMinos and Dexithea Crete and the Cyclades in the later Bronze Agersquo In Davis J L and Cherry J F (eds) Papers in Cycladic Prehistory Los Angeles 143ndash157

Davis J L 1992 lsquoReview of Aegean Prehistory I The Islands of the Aegeanrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 96 699ndash756

Dever W 1987 lsquoThe Middle Bronze Age the Zenith of an Urban Canaanite Erarsquo Biblical Archaeologist 50 149ndash177

Dever W G 1992 lsquoThe Chronology of Syria-Palestine in the Second Millennium BCE A Review of Current Issuesrsquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 288 1ndash25

Dickinson O T P K 1977 The Origins of Mycenaean Civilization (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 49) Goumlteborg

Dickinson O T P K 1994 The Aegean Bronze Age Cambridge Driessen J and Macdonald C F 1997 The Troubled Island

Minoan Crete Before and Aft er the Santorini Eruption (Aegaeum 17) Liegravege

Eriksson K O 2003 lsquoA Preliminary Synthesis of Recent Chronological Observations on the Relations between Cyprus and Other Eastern Mediterranean Societies during the Late Middle Bronze ndash Late Bronze II periodrsquo In Bietak 2003 411ndash429

Flammini R 2011 lsquoNortheast Africa and the Levant in Connection A World-Systems Perspective on Interregional Relationships in the Early Second Millennium BCrsquo In Wilkinson et al 2011 205ndash217 Oxford

Flouda G 2006 H διαχείριση της συλλογής και της αποθήκευσης των αγαθών στις μυκηναϊκές ανακτορικές επικράτειες της νότιας ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδας PhD thesis Athens University

Galaty M L and Parkinson W A (eds) 2007 Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces II Los Angeles

Gale N H (ed) 1991a Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 90) Jonsered

Gale N H 1991b lsquoCopper Oxhide Ingots Their Origin and Their Place in the Bronze Age Metals Trade in the Mediterraneanrsquo In Gale 1991a 197ndash239

Gerstenblith P 1983 The Levant at the Beginning of the Middle Bronze Age Chicago

Gonen R 1984 lsquoUrban Canaan in the Late Bronze periodrsquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 253 61ndash73

Gonen R 1992 lsquoThe Late Bronze Agersquo In Ben-Tor A (ed) The Archaeology of Ancient Israel London 211ndash257

Graziadio G 1998 lsquoTrade Circuits and Trade-Routes in the Shaft-Grave Periodrsquo Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 40 29ndash76

Hadjisavvas S 1992 Olive Oil Production in Cyprus from the Bronze Age to the Byzantine Period (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 99) Nicosia

Hadjisavvas S 2003a lsquoDating Alassarsquo in Bietak 2003 431ndash436

Hadjisavvas S 2003b lsquoThe Production and Diff usion of Olive Oil in the Mediterranean ca 1500ndash500 BCrsquo In Stampolidis N Chr and Karageorghis V (eds) Sea Routeshellip Interconnections in the Mediterranean Proceeding of the Internatioanl Symposium held at Rethumnon Crete in September 29thndashOctober 2nd 2002 Athens 117ndash123

Haumlgg R and Marinatos N (eds) 1997 The Function of the lsquoMinoan Villarsquo Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens 6ndash8 June 1992 Stockholm

Halstead P 1992 lsquoThe Mycenaean Palatial Economy Making the Most in the Gap of the Evidencersquo Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 38 57ndash86

Hamilakis Y 2002 lsquoToo Many Chiefs Factional competition in Neopalatial Cretersquo In Driessen J Schoep I and Laffi neur R (eds) Monuments of Minos Rethinking the Minoan Palaces (Aegaeum 23) LiegravegeAustin 179ndash199

Hankey V and Leonard Jr A 1998 lsquoAegean LB IndashII Pott ery in the Eastrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 29ndash37

Heltzer M 1989 lsquoThe Trade of Crete and Cyprus with Syria and Mesopotamia and Their Eastern Tin-sources in the XVIIIndashXVII Century BCrsquo Minos 24 7ndash27

Kantor H J 1947 [1997] The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium BC Philadelphia

Kardulias N 1999 lsquoMultiple Levels in the Aegean Bronze Age World-Systemrsquo In Kardulias N (ed) World Systems Theory in Practice Leadership Production and Exchange Lanham 179ndash202

Kassianidou V 2008 lsquoThe Formative Years of the Cypriote Copper Industryrsquo In Tzachili I (ed) Aegean Metallurgy in the Bronze Age Athens 249ndash267

Kemp B J and Merrillees R S 1980 Minoan Pott ery in Second Millennium Egypt Mainz

Kempinski A 1992a lsquoThe Middle Bronze Agersquo In Ben-Tor A (ed) The Archaeology of Ancient Israel London 159ndash210

Kempinski A 1992b lsquoUrbanization and Town Plans in the Middle Bronze Age IIrsquo In Kempinski A and Reich R (eds) The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods Jerusalem 121ndash126

Kempinski A 1997 lsquoThe Hyksos A View from Northern Canaan and Syria in the Hyksos Periodrsquo In Oren 1997 327ndash334

Keswani P S 1996 lsquoHierarchies Heterarchies and Urbanization Processes The View from Bronze Age Cyprusrsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 9 211ndash250

Killen J 1985 lsquoThe Linear B Tablets and the Mycenaean Economyrsquo In Morpurgo-Davies A and Duhoux Y (eds) Linear B a 1984 Survey Louvain-la Neuve 241ndash305

Knappett C and Schoep I 2000 lsquoContinuity and Change in Minoan Palatial Powerrsquo Antiquity 74 365ndash371

Kohl P 1987 lsquoThe Ancient Economy Transferable Technologies and the Bronze Age World-System A View from the Northeastern Frontier of the Ancient Near Eastrsquo In Rowlands et al 1987 14ndash24

Kuhrt A 1995 The Ancient Near East 3000ndash330 BC LondonLaffi neur R and Greco E (eds) 2005 Emporia Aegeans in

the Central and Eastern Mediterranean (Aegaeum 25) LiegravegeAustin

Lambrou-Phillipson C 1990 Hellenorientalia The Near Eastern Presence in the Bronze Age Aegean ca 3000ndash1100 BC Interconnections Based on the Material Record and the Writt en Evidence (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocketbook 95) Goumlteborg

Larsen M 1987 lsquoCommercial Networks in the Ancient Near Eastrsquo In Rowlands et al 1987 47ndash56

Liverani M 1987 lsquoThe Collapse of the Near Eastern Regional System at the End of the Bronze Age The Case of Syriarsquo In Rowlands et al 1987 66ndash73


Liverani M 1990 Prestige and Interest International Relations in the Near East 1600ndash1100 BC Padova

Macdonald C F Hallager E and Niemeier W -D (eds) 2009 The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean ndash New Evidence Acts of a Minoan Seminar 22ndash23 January 2005 in collaboration with the Danish Institute at Athens and the German Archaeological Institute at Athens (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 8) Athens

Maguire L C 2009 ell el-Daba XXI The Cypriot Pott ery and its Circulation in the Levant Wien

Manning S W and Hulin L 2002 lsquoMaritime Commerce and Geographies of Mobility in the Late Bronze Age of the Eastern Mediterranean Problematizationsrsquo In Blake E and Knapp AB (eds) The Archaeology of Mediterranean Prehistory London 271ndash302

Marazzi M and Tusa S 2005 lsquoEgei in Occidente Le piugrave antiche vie maritt ime alla luce dei nuovi scavi sullrsquoisola di Pantelleriarsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 599ndash610

Marcus E 2002 lsquoThe Southern Levant and Maritime Trade during the Middle Bronze IIA Periodrsquo In Oren E and Ahituv S (eds) Aharon Kempinski Memorial Volume Studies in Archaeology and Related Disciplines (Beersheva XV) Beersheva 241ndash263

Matt hiae P 1997 lsquoEbla and Syria in the Middle Bronze Agersquo In Oren 1997 379ndash414

Mee C and Cavanagh W G 1984 lsquoMycenaean Tombs as Evidence for Social and Political Organizationrsquo Oxford Journal of Archaeology 3 45ndash64

Michailidou A 2008 Weight and Value in Pre-Coinage Societies Vol II Sidelights on Measurement from the Aegean and the Orient Athens

Morandi-Bonacossi D 2007 lsquoThe Chronology of the Royal Palace of Qatna Reconsideredrsquo Egypt and the Levant 17 221ndash239

Negbi O 1986 lsquoThe Climax of Urban Development in Bronze Age Cyprusrsquo Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus 1986 97ndash119

Negbi O 2005 lsquoUrbanism on Late Bronze Age Cyprus LC II in Retrospectrsquo Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 337 1ndash45

Niemeier W -D and Niemeier B 1998 lsquoMinoan Frescoes in the Eastern Mediterraneanrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 69ndash98

Oren E D 1992 lsquoPalaces and Patrician Houses in the Middle and Late Bronze Agesrsquo In Kempinski A and Reich R (eds) The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods Jerusalem 105ndash120

Oren E (ed) 1997 The Hyksos New Historical and Archaeological Perspectives Philadelphia

Papagiannopoulou A G 1991 The Infl uence of Middle Minoan Pott ery on the Cyclades (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocketbook 96) Jonsered

Parkinson W A and Galaty M L 2007 lsquoSecondary States in Perspective An Integrated Approach to State Formation in the Prehistoric Aegeanrsquo American Anthropologist 109 113ndash120

Parkinson W A and Galaty M L (eds) 2009 Archaic State Interaction The Eastern Mediterranean in the Bronze Age Santa Fe

Petruso K M 1992 Ayia Irini The Balance Weights An Analysis of Weight Measurements in Prehistoric Crete and the Cycladic Islands (Keos VIII) Mainz

Phillips J 2008 Aegyptiaca on the Island of Crete in Their Chronological Context A Critical Review Wien

Pullen D J and Tartaron T F 2007 lsquoWherersquos the Palace The Absence of State Formation in the Late Bronze Age Corinthiarsquo In Galaty and Parkinson 2007 147ndash158

Roaf M 1990 Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East Oxford

Rowlands M Larsen M and Kristiansen K (eds) 1987 Centre and Periphery in the Ancient World Cambridge

Rutt er J B and Zerner C W 1984 lsquoEarly Hellado-Minoan Contactsrsquo In Haumlgg R and Marinatos N (eds) The Minoan Thalassocracy Myth and Reality Stockholm 75ndash83

Schofi eld E 1982 lsquoThe Western Cyclades and Crete A lsquoSpecial Relationshiprsquorsquo Oxford Journal of Archaeology 1 9ndash25

Shaw J 2004 lsquoKommos The Sea-Gate to Southern Cretersquo In Day L P Mook M S and Muhly J D (eds) Crete Beyond the Palaces Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference Philadelphia 43ndash51

Shelmerdine C W 1985 The Perfume Industry of Mycenaean Pylos (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocketbook 34) Goumlteborg

Sherratt A and Sherratt S 1991 lsquoFrom Luxuries to Commodities The Nature of the Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systemsrsquo In Gale 1991a 351ndash384

Sherratt A and Sherratt S 2001 lsquoTechnological Change in the East Mediterranean Bronze Age Capital Resources and Marketingrsquo In Shortland A J (ed) The Social Context of Technological Change Egypt and the Near East 1650ndash1550 BC Proceedings of a Conference held at St Edmund Hall Oxford Oxford 15ndash38

Sherratt S 1999 lsquoE pur si muove Pots Markets and Values in the Second Millennium Mediterraneanrsquo In Crielaard J P Stissi V and van Wĳ ngaarden G J (eds) The Complex Past of Pott ery Production Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pott ery Amsterdam 163ndash211

Sherratt S 2001 lsquoPotemkin Palaces and Route-Based Economiesrsquo In Voutsaki S and Killen J (eds) Economy and Society in the Mycenaean Palace States Cambridge 214ndash238

Soslashrensen A H 2009 lsquoApproaching Levantine Shores Aspects of Cretan Contacts with Western Asia during the MMndashLM I periodsrsquo Proceedings of the Danish Institute of Athens IV 9ndash55

South A K 1998 lsquoUrbanism and Trade in the Vasilikos Valley in the Late Bronze Agersquo In Bourke S and Descoeudres J P (eds) Trade Contact and the Movement of Peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean Studies in Honour of J Basil Hennessy Sydney 187ndash197

Stos-Gale Z A and Macdonald C F 1991 lsquoSources of Metals and Trade in the Bronze Age Aegeanrsquo In Gale 1991a 249ndash287

van Koppen F 2007 lsquoSyrian Trade Routes of the Mari Age and MB II Hazorrsquo In Bietak and Czerny 2007 367ndash374

van Wĳ ngaarden G J 2002 Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean Pott ery in the Levant Cyprus and Italy (ca 1600ndash1200 BC) Amsterdam

Voutsaki S 1993 Society and Culture in the Mycenaean World An Analysis of Mortuary Practices in the Argolid Thessaly and the Dodecanese PhD thesis Cambridge

Wallerstein I 1974 The Modern World-System I Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century New York


Watrous L V 1993 lsquoCretan Relations with the Aegean in the LBArsquo In Zerner C Zerner R and Winder J (eds) Wace and Blegen Pott ery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939ndash1989 Amsterdam 81ndash90

Watrous L V 1998 lsquoEgypt and Crete in the Early Middle Bronze Age A Case of Trade and Cultural Diff usionrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 19ndash28

Watrous L V 2007 lsquoHarbors as Agent of Social Change in Ancient Cretersquo In Betancourt et al 2007 101ndash106

Wiener M H 1991 lsquoThe Nature and Control of Minoan Foreign Tradersquo In Gale 1991a 325ndash350

Wilkinson D 2004 lsquoThe Power Confi guration Structure of the Central World-System 1500ndash700 BCrsquo Journal of World Systems Research X3 655ndash720

Wilkinson T C Sherratt S and Bennet J (eds) 2011 Interweaving Worlds Systemic Interactions in Eurasia 7th to 1st Millennia BC Papers from a conference in memory of Professor Andrew Sherratt Oxford

Yoff ee N 1995 lsquoThe Economy of Western Asiarsquo In Sasson J M (ed) Civilizations of the Ancient Near East New York 1387ndash1399

Zaccagnini C 1987 lsquoAspects of Ceremonial Exchange in the Near East during the Late Second Millennium BCrsquo In Rowlands et al 1987 57ndash65

3

Aegean trade systems Overview and observations on the Middle Bronze Age

Maria Emanuela Alberti

Introduction

The Aegean trade systems throughout history a synthetic viewThe present work is a part of a wider program aiming at sketching a general outline of the history of Aegean trade or bett er a tentative reconstruction of the role of trade systems in the historical developments of the Bronze Age (BA) Aegean1 Some general and methodological considerations are proposed and then aft er a short presentation of the largely studied and debated Early Bronze Age evidence the analysis focuses on the Middle Bronze Age a period less investigated under this point of view

Historical and cultural changes arise from the interaction between internal factors and developments on one hand and external inputs and infl uences on the other hand Trade systems ndash both at lsquointernationalrsquo and at a local level ndash are essential in this view and can be considered one of the best sources for the interpretation and reconstruction Trade networks have strongly infl uenced social and economic trajectories in various periods and areas and along with primary (staple) production constituted the backbone of the growing Aegean economies (eg Knapp 1998 Sherratt 1999 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 1998 Broodbank 2000 2004 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Melas 2009)

In a more eff ective manner when looking at the Aegean itself we could speak of a multi-directional and multi-level complex system made up of diff erent cores and peripheries circuits and routes variously interrelated within each phase2 What must be stressed here is that various Aegean societies could not have existed independently in each period all Aegean areas

are strongly linked and important historical realities such as the Early Helladic (EH) lsquoCorridor Housersquo societies or the Middle Helladic (MH) commercial power of Aegina not to speak of palatial Crete and the Mainland could not be understood without looking at the global Aegean system and its links with external areas

The present work aims to stress the existence of both some recurrent structural elements and varying assets in the history of the trade systems in the Bronze Age Aegean Recurrent elements are importance of geography and resource distribution structural link with local trajectories (primary economy sett lement pattern and social organization of various areas and periods) interaction and hybridization as a fundamental mean of shaping culture and society The combination of these elements results in the variation of trading circuits through time (see infra)

The analysis and reconstruction work suggests a general framework of development trajectories which are summarized here While sketching a broad picture of Aegean history during the Bronze Age two major chronological cycles can be detected on the basis of demography cultural continuity and economic patt erns the fi rst one encompassing the Early Bronze Age (EB) I and EB II the second one starting at the end of the EBA and lasting until Late Bronze (LB) IIIC Middle Between these two cycles important transformations occur during EBIII Trading systems roughly follow such a partition with some internal variations due to the rise and demise of palatial polities fi rst in Crete and then on the Mainland Important modifi cations appear in LBIIIC Middle Crete in particular seems to play in a diff erent way

3 Aegean trade systems Overview and observations on the Middle Bronze Age 23

from the other Aegean actors combining a diff use trading activity with more directional initiatives in strategic key-points of the circuits from its advanced Pre-palatial period (see infra)

In the fi rst cycle even with conspicuous changes throughout the period the trading system appears to have been structured as a complex network of interconnections between the East and West (from Troy to Lerna and from western Greece to the Adriatic regions) with a number of peer-ranked lsquohubsrsquo each one commanding a defi ned and inhabited land and seascape aft er a fi rst phase Crete seems somehow separated from the rest of the Aegean and interacts with it on a diff erent basis In the second cycle the full linkage with palatial Crete gives the system a gravitational core and a more directional structure trade activities are carried out through segmented geographical circuits mainly northndashsouth oriented (lsquodendriticrsquo systems) by a restricted number of major leading centres while other sites and areas play a decidedly more secondary role The network survives but it increasingly shows a core and a direction and an extraordinary expansion capacity In this way the system involves progressively wider regions (the northern and western Mainland the central Mediterranean) and interface on an increasing basis with the Mediterranean routes acquiring strength An important step is the structural connection with external foci of economic growth such as the western Mediterranean and Cyprus which gives the system an external support in case of internal trouble (eg at the end of the palatial organization) but also exposes it to the consequences of overseas crisis (eg the problematic transitions between Late Cypriot IIIA and IIIB) The fi nal relocation of the lsquocorersquo to the Mainland and the increasing importance of western involvement cause an important northern shift ing of the main circuits at the close of the Mycenaean palatial era an asset which continues even later Indeed the collapse of Mycenaean (and Levantine to a lesser extent) palatial administration even though aff ecting in various ways the trade system(s) in no way stopped it with some changes involving mainly the insular world and perhaps a reduced intensity trade interactions will continue on the same paths until the end of the cycle (eg Knapp 1998 Sherratt 1999 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 1998 Broodbank 2000 2004 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Melas 2009)

According to the most recent scholarship it is hereby assumed that various trading levels and modalities coexisted in the Aegean and the Mediterranean during the Bronze Age with a large part of the exchange carried out outside the offi cial system of lsquogift exchangersquo and lsquoadministrated tradersquo Palatial elitarian att ached

independent and lsquoprivatersquo trade entrepreneurships acted alongside each other in parallel ways with various degree of co-participation combination and independence On the basis of both Near Eastern writt en sources and the Mediterranean archaeological records trade relationships seem to have been too complicated and articulated to undergo schematization or formalization unless case by case (eg Salsano 1994 Zaccagnini 1994 Sherratt 1998 1999 Milano and Parise 2003 Zaccagnini 2003 Storia del denaro Clancier et al 2005 Parise 2005 Peyronel 2008 Routledge and McGeough 2009 Alberti 2011)

The present att empt will necessarily presuppose the most popular interpretative issues such as a systemic approach world-system theory interaction spheres secondary state formation polarities between gradual evolution vs punctuated equilibrium and between hierarchy vs heterarchy (and related terms) and connectivity identity acculturation and hybridization phenomena all elements which are widely used and full discussed by other contributions in the present volume and which therefore will not be treated at great length here3 Debate within Aegean scholarship has in recent years abandoned strong theoretical schematism(s) to welcome more nuanced and multi-faceted open-solution approaches4

Geography and resourcesThe history of trade in the Aegean has been largely and variously aff ected by the geographical conformation of the area The study of winds and stream patt erns has outlined the diff erences between the northern and southern Aegean and therefore their natural division (Fig 31)5 This is a key factor in Aegean history as the two areas had always followed diff erent trajectories with repercussions on the trading and interaction patt erns of various periods In both areas interconnections followed local circuits which were stable throughout history and interfaced with one another thus allowing the circulation of people goods and ideas through a chain of segmented steps Some major crossing routes assured stronger connections In the northern Aegean the most important and local circuits and routes are located in the Pagasetic gulf (interfacing with the Euboea and southern routes) the Magnesia plain and the Chalkidiki the routes linking Samothrace GoumlkccedileadaImbros Lemnos BozcaadaTenedos (the lsquoNorthern Crescentrsquo ie Boulotis 2009) Dardanelles Troy and Lesbos Lesbos Chios and the Anatolian coast Chios Samos and the Anatolian coast (interfacing with the southern routes) The northern Sporades function as a bridge for the western routes to Lemnos and the eastern circuits The island of

Maria Emanuela Alberti24

Lemnos has a pivot role in the area being located at the crossroads of both northndashsouth and eastndashwest routes Interactions between the eastern Aegean islands and Anatolian coasts were especially important (the lsquoUpper Interfacersquo)

The connection between the northern and southern circuits passed through Euboea the northern Cyclades (Andros Tinos and Mykonos) Ikaria and Samos

In the southern Aegean the most important and localized circuits link the southern Peloponnese with western Crete through Kythera Att ica with central Crete through the central Cyclades (lsquoWestern Stringrsquo ie Davis 1979) and eastern Crete with the south-western Anatolian coasts through Kasos Karpathos and Rhodes (lsquoEastern Stringrsquo ie Niemeier 1984) Circuits centred on the central Cyclades are especially important and autonomous with Keos Thera and Amorgos as entry points The lsquoisland bridgesrsquo connecting the central Aegean and south-

western Anatolia (Ikaria and Samos Amorgos and Kos Karpathos and Rhodes) delimit the area of major interaction between Aegean and Anatolian societies with important consequences on trading and cultural phenomena (lsquoLower Interfacersquo)

Exit routes from the Aegean go out from the Dardanelles to the Pontus and Danube from Rhodes to Cyprus and the Levant and from western Crete through Messenia and the western Peloponnese to the Adriatic and the Ionian sea The most external and far reaching route is the lsquolong routersquo connecting Cyprus Rhodes southern Crete and southern Sicily

Other sea-routes and circuits of special importance are the Euboean Gulf the Saronic Gulf the Corinthian Gulf the Gulf of Argos and the route connecting them through Corinthia and the Argolid and through Boeotia

The location of resources is also fundamental Globally the Aegean contributed to the Mediterranean

Figure 31 Principal maritime circuits and sea-routes in the Aegean (modifi ed from Papageorgiou 2008 b fi g 4) (ill M E Alberti and G Merlatt i)


trading system with typical Mediterranean products such as oil (and derivative products) wine sheep-wool (and derivatives) and purple-dye Crucial for the economic and trading developments was the presence of metal ores and valuable stones in various Aegean locations Laurion in Att ica (copper and leadsilver) Siphnos (leadsilver and copper) Kythnos (copper) Melos (obsidian and andesite) Naxos (marble and emery) Paros (marble) Thera (andesite) Laconia (rosso antico and lapis lacedaemonius) With the possible exception of Laconia all of these sources were already used in EBI if not before Along with maritime and geographical constraints was this distribution of resources which shaped major trading routes and made the Laurion ndash lsquoWestern Stringrsquo ndash Crete connection so important

Through history trading circuits and geographical segmentation were crucial for local trajectories strongly aff ecting the character and dynamics of each regional area The geographical sectors and trading routes outlined above were one of the structural elements of the Aegean Bronze Age each region had its own particular identity which developed according to constant local characteristics and constraints Bronze Age Aegean history(ies) and culture(s) is in large part the history of the interaction of these regional identities and areas

InternalExternal factors and StapleWealth economies elements for a trade systemTrading involvement and increasing complexity are strictly linked in the history of societies as underlined in secondary state formation studies An articulated trade system is the outcome of various trajectories followed by the involved societies where a complex of internal and external factors coexist combining elements of both staple and wealth economy agricultural colonization of previous marginal lands or reorganization of the agricultural system economic centralization and lsquomobilizationrsquo social diversifi cation (both horizontal and vertical) large-scale production (transformation of agro-pastoral products andor craft activity) multi-level import-export systems including specialized local productions and hybridization imitation and lsquointernationalrsquo products (see below) transcultural phenomena (technology craftwork administration architecture language ideology religion etc) (eg Renfrew 1972 Cherry 1983 1984 1986 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Branigan 1995 2001 Haggis 2002 Schoep 2002 2006 Schoep and Knappett 2004 Watrous et al 2004 261ndash276 Whitelaw 2004 a Whitely 2004 Parkinson and Galaty 2007 with references Manning 2008)

In particular the att ested range of traded products generally includes

A raw materials or primary products mineral ore valuable stones cereals resins spices wool etc In general terms these constitute the bulk of the globally traded commodities but are unfortunately the less traceable in the archaeological record

B specialized products transformed raw materials or primary products with added value (wine oil perfumes textiles purple-dye and metal ingots) medium-valuelow bulk craft products (simple bronzes and especially decorated or specialized pott ery ideally made for a lsquomiddle-classrsquo or lsquosub-elitersquo) and high-valuelow bulk manufactured products (jewellery ivories inlaid furniture metal vases etc ideally made for an elite target and typically used for lsquogift exchangersquo transactions) In most cases the products with added value are realized with imported material (metal stone ivory etc)

It should be stressed that imports can be both similar to and diff erent from the products and goods locally available

Connectivity transculturation and hybridization The review of the archaeological evidence suggests that both local products and imports are generally heavily infl uenced by the fashion or stylistic language of the period thus testifying to various degrees of imitation selection modification appropriation hybridization and reverberation (see infra) One should expect to fi nd side-by-side in the same place along the trade network local products fashionable imports local products copying the imports local products imitating absorbing or modifying the external fashiontechnology products of hybrid character and other imports from other places which themselves imitate the periodrsquos fashion etc

It comes as no surprise that the most important and successful trade centres of the various periods oft en develop not only their own typical export classes based on local tradition or local resources but also specialized productions based on the fashion of the time which generally reach a wide distribution and are one of the keys to their trading success this is the case for example of the various Minoanizing and Minyanizing wares of MBA and of the LBIIIAndashB lsquoCypro-Mycenaeanrsquo and lsquoItalo-Mycenaeanrsquo pott ery6

The ultimate manifestation of these lsquoglobalizingrsquo tend-encies are the lsquointernationalrsquo classes of products which are realized along similar stylistic and technological


patt erns in various parts of the Mediterranean and are generally related to conspicuous consumption and prestige exchange direct material manifestation of the elite lsquobrotherhoodrsquo and shared codes (and specialists) ivories seals metal vases jewellery precious weapons etc

In a broader sense these are the material correlations of wider cultural phenomena generally affecting historical development connectivity shapes the cultural change process The successive transformations among societies or the rise of new culture identities result both from socio-economic factors and from complex dynamics of hybridization This may seem to be an obvious statement but as far as the Bronze Age Aegean is concerned it should be underlined that Cycladic identities and societies Mycenaean polities Early Minoan and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Crete are especially shaped by connectivity

According to the successive scholarly trends of our times these phenomena of cultural and social change have been largely debated and variously interpreted As no exception to the rule in recent years (eg Melas 1991 Schallin 1993 Broodbank 2004 Berg 2007 Horizon 2008 Macdonald et al 2009 but see already Rutt er 1979) and in the present work transformations in the material assemblages are interpreted mainly as cultural phenomena with no easily detectable political or social correlations arising from a complex blending of local past traditions and new infl uences or fashions and varying from place to place the emphasis is on particularities continuity hybridity and identity constructionnegotiation rather than on general disruption and complete assimilation (see infra the discussion on Minoanization and note 7) It is commonly understood that the underlying element is the movement of people other than ideas and that the Aegean has been for centuries (and still is) a highly interconnected world with phenomena of osmosis Though real migrations are at present excluded from the scholarly debate continuous fl uxes of people are to be supposed at the basis of the evident connectivity and trasculturality And the eff ective relocation of small groups of people or the presence of enclaves well aft er the initial colonization of the region seems quite a logical correlation (eg Melas 2009 Warren 2009 with references see also note 7) Traders explorers travellers specialists diplomats soldiers mercenaries and sett lers made the Aegean what it was and is today

However it is clear that there is for each period a dominant fashion a material cultural assemblage that spreads in the various Aegean areas with diff erent results each time And this is the lsquopackagersquo issued from the region which has in that particular phase

the strongest economy and the most developed trading means (see eg Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 1998 Broodbank 2000 2004 and especially Melas 2009) From the beginning of EBA the Cyclades were the most active and trade involved societies and thus the lsquointernationalrsquo fashion was mainly Cycladic or Cycladizing During EBIIB the important trading connection with western Anatolia gave an impulse to an Anatolianizing wave mixed with the previous style In the formative period of MBIndashII regionalism was the rule with a conspicuous amount of interconnections combinations and hybridization however the emerging power of palatial Crete fostered the progressive diff usion of Minoan and Minoanizing fashions which became stronger and more widespread during the successive Neopalatial period (MBIIIndashLBI) The development of Mycenaean societies on the other hand contributed to the fi rst popularity of Mycenaean elements already at the end of LBI and then brought about the Mycenaeanization of the entire southern Aegean during LBIIndashIII While all of these phenomena related to the material culture can be considered chronologically limited and linked to the successive emergence of some regional power they are however strictly connected to each other and create a form of continuous osmosis deeply underlying Aegean transformations As a result each new wave propagated more widely and consistently until the almost pan-Aegean lsquoMycenaean koinersquo and Aegean cultures acquired their own particular blend diff erent from those of other Mediterranean worlds

Phases of trade system(s) patt erns EBA and MBA

The eastndashwest network Cycladization and the fi rst glimpse of Levatinization (EBI and II)Early Bronze Age trading systems has been widely investigated and will be therefore addressed only shortly here (eg Renfrew 1972 Barber 1987 Poliochni 1997 Broodbank 2000 Rambach 2000 Davis 2001 Rahmstorf 2006a 2006b Day and Doonan 2007 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Horizon 2008) During the EBA sea travels were conducted by paddled canoes and longboats Because of that the Aegean was linked to Near Eastern civilizations mainly through western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean lsquobridge of islandsrsquo The Cyclades therefore played a central role in the intermediation between the Helladic Mainland and Anatolian coasts Even with major changes throughout the period as recalled above the trading system appears to have been structured as a complex


network of interconnections between east and west (from Troy to Lerna) with a number of peer-ranked lsquohubsrsquo (each one commanding a defi ned and inhabited land- seascape) and an appendix leading to Crete which is somehow separated from the rest of the Aegean and interacts with it at a diff erent pace Within the network material culture (pott ery metallurgy jewellery weighing systems etc) is largely shared and develops along the same fashion patt erns which are strongly infl uenced by the Cycladic assemblages of various phases Thus the spreading of lsquoCycladicarsquo in the Aegean is represented by a wide range of imports imitations modifi cations selections and hybridizations (eg Papadatos 2007 Pantelidou Gofa 2008)

The Cycladic network had some important bridge-heads both on the Mainland and in Crete (Fig 32) sett lements where the Cycladic culture is well represented along with local traditions both in settlement and funerary assemblages and which therefore can be viewed as ports of trade or gateway communities with an important nucleus of Cycladic residents andor with strong ties with the Cycladic world On the Mainland these are situated at key-locations in Att ica (where Laurion mines were already exploited) at Ayios Kosmas and Tsepi Marathonos and Euboea at Manika (close to northern sea-routes and Boeotian agricultural hinterland) in Crete they are on the north coast at the terminal of the central

Figure 32 EBA Mainland lsquoCorridor Housersquo sites Cycladizing sites and the Cycladic circuit (ill ME Alberti and G Merlatt i)


Aegean network and close to the important and long-standing centre of Knossos (Poros Katsambas Pyrgos Cave Gouves) and towards the routes leading further east (Ayia Photia which is the only example where Cycladic material is overwhelming) (Day and Doonan 2007 Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki et al 2007 Wilson et al 2008 Horizon 2008)

On the Helladic Mainland sett lement expansion also in coastal locations points to an increased importance of trade involvement Even if essentially agricultural-based Early Helladic societies acted as powerful receptors and multipliers of the net importing and exporting and giving to the trade system one of its best raisons drsquoecirctre The coastal and island location of many of the important sites is very notable lsquoCorridor Housesrsquo sites such as Akovitika (Messenia) Lerna (Argolid) Kolonna (Aegina) to which also Tiryns with the lsquoRundbaursquo has to be added (Argolid) are strictly connected to maritime networks and to the Cycladic circuits and related lsquoports of tradersquo (see especially the mirroring sites of KolonnaAyios Kosmas) (Fig 32) (eg Forseacuten 1992 Rutt er 2001 with references Alram-Stern 2004 Wright 2004 Kouka 2008 Pullen 2008 with references)

On the other hand Early Minoan (EM) Crete seems to have been more isolated given its distance from the Anatolian coast and from other islands and it took no part in the lsquoEastern Mediterranean Interactive Spheresrsquo of ECIIB Not surprisingly the best evidence of trading contacts with the Levant and the rest of the Aegean comes from the north coast (Mochlos especially during EMIIB and Knossos) while probable Egyptian infl uences can be detected on the south coasts (the Messara Ayio Pharango valley etc) especially from the very end of the period on the connecting route mixed elements can be detected (Archanes) (eg Driessen 2001 Cunningham 2001 Watrous 2001 Day and Wilson 2002 with references Haggis 2002 Cunningham and Driessen 2004 Schoep and Knappett 2004 Watrous et al 2004 Whitelaw 2004a Rahmstorf 2006a 2006b Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Papadatos 2007 Betancourt 2008a Carter 2008 Colburn 2008 Manning 2008 Phillips 2008 Wilson 2008)

A particular circuit was active since the beginning of this phase between the southern Peloponnese and western Crete via Kythera (Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007)

Phases of development EBIndashII EBIIA EBIIBThe south-Aegean trading system seems to be articu-lated in three phases during EBIndashII mostly following the transformations of the Cycladic circuits (Renfrew 1972 Barber 1987 Broodbank 2000 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Horizon 2008) (Fig 33) In the EB I Advanced the

Cycladic network expands during the lsquoKamposrsquo period (ECIndashII) with major centres in the Kouphounissia and Cycladizing communitiesports of trade appearing on the Mainland and northern Crete The second phase represents the classical lsquoInternational Spiritrsquo phase (EBII Mature) with the typical lsquoKeros-Syrosrsquo assemblage (ECIIA) and the network of peer-ranked leading centres in key locations from Troy to Akovitika (in the central Aegean Ayia Irini II at Keos Grott a at Naxos Chalandriani at Syros Daskaleio-Kavos at Keros and Skarkos at Ios are the most important communities) During this phase Cretan Cycladizing centres are abandoned with the exception of Poros whose character however seems to change from a Cycladizing sett lementenclave to a Minoan port of trade (the port of Knossos) (Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki et al 2007 Wilson et al 2008) This phenomenon has been connected to the progressive structuring of Minoan societies during EMIIA (Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007) Interconnection reaches the apex during the the third phase (EBII Late) with the increased involvement of south-western Anatolia in the fi nal phase of the period a wider lsquointernational packagersquo was circulating through the lsquoEastern Mediterranean Interactive Spheresrsquo from Syria and Anatolia through the Cyclades to the Helladic Mainland with articulated phenomena of imitations selection and hybridization (Rahmstorf 2006a 2006b Psaraki 2007 Angelopoulou 2008 with references Gale and Stos-Gale 2008 with references) Quite interestingly Crete remains apart from these developments It has been suggested that this apparent separation of Crete from the central Aegean circuits refl ects a diff erent approach adopted by Minoan elites aiming at the direct procurement of resources with mining or trading expeditions bypassing the islanders intermediation the Minoan presence at Kythera dating to this phase can be hypothetically ascribed to this kind of approach (see eg Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Carter 2004 2008 Wilson 2008)

The entry of Crete (EBIIIndashMBI Early) the network is modifi ed This is a phase of major transformation throughout the Aegean involving various areas and regions in diff erent ways (eg Broodbank 2000 Rutt er 2001 Manning 2008 with references Wright 2008 with references) As for trade it is the onset of the circuits and route system(s) which will last until the end of the Late Bronze Age Among the elements contributing to the transformations there are climatic factors (some centuries of drought att ested in eastern Africa and the eastern Mediterranean) whose consequences


probably varied conspicuously among the aff ected areas (Halstead and Frederick 2003 Watrous et al 2004 266ndash267 Moody 2005a 2005b 2009 with references Rosen 2007 Rohling et al 2009) and the increased eff ect of some technological innovations such as the use of sailing boats in seafare and of donkeys for land transport which completely changed the time and scale of transportation In particular sail boats brought late prepalatial Crete closer to the rest of the Aegean and the eastern Mediterranean (eg Broodbank 2000 with references Brodie 2008)

The complete and not mediate linkage of Crete with the Aegean was a major component in the

scenario which was taking place in this phase heavily conditioning successive developments The trade network of peer-ranked hubs began to be disrupted with a gravitational core taking progressive shape in its south while new stronger links tie Crete with Kythera and the southern Peloponnese (Minoanizing material) (eg Broodbank 2000 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007)

At the beginning of the period both the Mainland and islands endure a severe crisis On the Mainland the eff ects are stronger but some sites continue and will constitute the centres of interconnections during Middle Helladic (MH) (Ayios Stephanos in Laconia

Figure 33 EBA Variations of trade patt erns within the EndashW networks (modifi ed from Broodbank 2000 fi g 106) (ill ME Alberti and G Merlatt i)


Lerna in Argolid Kolonna in Aegina etc) (eg Forseacuten 1992 Rutt er 1995 2001 Wright 2004 and 2008 Felten et al 2007 Taylour and Janko 2008) Quite interestingly the EHIII pott ery assemblage seems to be a typically hybrid product in various ways (and diff erent areas) developing the combination of EH tradition and Anatolianizing features which characterized the late phase of EHIIB (eg Rutt er 1995 Psaraki 2007 Angelopoulou 2008 with references Rambach 2008)

In the islands the picture is more variable but a major consequence is the general tendency towards nucleation with one major centre growing up in the larger islands a progressive phenomenon continuing into the MBA and probably fostered by the new transportation means (eg Phylakopi Iiindashiii) In this period the transition from the networked lsquohubsrsquo to a dendritic chain of a few large trading sett lements takes place with evidence of many coexisting strategies (Barber 1987 Broodbank 2000 Whitelaw 2004b 2005 with references Renfrew 2007)

Throughout Crete after an initial phase of disruption diff erent trajectories of development are detectable in the large agricultural plains (conspicuous nucleation in major centres and fi rst large buildings under the later palaces) and other areas (developing according to various patt erns and a slower pace especially north-eastern Crete) (eg Driessen 2001 Cunningham 2001 Watrous 2001 Cunningham and Driessen 2004 Watrous et al 2004 Whitelaw 2004a Manning 2008 Wilson 2008) The increasing evidence for contacts with the eastern Mediterranean and Egypt in the tombs of southern Crete in this phase should be emphasized a sign of the possibilities open by the new transportation means and a foreshadowing of the future Cretan involvement in the lsquolong routersquo (eg Watrous 2001 with references Colburn 2008 with references Phillips 2008) Middle Minoan (MM) IA pott ery begins to be documented in the Cyclades att esting to the new trading deal (eg Nikolakopoulou 2007 2009 with references Nikolakopoulou et al 2008) Agricultural development climatic diffi culties increasing horizontal and vertical social complexity and competition nucleation tendency new trading scale and opportunities combine in most recent studies both long-lasting (ie evolution) and punctual (ie revolution) factors in the explanation of palatial state formation in particular areas of Crete (eg Renfrew 1972 Cherry 1983 1984 1986 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Branigan 1995 2001 Haggis 2002 Schoep 2002 2006 Schoep and Knappett 2004 Watrous et al 2004 261ndash276 Whitelaw 2004 a Whitely 2004 Parkinson and Galaty 2007 Manning 2008)

Systems of SndashN circuits (MBIndashII) Regional patt erns and the fi rst dynamics of Minoanization The increasing evidence for the lsquolong routersquoThe Middle Bronze Age is a sort of a formative period an intense laboratory in which the premises of all following BA phases are defi ned identities and polities emerge through reciprocal negotiation and intense interaction local and regional powers establish their infl uence (eg Broodbank 2000 Watrous 2001 Rutt er 2001 Felten et al 2007 Mesohelladika) From a climatic point of view from the beginning of MBA a period of more favourable conditions and increased moisture seems to have taken hold these will last with some variations until the fi rst phases of the LBA and constitute the background for a range of crucial developments especially the intensifi cation of economic activities in general and agriculture in particular in palatial Crete (Halstead and Frederick 2003 Watrous et al 2004 266ndash267 Moody 2005a 2005b 2009 with references Rosen 2007 Rohling et al 2009)

Contrasting trendsTwo contrasting tendencies seem to coexist on the one hand there are strong regional patt erns based on coherent regional foci which are the development of the previous peer-ranked hubs but which now have a clearer geographic defi nition and increasing inequalities In particular the structuring of cultural identities and localized trading circuits can be detected in the following areas central Mainland north-eastern southern and western Peloponnese Aegina central Cyclades southern Dodecanese Crete Pagasetic Gulf and Chalkidiki (eg Broodbank 2000 Watrous 2001 Rutt er 2001 Felten et al 2007 Mesohelladika) On the other hand the increasing infl uence of proto-palatial Crete fosters the progressive structuring of three main southndashnorth lsquodendriticrsquo circuits in the southern Aegean the Crete ndash Kythera ndash southern Peloponnese route the lsquoWestern Stringrsquo (connecting Crete to Att ica through the central Cyclades) and the lsquoEastern Stringrsquo (connecting Crete to the Dodecannese through Kasos Karpathos and Rhodes) (eg Broodbank 2000 2004 with references) (Fig 34) Crete is indeed now fully linked to the rest of the Aegean and to the Levant and with its impressive ecological agricultural demographic and social stock imposes itself as a major actor within the Aegean system As a matt er of fact Crete acts as a lsquofi lterrsquo between the Aegean and the Mediterranean external connection (eg Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Broodbank 2000 2004)

Some major strategic options which emerge during this phase can be viewed as somehow connected to


the existence of this gravitational core of the system as well as to the new increased Mediterranean projection that is the increasing importance of the Laurion mines with as the same time the decreasing importance of the Cycladic ores as well as the general adoption of bronze metallurgy which implies a structural link with the Mediterranean routes for the supply of tin (eg Day and Doonan 2007 Gale and Stos-Gale 2008 with references)

Minoan infl uence seems to be a gradual multi-faceted and highly variable phenomenon att ested earlier and in a stronger manner at Kythera in the southern Cyclades (ie MMIA Minoan pottery at

Akrotiri Thera) as well as on Kasos and Karpathos it seems to start later and to be more variegated in the northern (Ayia Irini Keos) and western (Phylakopi Melos) Cyclades and even more diverse and variable in the eastern Aegean7 Indeed most of the phenomena traditionally linked to the so-called lsquoMinoanizationrsquo can be traced back to this phase including the possible presence among the wide range of contact evidence of more directional and substantial Minoan initiatives directed towards strategic locations especially at the articulation points of the sea-circuits Kythera Trianda on Rhodes Miletus in Caria and Samothrace (eg Warren 2009) The rise of the Aeginetan power

Figure 34 MBA Principal circuits and routes in the Aegean the NndashS lsquodendritic systemrsquo (ill ME Alberti and G Merlatt i)


is due both to the strategic location of the island at the intersection of various circuits and to the trade-oriented economy of its society which produces and imitates specialized pott ery for exportation on a considerable scale (eg Niemeier 1995 Lindblom 2001 Felten 2009 with references) If ever a core-periphery-margin perspective had to be adopted for the Aegean it is in this phase Crete would be the core the Cyclades and Aegina dynamic peripheries and the Mainland areas a highly diff erentiated margin (eg Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Sherratt 1993)

On the Mediterranean side relationships with Egypt and Levant become increasingly evident the mentions of KaptaraKaphtor in Near Eastern sources of the period (especially Mari end of the XIX century and XVIII century BCE) the distribution of Minoan and Minoanizing artefacts overseas as well as of Near-Eastern imports in the Aegean underline both the role of lsquofi lterrsquo played now by Crete and the existence of a lsquolong routersquo from Syria to Cyprus Crete and Egypt Minoan fresco techniques and iconography are widespread within the eastern Mediterranean dictating a new fashion code variously adopted and declined by local elites and artists (eg Alalakh Mari Tell Kabri) a signifi cant transcultural (and hybridization) phenomenon probably based to some extent on the presence of travelling artisans8

Pott ery production and trade activitiesThese two contrasting trends ndash regional dynamics and increasing Minoan infl uence ndash are clearly illustrated by pott ery production and distribution (eg Zerner 1986 1993 Zerner et al 1993 Nordquist 1995 Lindblom 2001 Felten et al 2007 Rutt er 2007 Mesohelladika) Aegean MB fi ne wares can be roughly grouped in three major classes various types of interconnected Dark Burnished and Matt Painted Wares are produced in the Mainland at Aegina and in the Cyclades (with Mainland Matt -Painted possibly being of later date than the others and inspired by the Aeginetan and Cycladic infl uences) while the Minoan production follows its own path and is known outside of Crete especially for the Kamares and derived types At the same time local variability is an important factor each major site has its own particular production in the frame of the most popular classes Moreover and this is extraordinary important for the present discussion various sites are often imitating the particular productions of other sites or regions especially the central Mainland Grey Minyan the Cycladic Cycladic White the Aeginetan Matt -Painted and the Minoan Kamares thus leading to a plethora of Minyanising and Minoanizing productions (see Warren in Felten et al 2007 361 Sarri 2010b Spencer

2010) of which the Minoanizing classes of Aegina or the Red Loustrous from southern PeloponneseKythera are only the most famous examples (eg Felten et al 2007 with references Taylour and Janko 2008) Major centres are apparently engaged in a well-established pott ery production on considerable scale intended both for local consumption and external trade the appearance of pottersrsquo mark systems at various sites (Ayia Irini Phylakopi Kolonna and Malia pott ersrsquo marks are present also on the Red Lustrous production) refl ects the necessary repercussions on the work-organization (eg Overbeck and Crego 2008 Renfrew 2007 Lindblom 2001 Poursat 2001 Poursat and Knappett 2005) Without surprise the most important production sites are located at the interface between southern Aegean and Helladic Mainland (Aegina and Red Loustrous production area) a fact which underlines the intensity of the economic interaction in the fringe and the vitality of the Mainland markets (Zerner 1993) In this framework Minoanizing productions appear more as one market option among a variegated range of products than a mark of cultural infl uence All these classes are then widely and intensively exchanged both within and outside the closer regional circuits this is clear for example in the central Cyclades where the evidence from various sites shows trade relations at a local level (pott ery exchanged between Melos Thera Naxos Thera etc) as well as through a wider Aegean area (imports from the Mainland Aegina Crete and the Dodecannese) (eg Crego 2007 Nikolakopoulou 2007 Renfrew 2007) The same is true for other important sites such as Lerna and Kolonna (Aegina) (eg Zerner 1993 Felten 2007 Gauszlig and Smetana 2010)

Crete and the lsquoEastern StringrsquoIn Crete the protopalatial era is marked by an intense marginal colonization which sustains the economic growth of the Minoan societies palatial centres in the largest agricultural plains (Knossos Phaistos and Malia) and minor polities of less clear-cut defi nition in the east (Gournia Petras Palaikastro and Kato Zakros) An extended route system constitutes the back-bone of the development in the far east it is specially connected to the exploitation and control of particular environmental niches (lsquowatchtowerrsquo system) (eg Cunningham 2001 Driessen 2001 Watrous 2001 Schoep 2002 Monuments of Minos Cunningham and Driessen 2004)

The three peer-ranked First Palaces control a limited territory and centralize specialized manufactures textiles at Knossos (eg more than 400 loom-weights from the Loomweights Basements MMIIB) seals pott ery and metalworking at Malia (Quartier Mu MMII)


pott ery textiles and metalworking at Phaistos (West Court and Palace West Wing MMII) Large-scale purple-dye production is fi rstly att ested in this period especially in eastern Crete (at Palaikastro Kouphounissi and other areas but also Kommos) and it is possibly connected to a textile industry intended for exportation Storage facilities and containers which are abundantly att ested in the palaces and other types of sites point to the transformation of agricultural products such as cereals wine oil (and possibly also some derived such as perfumes ndash a probable unguentary workshop is att ested at Chamalevri in the immediate previous period MMIA) The specialized production of the lsquoKamaresrsquo pott ery and connected types (especially at Knossos and Phaistos) provides an important medium-prestige category of goods intended both for internal and external circulation New administrative tools appear various sealing systems as well as the Hieroglyphic and lsquoProto-Linear Arsquo writing systems At Malia (MMII) weighing standards seem to combine both Levantine and new Minoan units (Alberti 2009 with references) Elite burials are regularly att ested at the developing sett lements Knossos Archanes Malia Gournia and in the Messara

In strict connection with Cretan developments in the islands of Kasos and Karpathos a wave of agricultural colonization and a new sett lement patt ern emerge and will become more visible during LBI (Melas 1985 2009 Platon and Karantzali 2003 Broodbank 2004 Warren 2009 Pentedeka et al 2010)

CycladesIn the major islands of the lsquoWestern Stringrsquo the previously started general reorganization of the settlement continues (eg Barber 1987 TAW III Broodbank 2000 Davis 2001 Berg 2007 Sotirakopoulou 2010) with a tendency towards nucleation only in few major centres or towns which increase their extension complexity as well as the range and intensity of their economic activities although not at the same pace Ayia Irini on Keos (refounded only in full MBA phases IV and V early eg Cummer and Schofi eld 1983 Davis 1986 Overbeck 1989 Crego 2007 Overbeck 2007 Overbeck and Crego 2008 Crego 2010) Phylakopi on Melos (the developing City II eg Whitelaw 2004b 2005 Renfrew 2007 with references Brodie et al 2008 Brodie 2009) Akrotiri on Thera (apparently founded or expanded at the end of the EBA on the location of a EB necropolis eg Nikolakopoulou 2007 Doumas 2008 Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2008 Nikolakopoulou et al 2008 Nikolakopoulou 2009) and Paroikia on Paros Minor sett lements in the same islands are also present but they are far less numerous than during the previous phases The towns which are important

lsquoknotsrsquo in the lsquostringrsquo centralize various manufactures pottery production (the famous Cycladic White and related classes and the Dark Burnished in their local variations) and metallurgy (lead silver and copper from Laurion) are the most widely att ested activities The production and exchange of large barrel-jars between the islands point to an economic intensifi cation and to an increased importance for the trade of bulk commodities The social reorganization with a new articulation and a possible hierarchical structure implied by these phenomena is also att ested by the evidence for some elite burials in some place (eg Ayia Irini)

In this period of intense interactions within the Aegean islands material cultures develop remodelling external influences within their own traditional heritage giving birth to a range of parented but diff erent local assemblages in continuous transformation and redefi nition (eg recently Berg 2007) Especially thanks to the recent deep soundings at Akrotiri it is now clear how the inception of Minoan material infl uence is a gradual and not equally distributed phenomenon and cannot be directly linked to the social and sett lement changes in the islands (eg Whitelaw 2005 Nikolakopoulou 2007 2009 with references see above the discussion and references for Minoanization)

AeginaOn the north-west part of the southern Aegean the Aeginetan circuit in the Saronic Gulf and beyond plays a key-role both as motor of economic intensifi cation in the local and surrounding areas and as mediator among Cycladic Peloponnesian and Mainland circuits Aegina with the multi-stratifi ed and fortifi ed site of Kolonna (VIIndashIX) is in this phase a real maritime and trading power based both on the strategic geographical position of the island and its intermediation activities and export-oriented production (eg Walter and Felten 1981 Kilian Dirlmeier 1995 1997 Niemeier 1995 Lindblom 2001 Felten 2007 2009 Gauszlig and Smetana 2010) Just as the other major centres of the period Kolonna has imports from all the Aegean area (including typical or regional specialized pott ery and various imitations-hybridization products) and produces a large range of pott ery (including the so called lsquoGold Mica Warersquo with specialized utilitarian vessels and pott ery of Minoan and Cycladic type eg Hiller 1993 Zerner 1993 Nordquist 1995 Lindblom 2001 Rutt er 2001 Gauszlig and Smetana 2007 and 2010) Aeginetan wares were widely distributed on the coastal sites of the Helladic Mainland and also in the islands and Crete contributing to the circulation of models and fashions Aeginetan Matt -Painted ware is obviously linked to the Cycladic Matt -Painted classes


and has also a strong infl uence on the Helladic Matt -Painted especially in the following phases (MBIII and LBI) Pott ery analyses suggest that at Kolonna the production was almost large-scale organized with specialized workshops potterrsquos marks etc characteristics which points to an export-oriented production (Lindblom 2001) The presence of large transport and storage containers the lsquobarrel jarsrsquo some of them bearing a depiction of boats shows the importance of sea-fare and trading activities for the island along with the possibility of large-scale storage practices probable lsquomobilizationrsquo phenomena and hypothetical riding and war practices The existence of an elite burial (lsquoShaft -Graversquo) at the entrance of Kolonna and of a lsquocentralrsquo building (Groszligsteinbau) in the town (phase IX) gives a glimpse on social dynamics and phenomena of wealth concentration which were taking place in the island (MHII Middle or Late) these phenomena anticipated and are somehow connected to similar developments in the Mainland during the following periods (MBIII and LBI) Kythera and the southern PeloponneseIn this period the link between these two areas becomes stronger with some typical cultural traits developing in the region from the blending of regional Helladic and Minoan heritages (see eg the evidence from Ayios Stephanos and Geraki Laconia) such as the production of Red Lustrous (also known as Lustrous Decorated) and related wares which circulate then in the rest of the western Aegean (eg Taylour and Janko 2008 Crouwel 2010 Hitchcock and Chapin 2010) However during this phase the circuit remains substantially separated from the Aeginetan ndash Cycladic sphere The local Helladic tradition is seemingly quite diff erent from what is known from the rest of the Helladic Mainland (especially in comparison with the Argolid Att ica and Boeotia) According to most recent research Kythera (with Antikythera) known since a long time as the most Minoanized area out of Crete is now to be substantially considered as part of the Minoan world its material culture develops its own character within the range of various regional Minoan identities (eg Bevan 2002 Bevan et al 2002 Broodbank 2004 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Pentedeka et al 2010 Kiriatzi 2010) In this period the area of Kastri is the only one inhabited while the rest of the island where during the previous phase local Helladic materials were att ested along the Minoan ones is now almost deserted in this case it is not easy to disentangle ethnic dialectics from a general trend to sett lement nucleation (eg Broodbank 2004 with references Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007)

Southern and central MainlandThe early and central phases of MH mark the maximum level of depopulation in the Mainland and the fi rst new steps towards a demographic increase As usual in the various areas material evidence illustrates complex dialectics between regional and external elements diff erent regional identities are progressively shaped through time and space especially in Boeotia Att ica Argolid and Laconia (eg Rutt er 2001 Wright 2004 2008 Voutsaki 2005 2010 Felten et al 2007 Taylour and Janko 2008 Bintliff 2010 Crouwel 2010 Philippa-Touchais 2010 Wright 2010 Zavadil 2010)

The Argolid seems to have a special place being a connecting region between southern Peloponnese the Aeginetan circuits and central Mainland as att ested by the extraordinary import-export balance from Lerna (phase V eg Zerner 1986 1988 1993 Lindblom 2001) and Asine (Nordquist 1987 with references Wells 2002) Some sites in central Mainland and especially in Boeotia (eg Orchomenos) are important pott ery production centres they constitute the core of the fashionable lsquotruersquo Grey Minyan wares development area (eg Sarri 2010a 2010b) In the late MHII period a fi rst sett lement hierarchy is apparently in place in many regions with nucleation around some lsquocentral placesrsquo (eg Lerna Argos and Asine in Argolid) Some elite burials in tumuli are perhaps att ested in this late phase (eg Kilian Dirlmeier 1997) but their chronology is not certain and they should more probably be dated to a later period (ie MHIII Voutsaki 2005)

South-eastern Aegean (lsquoLower Interfacersquo)In the eastern Aegean (lsquoLower and Upper Interfacersquo) as well new identities are shaped by the local regional and inter-regional interactions The progress of excavations and studies in Rhodes Miletus Iasos and Kos indicates that in the MBA local Anatolianizing Cycladic and Minoan features were already been blended including important site variations (eg Mee 1982 1998 Dietz and Papachristodoulou 1988 Emporia Macdonald et al 2009) Exchange on local and regional scale has obviously the best part in local interactions Minoan presence once again seems to follow a strategic and directional approach at the pivot-points of the south-eastern circuit both Trianda on Rhodes (eg Girella 2005 with references Marketou 2009 with references) and Miletus in Caria (eg Niemeier and Niemeier 1997 Kaiser 2005 2009 Niemeier 2005 Raymond 2005 2009) show a strong Minoan cultural component It should be stressed however that the pott ery and domestic assemblages from Trianda and Miletus reveal articulated phenomena of transculturation with strong local roots which can in no way be mechanically reduced to the Minoan presence In other


sites of the area Minoan elements are at the moment less prominent and possibly due at least in part to secondary interactions (eg Warren 2009)

North-eastern Aegean (lsquoUpper Interfacersquo) In the major sites of the Pagasetic Gulf the most fashionable products from central Mainland (Gray Minyan and Matt-Painted) and southern Aegean (Aeginetan wares) circulate leading to the local production of similar classes widely distributed in the area the best known is the so-called lsquoMagnesia Polychrome classrsquo a matt -painted polychrome ware inspired by the imported southern pott ery which has been found so far as Koukonisi (Lemnos) (eg Poliochni 1997 Maran 2007 Collins et al 2008ndash2010 Macdonald et al 2009 Dakoronia 2010) Settlement patterns around the Pagasetic Gulf point to the existence of a network of emerging sites (Pefk akia Magoula Iolkos and Velestino) apparently without a lsquocentralrsquo one (eg Maran 2007 Dakoronia 2010) Parallel phenomena of focused importations and local imitations are att ested in the Chalkidiki where some sites apparently start a medium-scale production of purple-dye (eg Horejs 2007 Veropoulidou 2008 Psaraki and Andreou 2010 Mesohelladika) Further east in western Anatolia mutual interactions between the parallel pott ing traditions of the established Aegean Dark Burnished wares and the developing Anatolian Grey wares are particularly strong in this phase with some Aegean-related shapes appearing within the Anatolian repertoire in coastal areas (eg Pavuacutek 2005 2007 2010)

Anyway in this lsquoUpper Interfacersquo relationships with the southern Aegean are obviously not so strong as they are in the lsquoLower Interfacersquo and they remain somehow indirect Similar dynamics of interaction and hybridization do occur both relating to local productions and patt ern of circulation and southern infl uences (from the lsquoLower Interfacersquo and central Aegean) The island of Lemnos plays a pivotal role in the area being connected to both northndashsouth and eastndashwest routes as the rich and multiform evidence from Koukonisi points out (including traces of metallurgical activities) (ie Boulotis 1997 2009 2010) An exception is possibly represented by Samothrace where a particular Minoan presence has been detected including not only pott ery but also some objects related to measurement (ie a balance weight) and administrative activities (ie roundels and nodules) and metallurgical debris (ie Matsas 1991 1995 2009) This could point towards the existence of an organized Minoan outpost possibly connected to the expoitation of the metallic ores of the area (which is however not att ested archaeologically) Such evidence would thus suggest the existence of some Minoan strategic directional initiatives in the

framework of more nuanced and multi-faceted trading and exploring activities (eg Matsas 1991 2009)

Following developments Minoanization Mycenaeanization and northern shift In general terms in the following phases the major trends of mature MBA develop giving way to a more integrated and less regionalized system where the leading economic and cultural traits are represented by Neopalatial Crete and Minoanization phenomena for MBIIIndashLBI (eg BAT Dietz 1998 Graziadio 1998 Mountjoy and Ponting 2000 Emporia Felten et al 2007 Horizon 2008 Macdonald et al 2009 see also above on Minoanization) and palatial Mycenaean mainland polities and Mycenaeanization for LBIIndashIIIB (eg TMM BAT Schallin 1993 Cline 1994 2007 Mountjoy 1998 2008 Sherratt 1998 1999 2001 Georgiadis 2003 2009 Emporia DrsquoAgata and Moody 2005 Rutt er 2006 Langohr 2009) The patt ern of trade-circuits is substantially the same as in the MBA During the Neopalatial period along with the increasing weight of Crete to one extremity (reinforcing the lsquodendriticrsquo aspects of the network) Helladic pole(s) develop on the other one With the advanced Mycenaean palatial era (LBIIIB) the core of the trading system moves to Mainland (eg Cline 1994 2007 Rutt er 2006) followed by a possible northern shift of trading routes in the last part of the period (end of LBIIIB2) and the beginning of the post-palatial phase (LBIIIC Early) (eg Sherratt 2001 Rutt er 2006 Borgna 2009 Moschos 2009 with references) Some major changes are detectable in LBIIIC Middle when the general structure of the main trading routes seemingly change defi nitely from a northndashsouth to a westndasheast direction (eg Mountjoy 1998 Deger-Jalkotzy and Zavadil 2003 2007 Crielaard 2006 Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 Dickinson 2006a 2006 b Thomatos 2006 2007 Bachhuber and Vlachopoulos 2008 Roberts 2009 Borgna and Cagravessola Guida 2009 Deger-Jalkotzy and Baumlchle 2009)

On the wider Mediterranean area eastern Mediterra-nean economic system(s) reache(s) its maximum extension and intensifi cation during LBA strongly interfacing the Central Mediterranean and European world But these phases will be the object of other contributions

It seems clear that the basic structure of regional identities and interactions of the II millennium BCE in the Aegean was formed during the MBA trading contacts and hybridization phenomena had large part in the process Dialectics between local socio-economic structures and traditions and external economic inputs and cultural innovations were at the base of


identities defi nition and continuous renovation and transformation

Geographical constraints and resources distribution were also determinant for the regional trajectories as it was the case of the lsquoWestern Stringrsquo Kythera or Samothrace The economic reorganization att ested in some areas (Crete Cyclades and Aegina) with the development of intermediation and export-oriented activities is a fundamental step in the structuration of Aegean societies

Aegean history is a history of interactions and contaminations in a defi nite land and seascape and MBA represents a crucial moment of this history

Notes1 I will adopt a South Aegean-centered point of view For

the sake of simplicity all relative chronologies have been translated into Aegean terms unless not otherwise stated Given the broad topic being developed in the present contribution in many cases preference is given to more recent bibliography where references to previous works can be found My warmest thanks to Teresa Hancock Vitale Giuliano Merlatt i Franccediloise Rougemont and Serena Sabatini for their help during the last phases of redaction of the present contribution

2 MBA and LBA Aegean and Mediterranean trade system TMM TAW III Thalassa BAT Oates 1993 Cline 1994 Davies and Schofi eld 1995 Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 Eastern Mediterrenean procc Simposio Kriti-Aigypto Pare 2000 Ploes Stampolidis and Yannikouri 2004 Emporia Niemeier 1998 Knapp 1990 1991 1993 Melas 1991 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 1998 Wiener 1991 Rehak 1998 Sherratt 1998 1999 2001 Parkinson and Galaty 2007 Betancourt 2008 b Davis 2008 Hoslashjen Soslashrensen 2009 Mesohelladika

3 See especially Iacono Kneisel Papadimitriou and Kriga and Sabatini this volume with detailed bibliography See endnote 2 and the following Renfrew 1972 Cherry 1983 1984 1986 Sherratt and Sherratt 1991 Yoff ee 1993 Barrett and Halstead 2004 (especially Whitelaw 2004a) Watrous et al 2004 Whitely 2004 Parkinson and Galaty 2007 Issues from post-colonial studies such as hybridity and the lsquothird spacersquo have only recently entered the main stream of Aegean scholarship see Berg 2007 Papadatos 2007 Pavuacutek 2007 Psaraki 2007 Knapp 2008 Langohr 2009 (but see already Mountjoy 1998)

4 lsquoDeconstructionrsquo seems the mot drsquoordre See eg Broodbank 2004 Schoep and Knappett 2004 Whitelaw 2004a Berg 2007 Davis and Gorogianni 2008 Manning 2008 This is also an outcome of the development of landscape palaeoenvironmental and archaeometric studies which added substance and depth to the previous historical reconstruction

5 Agouridis 1997 Papageorgiou 1997 2008a 2008b See also Broodbank 2000 Sherratt 2001 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Davis 2008 The terms lsquoUpperrsquo and lsquoLower

Interfacersquo with reference to an east Aegeanndashwestern Anatolia Interface have been used by Penelope Mountjoy (1998) to defi ne phenomena of the Mycenaean period but can be usefully employed also for other phases to individuate these areas and their various local systems as diff erent from the rest of the Aegean and underline patt erns of interaction between Aegean societies and Anatolian world The same is true for the terms lsquoWestern Stringrsquo (Davis 1979) lsquoEastern Stringrsquo (Niemeier 1984) and lsquoNorthern Crescentrsquo (Boulotis 2009) originally meant to identify dynamics of the late MBAndashearly LBA

6 I would like to emphasize the last point the production for exportation of lsquointernationalrsquo or external success products it is the mark of a strongly market-oriented economy and the result of a complex intercultural phenomenon It also indicates where real economic entrepreneurship and commercial initiative were located in each phase

7 Minoanization Branigan 1981 MTMR Wiener 1984 1990 Melas 1988 1991 Davis and Cherry 1990 Broodbank 2004 with previous bibliography Whitelaw 2004b 2005 Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2005 Niemeier 2005 2009 Berg 2007 Broodbank and Kiriatzi 2007 Davis 2008 Davis and Gorogianni 2008 Macdonald et al 2009 Warren 2009 Cadogan and Kopaka 2010 Van de Moortel 2010

8 See note 2 See also Kemp and Merrillees 1980 Wiener 1991 Betancourt 1998 Watrous 1998 Carter and Kilikoglou 2007 Phillips 2008 Barrett 2009 Hoslashjen Soslashrensen 2009 Minoanizing frescoes Niemeier 1991 Niemeier and Niemeier 1998 Brysbaert 2008

ReferencesAgouridis Ch 1997 lsquoSea-routes and Navigation in the Third

Millennium Aegeanrsquo Oxford Journal of Archaeology 161 1ndash24

Alberti M E 2009 lsquoPesi e traffi ci infl uenze orientali nei sistemi ponderali egei nel corso dellrsquoetagrave del bronzorsquo In Camia F and Privitera S (eds) Obeloi Contatt i scambi e valori nel Mediterraneo antico Studi off erti a Nicola Parise (Tekmeria 11) PaestumndashAthens 13ndash41

Alberti M E 2011 La levantinizzazione dei sistemi ponderali nellrsquoEgeo dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo In Ascalone E and Peyronel L (eds) Studi italiani di metrologia ed economia del Vicino Oriente Antico dedicati a Nicola Parise in occasione del suo sett antesimo compleanno (Studia Asiana 7) Roma 1ndash42

Alcock S E and Cherry J F (eds) 2004 Side-by-Side Survey Comparative Regional Studies in the Mediterranean World Oxford

Alram-Stern E 2004 Die aumlgaumlische Fruumlhzeit 2 Serie Forschungsbericht 1972ndash2002 2 BandTeil 1 Die Fruumlhbronzezeit in Griechenland mit Ausnahme von Kreta (Oumlsterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaft en Philosophisch-historische Klasse Veroumlff entlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission 21) Wien

Angelopoulou A 2008 lsquoThe lsquoKastri Grouprsquo Evidence from Korfari ton Amygdalion (Panormos) Naxos Dhaskalio Keros and Akrotiri Therarsquo In Horizon 2008 149ndash164


Antoniadou S and Pace A (eds) 2007 Mediterranean Crossroads Selected Papers from the International Conference Athens 2005 Athens

Autochthon 2005 Dakouri-Hild A and Sherratt S (eds) 2005 Autochthon Papers Presented to OTPK Dickinson on the Occasion of His Retirement (British Archaeological Report International Series 1432) Oxford

Bachhuber Ch and Roberts R G (eds) 2009 Forces of Transformation The End of the Bronze Age in the Mediterranean Proceedings of an international symposium held at St Johnrsquos College University of Oxford 2006 (Themes from the Ancient Near East BANEA Publication Series 1) Oxford

Barber R L N 1987 The Cyclades in the Bronze Age LondonBarrett J C and Halstead P (eds) 2004 The Emergence of

Civilisation Revisited (Sheffi eld Studies in Aegean Archaeology 6) Sheffi eld

BAT Gale N H (ed) 1991 Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean Papers presented at the Conference held at Rewley House Oxford in December 1989 (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology XC) Jonsered

Berg I 2007 Negotiating Island Identities The Active Use of Pott ery in the Middle and Late Bronze Age Cyclades (Gorgias Dissertation 31 Classics 5) Piscataway NJ

Betancourt Ph P 1998 lsquoMM Objects in the Near Eastrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 5ndash13

Betancourt Ph P 2008a The Bronze Age Begins Pennsauken NJ

Betancourt Ph P 2008b lsquoMinoan Tradersquo In Shelmerdine 2008 209ndash229

Bevan A 2002 lsquoThe Rural Landscape of Neopalatial Kythera A GIS Perspectiversquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 152 217ndash255

Bevan A Kiriatzi E Knappett C Kappa E and Papachristou S 2002 lsquoExcavations of Neopalatial Deposits at Tholos (Kastri) Kytherarsquo Annual of the British School of Athens 97 55ndash96

Bintliff J 2010 lsquoThe Middle Bronze Age through the Surface Survey Record of the Greek Mainland Demographic and Sociopolitical Insightsrsquo In Mesohelladika 755ndash763

Borgna E 2009 lsquoPatt erns of Bronze Circulation and Deposition in the Northern Adriatic at the Close of the Late Bronze Agersquo In Borgna and Cagravessola Guida 2009 289ndash309

Borgna E and Cagravessola Guida P (eds) 2009 DallrsquoEgeo allrsquoAdriatico organizzazioni sociali modi di scambio e interazione in etagrave postpalaziale (XIIndashXI secolo aC) Att i del Seminario internazionale (Udine 2006) Roma

Boulotis Ch 1997 lsquoΚουκονήσι Λήμνου Τέσσερα χρόνια ανασκαφικής έρυνας θέσεις και υποθέσειςrsquo In Poliochni 1997 230ndash272

Boulotis Ch 2009 lsquoKoukonisi on Lemnos Refl ections on the Minoan and Minoanising Evidencersquo In Macdonald et al 2009 175ndash218

Boulotis Ch 2010 lsquoKoukonisi (Lemnos) un site portuaire florissant du Bronze Moyen et du deacutebut du Bronze Reacutecent dans le Nord de lrsquoEacutegeacuteersquo In Mesohelladika 891ndash907

Branigan K 1981 lsquoMinoan Colonialismrsquo Annual of the British School of Athens 76 23ndash33

Branigan K 1995 lsquoSocial Transformation and the Rise of the State in Cretersquo In Politeia 33ndash42

Branigan K (ed) 2001 Urbanism in the Aegean Bronze Age (Sheffi eld Studies in Aegean Archaeology 4) Sheffi eld

Brodie N 2008 lsquoThe Donkey An Appropriate Technology for Early Bronze Age Land Transport and Tractionrsquo In Horizon 2008 299ndash304

Brodie N 2009 lsquoA Reassessment of Mackenzie Second and Third Cities at Phylakopirsquo Annual of the British School of Athens 104 49ndash72

Brodie N Boyd M and Sweetman R 2008 lsquoThe Sett lement of South Phylakopi A Reassessment of Dawkins and Drooprsquos 1911 Excavationsrsquo In Horizon 2008 409ndash416

Broodbank C 2000 An Island Archaeology of the Early Cyclades Cambridge


Broodbank C Kiriatzi E and Rutt er J 2005 lsquoFrom Pharaohrsquos Feet to the Slave-woman of Pylos The History and Cultural Dynamics of Kythera in the Third Palace Periodrsquo In Autochthon 2005 71ndash96

Broodbank C and Kiriatzi E 2007 lsquoThe First Minoan of Kythera Revisited Technology Demography and Landscape in the Prepalatial Aegeanrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 1112 241ndash274

Brysbaert A 2008 The Power of Technology in the Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean The Case of the Painted Plaster (Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 12) London Oakville

Carter T 2004 lsquoMochlos and Melos A Special Relationship Creating Identities and Status in Minoan Cretersquo In Preston Day L Mook M S and Muhly J D (eds) Crete beyond the Palaces Proceedings of the Crete 2000 Conference (Prehistory Monographs 10) Philadelphia 291ndash308

Cadogan G and Kopaka K 2010 lsquoCoping with the Offshore Giant Middle Helladic Interactions with Middle Minoan Cretersquo In Mesohelladika 847ndash858

Carter T 2008 lsquoThe Consumption of Obsidian in the Early Bronze Age Cycladesrsquo In Horizon 2008 225ndash236

Carter T and Kilikoglou V 2007 lsquoFrom Reactor to Royalty Aegean and Anatolian Obsidians from Quartier Mu Malia (Crete)rsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 201 115ndash143

Cherry J F 1983 lsquoEvolution Revolution and the Origin of Complex Society in Minoan Cretersquo In Krzyszkowska O and Nixon L (eds) Minoan Society Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium 1981 Bristol 33ndash45

Cherry J F 1984 lsquoThe Emergence of the State in Prehistoric Aegeanrsquo Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 210 18ndash48

Cherry J F 1986 lsquoPolities and Palaces Some Problems in Minoan State Formationrsquo In Renfrew C and Cherry J F (eds) Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Change Cambridge 19ndash45

Cherry J and Davis J 2001 lsquolsquoUnder the Sceptre of Agamemnonrsquo The View from the Hinterland of Mycenaersquo In Branigan 2001 141ndash159

Cherry J Scarre Chr and Shennan S (eds) 2004 Explaining Social Change Studies in Honour of Colin Renfrew (MacDonald Institute Monograph) Cambridge

Clancier Ph Joannegraves F Rouillard P and Tenu A (eds) 2005 Autour de Polanyi Vocabulaires theacuteories et modaliteacutes des eacutechanges Paris



Cline E H 2007 lsquoRethinking Mycenaean International Trade with Egypt and the Near Eastrsquo In Galaty M L and Parkinson W A (eds) 2007 Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces II (The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology University of California Los Angeles Monograph 60) Los Angeles 190ndash200

Cline E H and Harris-Cline D (eds) 1998 The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium Proceedings of the 50th Anniversary Simposium Cincinnati 18ndash20 April 1997 (Aegaeum 18) Liegravege

Colburn C S 2008 lsquoExotica and the Early Minoan Elite Eastern Imports in Prepalatial Cretersquo American Journal of Archaeology 1122 203ndash225

Collins B J Bachvarova M R and Rutherford J C (eds) 2008 (reprinted 2010) Anatolian Interfaces Hitt ites Greek and Their Neighbours Proceedings of an International Conference on Cross-cultural interaction 2004 Emory University Atlanta GA Oxford

Crego D M 2007 lsquoExchange in Period IV at Ayia Irini on Kearsquo In Felten et al 2007 333ndash337

Crego D M 2010 lsquoAyia Irini IV A Distribution Center for the Middle Helladic Worldrsquo In Mesohelladika 841ndash845

Crielaard J P 2006 lsquoBasileis at Sea Elites and External Contacts in the Euboean Gulf Region from the End of the Bronze Age to the Beginning of the Iron Agersquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 271ndash298

Crouwel J 2010 lsquoMiddle Helladic Occupation at Geraki Laconiarsquo In Mesohelladika 77ndash86

Cullen T 2001 (ed) Aegean Prehistory A Review (American Journal of Archaeology Suppl 1) Boston

Cummer W W and Schofi eld E 1983 Keos III Ayia Irini House A Mainz am Rhein

Cunningham T and Driessen J 2004 lsquoSite by Site Combining Survey and Excavation Data to Chart Patt erns of Socio-political Change in Bronze Age Cretersquo In Alcock and Cherry 2004 101ndash113

Cunningham T 2001 lsquoVariations on a Theme Divergence in Sett lement Patt erns and Spatial Organization in the Far East of Crete during the Proto-and Neopalatial Periodsrsquo In Branigan 2001 72ndash86

DrsquoAgata A L and Moody J (eds) 2005 Ariadnersquos Threads Connections between Crete and the Greek Mainland in Late Minoan III (LMIIIA2 to LMIIIC) Proceedings of the International Workshop held at Athens Scuola Archeologica Italiana 2003 (Tripodes 3) Athens

Dalfes H N Kukla G and Weiss H 1997 Third Millennium BC Climate Change and Old World Collapse Berlin

Dakoronia F 2010 lsquoDelphi-Kirrha-Pefk akia via Spercheios Valley Matt -Painted Pott ery as Sign of Intercommunicationrsquo in Mesohelladika 573ndash581

Davies W V and Schofi eld L 1995 Egypt the Aegean and the Levant Interconnections in the Second Millennium BC London

Davis J L 1979 lsquoMinos and Dexithea Crete and the Cyclades in the Later Bronze Agersquo In Davis J L and Cherry J F Papers in Cycladic Prehistory Los Angeles 1979 143ndash157

Davis J L 1986 Keos V Ayia Irini Period V Mainz am Rhein Davis J L 2001 lsquoThe Islands of the Aegeanrsquo In Cullen 2001

19ndash94Davis J L 2008 lsquoMinoan Crete and the Aegean Islandsrsquo In

Shelmerdine 2008 186ndash208

Davis J L and Cherry J F 1990 lsquoSpatial and Temporal Uniformitarianism in Late Cycladic I Perspectives from Kea and Milos on the Prehistory of Akrotirirsquo In TAW III 185ndash200

Davis J L and Gorogianni E 2008 lsquoPotsherds from the Edge the Construction of Identities and the Limits of Minoanized Areas of the Aegeanrsquo In Horizon 2008 339ndash348

Day P M and Wilson D E 2002 lsquoLandscapes of Memory Craft and Power in Pre-palatial and Proto-palatial Knossosrsquo In Hamilakis 2002 143ndash166

Day P M and Doonan R C P (eds) 2007 Metallurgy in the Early Bronze Age Aegean (Sheffi eld Studies in Aegean Archaeology 7) Oxford

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Baumlchle A E (eds) 2009 LHIIIC Chronology and Synchronisms III LHIIIC Late and the Transition to the Early Iron Age Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences at Vienna 2007 Wien

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Lemos I S 2006 Ancient Greece from the Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer (Edinburgh Leventis Studies 3) Edinburgh

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Zavadil M (eds) 2003 LHIIIC Chronology and Synchronisms Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences at Vienna 2001 Wien

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Zavadil M (eds) 2007 LHIIIC Chronology and Synchronisms II LHIIIC Middle Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences at Vienna 2004 Wien

Dickinson O 2006a The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age Continuity and Change between the Twelft h and Eighth Centuries BC LondonNew York

Dickinson O 2006b lsquoThe Mycenaean Heritage of Early Iron Age Greecersquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 115ndash122

Dietz S 1998 lsquoThe Cyclades and the Mainland in the Shaft Grave Period A Summaryrsquo Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens II 9ndash36

Dietz S and Papachristodoulou I (eds) 1988 Archaeology in the Dodecanese Copenhagen

Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki N Wilson D E and Day P M 2007 lsquoThe Earlier Prepalatial Sett lement of Poros-Katsambas Craft Production and Exchange at the Harbour Town of Knossosrsquo In Day and Doonan 2007 84ndash97

Doumas Chr 2008 lsquoChambers of Mysteryrsquo In Horizon 2008 165ndash176

Driessen J 2001 lsquoHistory and Hierarchy Preliminary Observations on the Sett lement Patt ern in Minoan Cretersquo In Branigan 2001 51ndash71

Eastern Mediterrenean Karageorghis V and Stampolidis N (eds) 1998 Eastern Mediterranean Cyprus ndash Dodecanese ndash Crete 16thndash6th cent BC Proceedings of the International Symposium Rethymnon 1997 Athens

Emporia Laffi neur R and Greco E (eds) 2005 Emporia Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean Proceedings of the 10th International Aegean Conference Athens Italian School of Archaeology 2004 (Aegaeum 25) Liegravege

Felten F 2007 lsquoAegina-Kolonna The History of a Greek Acropolisrsquo In Felten et al 2007 11ndash34

Felten F 2009 lsquoAigina-Kolonna in the Early and Middle Bronze Agersquo In Lesley Fitt on J (ed) The Aigina Treasure Aegean Bronze Age jewellery and a mystery revisited Barcelona 2009 32ndash35


Felten F Gauszlig W and Smetana R (eds) 2007 Middle Helladic Pott ery and Synchronisms Proceedings of the International Workshop held at Salzburg 2004 (Aumlgina-Kolonna Forschungen und Ergebnisse I Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean XIV OumlAW Denkschrift en der Gesamtakademie XLII) Wien

Forseacuten J 1992 The Twilight of the Early Helladics A Study of the Disturbances in East-Central and Southern Greece Towards the End of the Early Bronze Age Jonsered

Gale N H and Stos-Gale Z A 2008 lsquoChanging patt erns in prehistoric Cycladic metallurgyrsquo In Horizon 2008 387ndash408

Gauszlig W and Smetana R 2007 lsquoAegina Colonna the Ceramic Sequence of the SCIEM 2000 Projectrsquo In Felten et al 2007 57ndash80

Gauszlig W and Smetana R 2010 lsquoAegina Kolonna in the Middle Bronze Agersquo In Mesohelladika 165ndash174

Georgiadis M 2003 The South-Eastern Aegean in the Mycenaean period Islands Landscape Death and Ancestors (British Archaeological Reports International Series 1196) Oxford

Georgiadis M 2009 lsquoThe South-Eastern Aegean in the LHIIIC Period What Do the Tombs Tell Usrsquo In Bachhuber and Roberts 2009 92ndash99

Girella L 2005 lsquoIalysos Foreign Relations in the Late Bronze Age A Funerary Perspectiversquo In Emporia I 129ndash139

Graziadio G 1998 lsquoTrade Circuits and Trade Routes in the Shaft Graves Periodrsquo Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici XL1 1998 29ndash76

Haggis D C 2002 lsquoIntegration and Complexity in the Late Pre-palatial Period A View from the Countryside in Eastern Cretersquo In Hamilakis 2002 120ndash142

Haggis D C 2005 Kavousi I The Archaeological Survey of the Kavousi Region Philadelphia PA

Halstead P and Frederick C 2003 Landscape and Land Use in Postglacial Greece Sheffi eld

Hamilakis Y (ed) 2002 Labyrinth Revisited Rethinking lsquoMinoanrsquo Archaeology Oxford

TAW III Hardy D A Doumas Chr Sakellarakis J A and Warren P M (eds) 1990 Thera and the Aegean World III Proceedings of the Third International Congress Santorini Greece 1989 vols 1ndash3 London

Hiller S 1993 lsquoMinoan and Minoanizing Pott ery on Aeginarsquo In Zerner et al 1993 197ndash199

Hitchcock L and Chapin A P 2010 lsquoLacuna in Laconia Why Were There No Middle Helladic Palaces rsquo In Mesohelladika 817ndash822

Hoslashjen Soslashrensen A 2009 lsquoApproaching Levantine Shores Aspects of Cretan Contacts with Western Asia during the MMndashLMI periodrsquo Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens VI 9ndash56

Horejs B 2007 lsquoTransition from Middle to Late Bronze Age in Central Macedonia and Its Synchronism with the lsquoHelladic Worldrsquorsquo In Felten et al 2007 183ndash199

Horizon 2008 Brodie N Doole J Gavalas G and Renfrew C (eds) 2008 Horizon lsquoΟρίζων A colloquium on the prehistory of the Cyclades (McDonald Institute Monograph) Cambridge

Kaiser I 2005 lsquoMinoan Miletus A View from the Kitchenrsquo In Emporia I 193ndash198

Kaiser I 2009 lsquoMiletus IV the Locally Produced Coarse Waresrsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 159ndash166

Kemp B J and Merrillees R 1980 Minoan Pott ery in Second Millennium Egypt Mainz am Rhein

Kilian-Dirlmeier I 1995 lsquoReiche Graumlber der mitt lehelladischen Zeitrsquo In Politeia 49ndash55

Kilian-Dirlmeier I 1997 Alt-Aumlgina IV3 Das mitt lebronzezeitliche Schachtgrab von Aumlgina Mainz am Rhein

Kiriatzi E 2010 lsquolsquoMinoanisingrsquo Pott ery Traditions in the Southwest Aegean during the Middle Bronze Age Understanding the Social Context of Technological and Consumption Practicersquo In Mesohelladika 683ndash699

Kitchen K A 2007 lsquoSome Thoughts on Egypt the Aegean and beyond of the 2nd Millennium BCrsquo In Kousoulis P and Magliveras K (eds) Moving across Borders Foreign Relations Religion and Cultural Interactions in the Ancient Mediterranean (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 159) Leuven-Paris-Dudley MA 3ndash14

Knapp A B 1990 lsquoEthnicity Entrpreneurship and Exchange Mediterranean Inter-Island Relations in the Late Bronze Agersquo Annual of the British School at Athens 85 115ndash129

Knapp A B 1991 lsquoSpice Drugs Grain and Grog Organic Goods in Bronze Age East Mediterranean Tradersquo In BAT 21ndash68

Knapp A B 1993 lsquoThalassocracies in Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean Trade Making and Breaking A Mythrsquo In Oates 1993 332ndash347

Knapp B 1998 lsquoMediterranean Bronze Age Trade Distance Power and Placersquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 193ndash205


Knappett C and Nikolakopoulou I 2005 lsquoExchange and Affi liation Networks in the MBA Southern Aegean Crete Akrotiri and Miletusrsquo In Emporia I 175ndash184

Knappett C and Nikolakopoulou I 2008 lsquoColonialism without Colonies A Bronze Age Case Study from Akrotiri Therarsquo Hesperia 771 1ndash42

Kouka O 2008 lsquoDiaspora presence or interaction The Cyclades and the Greek Mainland from the Final Neolithic to Early Bronze IIrsquo In Horizon 2008 271ndash280

Kriti-aigypto Καρέτσου A 2000 Κρήτη-Αίγυπτος Πολιτισμικοί δεσμόι τριών χιλιετιών Athens

Langohr Ch 2009 ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑ Eacutetude reacutegionale de la Cregravete aux Minoen Reacutecent IIndashIIIB (1450ndash1200 av J-C) 1 La Cregravete centrale et occidentale (Aegis 3) Louvain-la Neuve

Lemos I S 2006 lsquoAthens and Lefk andi A Tale of Two Sitesrsquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 505ndash530

Lindblom M 2001 Marks and Makers Appearence Distribution and function of Middle and Late Helladic Manufacturersrsquo Marks on Aeginetan Pott ery (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology CXXVIII) Jonsered

Liverani M 2003 lsquoThe Infl uence of Political Institutions on Trade in the Ancient Near East (Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age)rsquo In Zaccagnini 2003 119ndash137

Macdonald C F Hallager E and Niemeier W -D (eds) 2009 The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean ndash New Evidence Acts of a Minoan Seminar 2005 in collaboration with the Danish Institute at Athens and the German Archaeological Institute at Athens (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 8) Athens

Manning S W 2008 lsquoProtopalatial Crete Formation of the Palacesrsquo In Shelmerdine 2008 105ndash120

Maran J 2007 lsquoEmulation of Aeginetan Pott ery in the Middle Bronze Age of Coastal Thessaly Regional Context and Social Meaningrsquo In Felten et al 2007 167ndash182


Marketou T 2009 lsquoIalysos and Its Neighbouring Areas in the MBA and LBI Period A Chance for Peacersquo In Macdonald et al 2009 73ndash96

Matsas D 1991 lsquoSamothrace and the Northeastern Aegean the Minoan Connectionrsquo Studia Troica I 159ndash180

Matsas D 1995 lsquoMinoan Long-Distance Trade a View from the Northern Aegeanrsquo in Politeia 235ndash247

Matsas D 2009 lsquoThe Minoan in Samothrace Abstract and Bibliographyrsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 251

Mee C 1982 Rhodes in the BA An Archaeological Survey Warminster

Mee C 1998 lsquoAnatolia and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Agersquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 137ndash148

Melas E M 1985 The Islands of Karpathos Saros and Kasos in the Neolithic and Bronze Age (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology LXVIII) Goumlteborg

Melas M 1988 lsquoMinoan Overseas Alternative Models of Interpretationrsquo Aegaeum 2 47ndash70

Melas M 1991 lsquoAcculturation and Social Mobility in the Minoan Worldrsquo In Thalassa 169ndash188

Melas M 2009 lsquoThe Afi artis Project Excavations at the Minoan Sett lement at Fournoi Karpathos (2001ndash2004) ndash A Preliminary Reportrsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 59ndash72

Mesohelladika Philippa-Touchais A Touchais G Voutsaki S and Wright J (eds) 2010 Mesohelladika la Gregravece continentale au Bronze Moyen Actes du colloque international organiseacute par lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise drsquoAthegravenes en collaboration avec lrsquoAmerican School of Classical studies at Athens et le Netherlands Institute in Athens 2006 (Bulletin de Correspondance Helleacutenique Suppleacutement 52) Athens

Milano L and Parise N 2003 Il regolamento degli scambi nellrsquoantichitagrave (IIIndashI millennio aC) Roma-Bari

Monuments of Minos Driessen J Schoep I and Laffi neur R (eds) 2002 Monuments of Minos Rethinking the Minoan Palaces Proceedings of the International Workshop lsquoCrete of the Hundred Palacesrsquo held at the Universiteacute Catholique de Louvain Louvain-la-Neuve 2001 (Aegaeum 23) Liegravege

Moody J 2005 a lsquoDrought and lsquoThe Decline of Mycenaersquo Updatedrsquo In Autochthon 2005 126ndash133

Moody J 2005 b lsquoUnravelling the Threads Climate Changes in the Late Bronze III Aegeanrsquo In DrsquoAgata and Moody 2005 443ndash470

Moody J 2009 lsquoChanges in Vernacular Architecture and Climate at the End of the Aegean Bronze Agersquo In Bachhuber and Roberts 2009 6ndash20

Moschos I 2009 lsquoEvidence of Social Re-organization and Reconstruction in Late Helladic IIIC Achaea and Modes of contacts and Exchange via Ionian and Adriatic Searsquo In Borgna and Cagravessola Guida 2009 345ndash414

Mountjoy P A 1998 lsquoThe East Aegean ndash West Anatolia Interface in the Late Bronze Age Mycenaeans and the Kingdom of Ahhiyawarsquo Anatolian Studies 48 33ndash69

Mountjoy P A 2008 lsquoThe Cyclades during the Mycenaean periodrsquo In Horizon 2008 467ndash478

Mountjoy P A and Ponting M J 2000 lsquoThe Minoan Thalassocracy Reconsidered Provenance Studies of LH II ALM I B Pott ery from Phylakopi Ayia Irini and Athensrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 95 141ndash184

MTMR Haumlgg R and Marinatos N (eds) 1984 The Minoan Thalassocracy Myth and Reality Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens 1982

(Skrift er utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 4o XXXII) Stockholm

Niemeier B and Niemeier W -D 1997 lsquoMilet 1994ndash1995 Projekt lsquoMinoisch-mykenisches bis protogeometrisches Miletrsquo Zielsetzung und Grabungen auf dem Stadionhuumlgel und am Athenatempelrsquo Archaumlologischer Anzeiger 19972 189ndash248

Niemeier W-D 1984 lsquoThe End of the Minoan Thalassocracyrsquo In MTMR 205ndash214

Niemeier W-D 1991 lsquoMinoan Artisans Travelling Overseas the Alalakh Frescoes and the Painted Plaster Floor at Tell Kabri (Western Galilee)rsquo In Thalassa 189ndash202

Niemeier W-D 1995 lsquoAegina ndash First Aegean lsquoStatersquo Outside Cretersquo In Politeia 73ndash80

Niemeier W-D 1998 lsquoThe Minoans in the South-Eastern Aegean and in Cyprusrsquo In Eastern Mediterranean procc 29ndash47

Niemeier W-D 2005 lsquoThe Minoans and Mycenaeans in Western Asia Minor Sett lement Emporia or Acculturationrsquo In Emporia I 199ndash204

Niemeier W-D 2009 lsquoMinoanisationrsquo versus lsquoMinoan Thalassocracyrsquo ndash An Introductionrsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 11ndash30

Niemeier W-D and Niemeier B 1998 lsquoMinoan Frescoes in the Eastern Mediterraneanrsquo In Cline and Harris Cline 1998 69ndash97

Nikolakopoulou I 2007 lsquoAspects of Interaction between the Cyclades and the Mainland in the Middle Bronze Agersquo In Felten et al 2007 347ndash362

Nikolakopoulou I Georma F Moschou A and Sofi anou Ph 2008 lsquoTrapped in the Middle New Stratigraphic and Ceramic Evidence from Middle Cycladic Akrotiri Therarsquo In Horizon 2008 311ndash324

Nikolakopoulou I 2009 lsquolsquoBeware Cretans Bearing Gift srsquo Tracing the Origins of Minoan Infl uence at Akrotiri Therarsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 31ndash40

Nordquist G 1987 A Middle Helladic Village Asine in the Argolid Uppsala

Nordquist G 1995 lsquoWho Made the Pots Production in the Middle Helladic Societyrsquo In Politeia 201ndash208

Oates J (ed) 1993 World Archaeology 243 1993 Ancient Trade New Perspectives

Oates J and Oates D 2004 lsquoThe Role of the Exchange Relations in the Origins of Mesopotamian Civilizationrsquo In Cherry et al 2004 177ndash192

Overbeck J C 1989 Keos VII Ayia Irini Period IV Part I The Stratigraphy and the Find Deposits Mainz am Rhein

Overbeck J C 2007 lsquoThe Middle Bronze Age Sequences of Kea and Aeginarsquo In Felten et al 2007 339ndash346

Overbeck J C and Crego D M 2008 lsquoThe Commercial Foundation and Development of Ayia Irini IV (Kea)rsquo In Horizon 2008 305ndash311

Pantelidou Gofa M 2008 lsquoThe EH I Deposit Pit at Tsepi Marathon Features Formation and the Breakage of the Findsrsquo In Horizon 2008 2008 281ndash290

Papadatos Y 2007 lsquoBeyond Cultures and Ethnicity A New Look at Material Culture Distribution and Inter-regional Interaction in the Early Bronze Age Southern Aegeanrsquo In Antoniadou and Pace 2007 419ndash453

Papageorgiou D 1997 lsquoΡεύματα και άνεμοι στο βόρειο Αιγαίοrsquo In Poliochni 1997 424ndash442


Papageorgiou D 2008a lsquoSea Routes in the Prehistoric Cycladesrsquo In Horizon 2008 9ndash12

Papageorgiou D 2008b lsquoThe Marine Environment and Its Infl uence on Seafaring and Maritime Routes in the Prehistoric Aegeanrsquo European Journal of Archaeology 112ndash3 199ndash222

Parise N 2005 lsquoMetallo e moneta fra Oriente e Occidente Intorno al dibatt ito su imprestiti orientali e innovazioni grechersquo In Clancier et al 2005 229ndash237


Pavuacutek P 2005 lsquoAgeans and Anatolians A Trojan Perspectiversquo In Emporia I 269ndash278

Pavuacutek P 2007 lsquoWhat Can Troia Tell Us about the Middle Helladic Period in the Southern Aegeanrsquo In Felten et al 2007 295ndash308

Pavuacutek P 2010 lsquoMinyan or Not The Second Millennium Grey Ware in Western Anatolia and its Relation to Mainland Greecersquo In Mesohelladika 931ndash943

Pentedeka A Kiriatzi E Spencer L Bevan A and Connolly J 2010 lsquoFrom Fabrics to Island Connections Macroscopic and Microscopic Approaches to the Prehistoric Pott ery of Antikytherarsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 105 1ndash81

Peyronel L 2008 Storia e archeologia del commercio nellrsquoOriente antico Roma

Philippa-Touchais A 2010 lsquoSett lement Planning and Social Organisation in Middle Helladic Greecersquo In Mesohelladika 781ndash801

Phillips J 2008 Aegyptiaca on the Island of Crete in Their Chronological Context A Critical Review vols IndashII (Contribution to the Chronology of the Eastern Mditerranean XVIII OAW XLIX) Wien

Platon L and Karantzali E 2003 lsquoNew Evidence for the History of the Minoan Presence on Karpathosrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 98 189ndash202

Ploes Stampolidis N Chr and Karageorghis V (eds) 2003 Πλόες Sea Routes hellip Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16thndash6th c BC Proceedings of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon 2002 Athens

Poliochni 1997 Doumas Chr and La Rosa V (eds) 1997 Poliochni e lrsquoantica etagrave del bronzo nellrsquoEgeo sett entrionale Convengo Internazionale Atene 1996 Athens

Politeia Laffi neur R and Niemeier W-D (eds) 1995 Politeia Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age Proceedings of the 5th International Aegean Conference5e Rencontre eacutegeacuteenne internationale University of Heidelberg 1994 (Aegaeum 12) Liegravege

Poursat J-Cl 2001 lsquoMarques de potierrsquo et controcircle eacuteconomique agrave Malia agrave lrsquoeacutepoque des premiers palais creacutetoisrsquo Ktegravema 26 25ndash30

Poursat J-Cl and Knappett C 2003 La poterie du Minoen Moyen II production et utilisation Fouilles executeacutees agrave Malia Le Quartier Mu IV (Etudes Creacutetoises 33) Paris

Psaraki K 2007 lsquoExternal Infl uences and Local Tradition in Pott ery Repertoire in Boeotia at the End of EHIIrsquo In Antoniadou and Pace 2007 218ndash242

Psaraki K and Andreou St 2010 lsquoRegional Processes and Interregional Interactions in Northern Greece during the Early Second Millennium BCrsquo In Mesohelladika 995ndash1003

Pullen D 2008 lsquoThe Early Bronze Age in Greecersquo In Shelmerdine 2008 9ndash46

Rahmstorf L 2006a lsquoIn Search of the Earliest Balance Weights Scales and Weighing Systems from the East Mediterranean the Near and Middle Eastrsquo In Alberti M E Ascalone E and Peyronel L (eds) Weights in Contexts Bronze Age Weighing Systems of Eastern Mediterranean Chronology Typology Material and Archaeological Contexts Proceedings of the International Colloquium Rome 2004 (Studi e Materiali 13) Roma 49ndash96

Rahmstorf L 2006b lsquoZur Ausbreitung vorderasiatischer Innovationen in die fruumlhbronzezeitliche Aumlgaisrsquo Praumlhistorische Zeitschrift 81 49ndash96

Rambach J 2000 Kykladen I Die fruumlhe Bronzezeit Grab-und Siedlungsbefunde II Die fruumlhe Bronzezeit fruumlhbronzezeitliche Beigabensitt enkreise auf den Kykladen Relative Chronologie und Verbreitung (Deutsches Archaumlologisches Institut Beitraumlge zur Ur- und Fruumlhgeschichtlichen Archaumlologie des Mitt lemeer-Kulturraumes 33ndash34) Bonn

Rambach J 2008 lsquoNote on the Extent of Cultural Continuity on the Cyclades aft er the lsquoZeit der Wendersquo (lsquoTime of Changersquo) in the Late Third Millennium BC The Ceramic Perspectiversquo In Horizon 2008 291ndash298

Raymond A 2005 lsquoImporting Culture at Miletus Minoans and Anatolians at Middle Bronze Age Miletusrsquo In Emporia I 185ndash192

Raymond A E 2009 lsquoMiletus in the Middle Bronze Age An Overview of the Characteristic Features and Ceramicsrsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 143ndash157

Rehak P 1998 lsquoAegean Natives in the Theban Tombs Paintings the Keftiu Revisitedrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 39ndash49

Renfrew C 1972 The Emergence of Civilisation The Cyclades and the Aegean in the Third Millennium BC London

Renfrew C 2007 Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos 1974ndash77 (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplement 42) London

Rohling E J Hayes A Mayewski P A and Kucera M 2009 lsquoHolocene Cimate Variability in the Eastern Mediterranean and the End of the Bronze Agersquo In Bachhuber and Roberts 2009 2ndash5

Rosen A M 2007 Civilizing Climate Social Responses to Climate Change in the Ancient Near East Plymouth

Routledge B and McGeough K 2009 lsquoJust What Collapsed A Network Perspective on lsquoPalatialrsquo and lsquoPrivatersquo Trade at Ugaritrsquo In Bachhuber and Roberts 2009 22ndash29

Rutt er J 1979 Ceramic Change in the Aegean Early Bronze Age The Kastri Group Lefk andi I and Lerna IV A Theory Concerning the Origin of the EHIII Ceramics (UCLA Institute of Archaeology Occasional Paper 5) Los Angeles

Rutt er J 1995 Lerna III The Pott ery of Lerna IV PrincetonRutt er J 2001 lsquoThe Prepalatial Bronze Age of the Southern and

Central Greek Mainlandrsquo In Cullen 2001 95ndash155Rutter J 2006 lsquoCeramic Evidence for External Contact

Neopalatial and Post-palatialrsquo In Shaw J W and Shaw M C (eds) Kommos V The Monumental Minoan Buildings at Kommos Princeton 859ndash863

Rutt er J 2007 lsquoReconceptualizing the Middle Helladic lsquoType Sitersquo from a Ceramic Perspective Is lsquoBiggerrsquo Really lsquoBett errsquo In Felten et al 2007 35ndash44

Salsano A 1994 lsquoPer la poligamia delle forme di scambiorsquo in AAVV Il dono perduto e ritrovato Roma 7ndash25


Sarri K 2010a Orchomenos IV Orchomenos in der mitt leren Bronzezeit (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaft en 135) Muumlnchen

Sarri K 2010b lsquoMinyan and Minyanizing Pott ery Myth and Reality about a Middle Helladic Type Fossilrsquo In Mesohelladika 603ndash613

Schallin A L 1993 Islands under Infl uence The Cyclades in the Late Bronze Age and the Nature of Mycenaean Presence (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology CXI) Jonsered

Schoep I 2002 lsquoSocial and Political Organization on Crete in the Proto-Palatial Period The Case of Middle Minoan II Maliarsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 151 101ndash132

Schoep I 2006 lsquoLooking beyond the First Palaces Elite and the Agency of Power in EMIIIndashMMII Cretersquo American Journal of Archaeology 1101 37ndash65

Schoep I and Knappett K 2004 lsquoDual Emergence Evolving Heterarchy Exploding Hierarchyrsquo In Barrett and Halstead 2004 21ndash37

Sherrat A 1993 lsquoWhat Would a Bronze-Age World System Look Like Relations between Temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in Later Prehistoryrsquo Journal of European Archaeology 12 1ndash57

Sherratt A and Sherratt S 1991 lsquoFrom Luxuries to Commodities the Nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systemsrsquo in BAT 351ndash386

Sherratt A and Sherratt S 1998 lsquoSmall Worlds Interaction and Identity in the Ancient Mediterraneanrsquo in Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 329ndash344

Sherratt S 1998 lsquolsquoSea Peoplesrsquo and the Economic Structure of the Late Second Millennium in the Eastern Mediterraneanrsquo In Gitin S Mazar A and Stern E (eds) Mediterranean People in Transition Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE in Honour of Professor T Dothan Jerusalem 292ndash313

Sherratt S 1999 lsquoE pur si muove Pots Markets and Values in the Second Millennium Mediterraneanrsquo In Crielaard J P Stissi V and van Wĳ ngaarden G J (eds) The Complex Past of Pott ery Production Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pott ery (Sixteenth to Early Fift h Centuries BC) Proceeding of the ARCHON International Conference Amsterdam 1996 Amsterdam 163ndash211

Sherratt S 2010 lsquoPotemkin Palaces and Route-Based Economiesrsquo In Voutsaki and Killen 2001 214ndash238

Simposio La Rosa V Palermo D and Vagnett i L (eds) 1999 Επί πόντον πλαζόμενοι Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei dedicato a Luigi Bernabograve Brea e Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli Roma

Soles J 2005 lsquoFrom Ugarit to Mochlos ndash Remnants of an Ancient Voyagersquo In Emporia I 429ndash448

Sotirakopoulou P 2010 lsquoThe Cycladic Middle Bronze Age A lsquoDark Agersquo in Aegean Prehistory or a Dark Spot in Archaeological Researchrsquo In Mesohelladika 825ndash839

Spencer L 2010 lsquoThe Regional Specialisation of Ceramic Production in the EH III through MH II Periodrsquo In Mesohelladika 669ndash681

Stampolidis and Yannikouri (eds) 2004 Το Αιγαίο στην Προΐμη Εποχή του Σιδήρου Πρακτικά του Διεθνούς Συμποσίου Ρόδος frac14 Νοεμβρίου 2002 Athens

Storia del denaro Per una storia del denaro nel Vicino Oriente Antico Att i dllrsquoincontro di studio Roma 13 giugno 2001 (Studi e materiali 10) Roma

TAW III Hardy D A Doumas Chr Sakellarakis J A and Warren P M (eds) 1990 Thera and the Aegean World III

Proceedings of the Third International Congress Santorini Greece 1989 vols 1ndash3 London

Taylour W D and Janko R 2008 Ayios Stephanos Excavations at a Bronze Age and Medieval Sett lement in Southern Laconia (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplement 44) London

Thalassa Laffi neur R and Basch L (eds) 1991 Thalassa LrsquoEgeacutee preacutehistorique et la mer Actes de la troisiegraveme Rencontre eacutegeeacutenne internationale de lrsquouniversiteacute de Liegraveges (Aegaeum 7) Liegravege

Thomatos M 2006 The Final Revival of the Aegean Bronze Age A Case Study of the Argolid Corinthia Att ica Euboea the Cyclades and the Dodecanese during LHIIIC Middle (British Archaeological Reports International Series 1498) Oxford

Thomatos M 2007 lsquoKoine and Subsidiary Koines Coastal and Island Sites of the Central and Southern Aegean during the LHIIIC Middlersquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Zavadil 2007 315ndash326

TMM Marazzi M Tusa S and Vagnett i L (eds) 1986 Traffi ci micenei nel Mediterraneo Problemi storici e documentazione archeologica Att i del Convegno di Palermo 1984 Taranto

Van de Moortel A 2010 lsquoInterconnections between the Western Mesara and the Aegean in the Middle Bronze Agersquo In Mesohelladika 875ndash884

Veropoulidou R Andreou S and Kotsakis K 2008 lsquoSmall Scale Purple-dye Production in the Bronze Age of Northern Greece the Evidence from the Thessaloniki Toumbarsquo In Alfaro C and Karali L (eds) Purpurae Vestes II Vestidos Textiles y Tintes Estudios sobre la produccioacuten de bienes de consumo en la Antiguumledad Actas del II Symposium Internacional sobre Textiles y Tintes del Mediterraacuteneo en el mundo antiguo (Atenas 2005) Valencia 171ndash180

Vlachopoulos A 2008 lsquoA Late Mycenaean Journey from Thera to Naxos the Cyclades in the Twelft h Century BCrsquo In Horizon 2008 479ndash492

Voutsaki S 2005 lsquoSocial and Cultural Change in the Middle Helladic Period Presentation of a New Projectrsquo In Autochthton 2005 134ndash143

Voutsaki S 2010 lsquoFrom the Kinship Economy to the Palatial Economy The Argolid in the Second Millennium BCrsquo In Pullen D (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahasse 2007 Oxford and Oakville 86ndash111

Voutsaki S and Killen Y T (eds) 2001 Economy and politics in the Mycenaean palace states proceedings of a conference held on 1ndash3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics Cambridge (Cambridge Philological Society Suppl 27)

Walter H and Felten F 1981 Alt-Aumlgina III1 Die vorgeschichtiliche Stadt Befestigungen Haumluser Funden Mainz am Rhein

Warren P 1984 lsquoThe Place of Crete in the Thalassocracy of Minosrsquo In MTMR 39ndash44

Warren P 2009 lsquoFinal Summing Uprsquo In Macdonald et al 2009 263ndash265

Watrous P 2001 lsquoReview of Aegean Prehistory III Crete from Earliest Prehistory through the Protopalatial Periodrsquo In Cullen 2001 157ndash223

Watrous L V 1998 lsquoEgypt and Crete in the Early Middle Bronze Age a Case of Trade and Cultural Diff usionrsquo In Cline and Harris-Cline 1998 19ndash27

Watrous L V 2001 lsquoCrete from Earliest Prehistory through the Protopalatial Periodrsquo In Cullen 2001 157ndash223


Watrous L V Hadzi-Vallianou D and Blitzer H 2004 The Plain of Phaistos Cycles of Social Complexity in the Mesara Region of Crete (Monumenta Archaeologica 23) Los Angeles

Wells B (ed) 1996 The Berbati ndash Limnes Archaeological Survey 1988ndash1990 (Skrift er utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 4deg XLIV) Stockholm

Wells B (ed) 2002 New Research on Old Material from Asine and Berbati in Celebration of the Fift ieth Anniversary of the Swedish Institute at Athens (Skrift er utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 8deg XVII) Stockholm

Whitelaw T 2001 lsquoReading between the Tablets Assessing Mycenaean Palatial Involvement in Ceramic Production and Consumptionrsquo In Voutsaki and Killen 2001 51ndash79

Whitelaw T 2004 a lsquoAlternative Pathways to Complexity in the Southern Aegeanrsquo In Barrett and Halstead 2004 232ndash256

Whitelaw T 2004b lsquoThe Development of an Island Centre Urbanization at Phylakopi on Melosrsquo In Cherry et al 2004 149ndash166

Whitelaw T 2005 lsquoA Tale of Three Cities Chronology and Minoanisation at Phylakopi in Melosrsquo Autochthon 2005 37ndash62

Wiener M H 1984 lsquoCrete and the Cyclades in LMI The Tale of the Conical Cupsrsquo In MTMR 17ndash26

Wiener M H 1990 lsquoThe Isles of Crete The Minoan Thalassocracy Revisitedrsquo In TAW III vol 1 128ndash153

Wiener M H 1991 lsquoThe Nature and Control of Minoan Foreign Tradersquo In BAT 325ndash350

Wilson D E 2008 lsquoEarly Prepalatial Cretersquo In Shelmerdine 2008 77ndash104

Wilson D E Day P M and Dimopoulou-Rethemiotaki N 2008 lsquoThe Gateway Port of Poros-Katsambas Trade and Exchange between North-central Crete and the Cyclades in EB IndashIIrsquo Horizon 2008 261ndash270

Wright J C 1995 lsquoFrom Chief to King in Mycenaean Greecersquo In Rehak P (ed) The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented at the Annual

Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America New Orleans Louisiana 28 December 1992 with Additions (Aegaeum 11) Liegravege and Austin 63ndash80

Wright J C 2004 lsquoComparative Sett lement Patt erns during the Bronze Age in the Northeastern Peloponnesos Greecersquo In Alcock and Cherry 2004 114ndash131

Wright J C 2006 lsquoThe Formation of the Mycenaean Palacersquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 7ndash52

Wright J C 2008 lsquoEarly Mycenaean Greecersquo In Shelmerdine 2008 230ndash257

Wright J C 2010 lsquoTowards a Social Archaeology of Middle Helladic Greecersquo In Mesohelladika 803ndash815

Yoff ee N A 1993 lsquoToo Many Chiefs (or Save Texts for the rsquo90s)rsquo In Yoff ee N and Sherratt A (eds) 1993 Archaeology Today Who Sets the Agenda Cambridge 60ndash78

Zaccagnini C 1994 lsquoLes eacutechanges dans lrsquoantiquiteacute paradigmes theacuteoriques et analyse des sourcesrsquo In Andreau J Briant P and Descat R (eds) Les eacutechanges dans lrsquoantiquiteacute le rocircle de lrsquoEtat Entretiens drsquoarcheacuteologie et drsquohistoire Saint Bertrand de Comminges 213ndash225

Zaccagnini C 2003 Mercanti e politica nel mondo antico Roma

Zavadil M 2010 lsquoThe Peloponnese in the Middle Bronze Age An Overviewrsquo In Mesohelladika 151ndash163

Zerner C 1986 lsquoMiddle Helladic and Late Helladic I Pott ery from Lernarsquo Hydra 2 58ndash74

Zerner C 1988 lsquoMiddle Helladic and Late Helladic I Pott ery from Lerna Part II Shapesrsquo Hydra 4 1ndash10

Zerner C 1993 lsquoNew Perspectives on Trade in the Middle and Early Late Helladic Periods on the Mainlandrsquo In Zerner et al 1993 39ndash56

Zerner C Zerner P and Winder J (eds) 1993 Wace and Blegen Pott ery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939ndash1989 Proceedings of the International Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 1989 Amsterdam

4

The Minoans in the Southeastern Aegean The evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos and its signifi cance

Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Vitale

IntroductionAt the transition between the Middle Bronze Age (MBA) and the Late Bronze Age (LBA) period (early 17th century BC) the presence of Minoanizing features outside of the island of Crete dramatically increases

throughout the entire Aegean area Cretan-type pott ery architecture wall paintingiconography weaving equipment and to a lesser extent script are widely attested from the eastern Greek mainland to the southwestern Anatolian coast (Fig 41a)1 Between the

Figure 41 a The distribution of Minoanizing features and Koan Light-on-DarkDark-on-Light pott ery during LBA I in the Aegean

4 The Minoans in the Southeastern Aegean The evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos 45

1950s and the 1990s the widespread occurrence of these characteristics was interpreted according to two main tendencies Some scholars explained them as evidence for Minoan lsquosett lementrsquo lsquogovernedrsquo or lsquocommunityrsquo colonies thus implying a substantial movement of people from the island of Crete abroad (eg Furumark 1950 200 Branigan 1981 Benzi 1984 Laviosa 1984 Wiener 1990 Niemeier 1998 2005 2010 Niemeier and Niemeier 1997 1999) Others have concluded that these characteristics are rather the result of interactions andor strategies of cultural emulation (eg Davis 1979 1980 1984 1986 Davis and Cherry 1984 1990 2007

302ndash305 Davis and Lewis 1985 Schofi eld 1984 Rutt er and Zerner 1984 Melas 1988a 1988b 1991 Marketou 1998 2010 Momigliano 2010)

In 2004 Cyprian Broodbank underlined the need for new approaches in the analysis of the data in order to break the current interpretative standstill between lsquoMinoan imperialistsrsquo and those who believe in phenomena of acculturation He suggests that since Minoanization appears in diff erent combinations in time and space it should not be regarded as a monolithic phenomenon as has frequently occurred in the past but rather investigated on a case by case basis (ie

Figure 41 b The Bronze Age sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Morricone 1975 152 fi g 7)

Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Vitale46

Broodbank 2004) Broodbank also insists that lsquothe best insights will lie in the details of manufacture and consumptionrsquo (ie ibid 59) emphasizing the need for a more thorough examination and comprehension of the cultural dynamics of what we call Minoanization (ie ibid 59ndash65)

The most recent theoretical contributions to this ongoing debate have been put forward by Carl Knappett and Irini Nikolakopoulou on one side and by Jack L Davis and Evi Gorogianni on the other Starting from the analysis of some newly excavated materials from Thera the former call att ention to the very diff erence between lsquocolonialismrsquo and lsquocolonizationrsquo suggesting that Minoanization may be seen as a form of cultural colonialism without actual colonies (ie Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2008) On the other hand Davis and Gorogianni suggest that during the Neopalatial period a lsquonew environmentrsquo characterized by an intensifi ed intraregional exchange of products and ideas produced a sett ing in which competition encouraged emulation of Minoan material and non-material culture (ie Davis and Gorogianni 2008)

Following Broodbankrsquos plea for a detailed case by case examination of the evidence the present paper reconsiders the impact and meaning of Minoanizing features at the sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos in the earliest LBA period that is during LBA IA Early and LBA IA Mature The observations proposed here are primarily based on a thorough restudy of the large amount of materials recovered by Luigi Morricone between 1935 and 1946 (Fig 41b eg Morricone 1975 Vitale 2006 2007a 2007b Vitale and Hancock Vitale 2010) In addition the data from more recent

Greek investigations carefully undertaken by Toula Marketou during the last 30 years have also been taken into account (eg Marketou 1990a 1990b 1998 2004 2010)

Before starting our review of the evidence an important preliminary question concerning the chronological system adopted here must be briefl y addressed The transition between MBA and LBA in the Aegean has recently been much discussed particularly in relation to the island of Crete and the Minoan sequence (eg Popham 1977 190ndash195 1984 93ndash97 152ndash158 Catling et al 1979 Levi 1981 50ndash59 Carinci 1983 1989 2001 Warren and Hankey 1989 61ndash65 Warren 1991 1999 895ndash898 Walberg 1992 12ndash30 Niemeier 1994 71ndash72 Bernini 1995 55ndash56 65ndash67 Hood 1996 Macdonald 1996 17ndash18 Panagiotaki 1998 185ndash187 Van de Moortel 2001 89ndash94 note 158 La Rosa 2002 Girella 2001 2007 Puglisi 2001 Knappett and Cunningham 2003 107ndash111 171ndash173 Mountjoy 2003 52 note 13 Rutt er and Van de Moortel 2006 377ndash444 Hatzaki 2007a 2007b) This discussion involves problems of ceramic phasing as well as terminological issues The whole question becomes even more complicated when as in the present paper synchronization between diff erent areas of the Aegean must be suggested2 It is not possible to fully discuss such a complex problem here However in order to avoid confusion the ceramic phasing terminology and synchronisms used in this paper are shown in the chronological chart displayed in Table 41 It obviously represents the point of view of the authors regarding the abovementioned questions (THV)

Table 41 Chronological chart of the periods and areas mentioned in the text

Chronological Chart

Crete(Van de Moortel 2001 Rutt er

and Van de Moortel 2006)

Greek Mainland(Mountjoy 1986 1999)

Kos lsquoSerragliorsquo(Marketou 1990a Vitale 2006 2007a 2007b) Absolute Chronology

(Manning 1995 217ndash229)General Chronology

Building Phases

LM IA Early

(= T

radi

tiona

l MM

IIIB

W

arre

nrsquos

Tran

sitio

nal

MM

IIIB

LM

IA)

Final MH III LBA IA Early

Sett lement PrecedinglsquoCitt agrave Irsquo

First Phase c 1700ndash1680 to 1675ndash1650 BC

LM IA Advanced

LM IA Final(= Traditional LM IA) LH I LBA IA

Mature


Second Phasec 1675ndash1650 to 1600ndash1550 BC

Abbreviations LM (Late Minoan) MH (Middle Helladic)


Minoanization at the lsquoSerragliorsquo during the LBA IA Period An Overview of the EvidenceIn order to fully understand the meaning of the Minoanizing elements introduced at Kos at the beginning of the LBA period it is necessary to briefl y take into account also the preceding phases that is the Early Bronze Age (EBA) and the MBA periods Given its abundance much of the evidence discussed in this paper will be inevitably focused on pott ery Nevertheless other sensitive sources of information will be considered as well

Locally produced ceramics are documented at Kos from the beginning of the EBA In this phase and in the succeeding MBA the material culture of the island is connected to the contemporary productions of the southwestern Anatolian coast the eastern Cyclades and the northeastern Aegean (eg Marketou 1990b 43ndash44 2004 20 25ndash27) At the sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo the local manufacture of ceramics begins from at least EBA 3 In this phase the most typical shapes seem to be wheel-fi nished shallow rounded bowls (Fig 42a) incised duck-vases (Fig 42b) depa (Fig 42c) and carinated bowls (Fig 42d eg Marketou 1990a 102 fi g 5 1990b 40 fi gs 1ndash2 2004 26 fi g 8) The succeeding MBA period is characterized by the presence of wheel-fi nished carinated bowls (Fig 42e see also eg Marketou 1990a 102 fi g 5b) and cups Contacts with Crete the western Cyclades and the Greek mainland albeit not absent appear relatively unfruitful (eg Marketou 1990a 101ndash102 1990b 1998 63 2004) It is within this particular context that the main characteristics of what we may call the Koan lsquolocal traditionrsquo are elaborated By this term we refer to those features of Anatolian fl avor that are immanent in the ceramic repertoire of the island from the EBA throughout the later Minoanizing and Mycenaean periods representing the specifi c hallmark of the indigenous productions (eg Vitale 2007a 168ndash222)3

During the MBA to LBA transition the situation gradually starts to change For the first time a certain hybridization between the lsquolocal traditionrsquo and characteristics of Cretan origin is apparent in the archaeological record In LBA IA Early two new ceramic classes appear lsquoFine Patt ern-Paintedrsquo (FPP) pott ery and lsquoMedium-Coarse to Coarse Patt ernedrsquo pott ery bett er known as Koan lsquoLight-on-DarkDark-on-Lightrsquo pott ery (LoDDoL)4 FPP includes exclusively wheel-fi nished semiglobular cups with a vertical strap handle (Fig 42f) In terms of fi ring techniques surface treatment and paint quality they do not show any obvious sign of Minoan infl uence In fact FPP semiglobular cups are usually smoothed or wiped and dull-painted5 whereas

their contemporary Minoan counterparts are regularly burnished and exhibit lustrous painted decoration The same is true of the shape of FPP semiglobular cups most likely representing an evolution of the carinated cups locally produced at Kos in the MBA period (eg Marketou 1990a 103) Their decoration however shows clear Minoanizing elements such as the use of the lsquodipped-rimrsquo technique (Fig 42f) and the occurrence of crescents6

Koan LoDDoL pott ery which will be discussed in more detail below is still att ested on a relatively low scale during the LBA IA Early period7 It combines Anatolian shapes such as the high-necked jug and Minoanizing features such as the light-on-dark decoration (Fig 42g)

Besides this mixture of local and new foreign elements other LBA IA Early ceramic productions testify to a stronger continuity with the preceding periods These include lsquoUnpainted Pale Fine Medium-Coarse and Coarsersquo pott ery (UPF UPMC UPC Fig 42h) lsquoMonochrome Red Burnishedrsquo pott ery (MRB) and lsquoMonochrome Darkrsquo pottery (MD Fig 42i) MRB and MD reproduce EBA techniques related to Anatolian prototypes (cf Vitale and Trecarichi forthcoming)

In LBA IA Early pott ery imported from Crete is scanty Apart from the ceramic evidence there are no traces of any other Minoanizing elements in the material culture (eg Marketou 1990a 103 1998 63)

The LBA IA Mature period is characterized by a general reorganization of the lsquoSerragliorsquo aft er a severe earthquake marking the end of the preceding LBA IA Early (eg Marketou 1990a 102ndash103) Due to its ideal geographical position located on the main maritime routes between the eastern and western Aegean the sett lement experiences a particularly fl ourishing phase

As far as pott ery is concerned LBA IA Mature is characterized by the following elements8

(a) FPP dies out and locally produced conical cups become very popular (Figs 43andashd)

(b) Koan LoDDoL pottery flourishes and a new stylistic language is created combining in an original way elements of the lsquolocal traditionrsquo (Figs 43endashg) together with Minoanizing features (Figs 43hndashk and 44a)

(c) The other fabrics connected to the lsquolocal traditionrsquo ie UPF UPMC UPC MRB and MD (Figs 44bndashd) continue to be produced as is shown in Table 42

(d) Cretan-type kitchenware is present alongside local cooking pott ery of Anatolian fl avor (Fig 44d eg Morricone 1975 220 283ndash285 nos 1213 1310 1350ndash1359 fi gs 140 248ndash250)


Figure 42 a EBA 3 Wheel-fi nished shallow rounded bowl from Marketoursquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Marketou 2004 37 fi g 8ε) b EBA 3 Incised duck-vase from Marketoursquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Marketou 2004 37 fi g 8ε) c EBA 3 Depas from Marketoursquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Marketou 2004 37 fi g 8λ) d EBA 3 Wheel-fi nished carinated bowl from Marketoursquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Marketou 2004 37 fi g 8ζ) e MBA Wheel-fi nished carinated bowl from Marketoursquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (aft er Marketou 1990a 104 fi g 5b) f LBA IA Early FPP semiglobular cup with dipped-rim from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing A Caputo) g LBA IA Early Koan LoD high-necked jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing A Caputo) h LBA IA Early UPMC beaked jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) i LBA IA EarlyMature MD jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing M RossinA Caputo)


Figure 43 a LBA IA Mature Local conical cup from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing S VitaleA Caputo) b LBA IA Mature Local conical cup from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale) c LBA IA Mature Local conical cup from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing S RegioA Caputo) d LBA IA Mature Local conical cup from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing S RegioA Caputo) e LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD narrow-necked juglet from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) f LBA IA Mature Koan DoL pithoid jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) g LBA IA Mature Koan LoD jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) h LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD straight-sided cup from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing S VitaleA Caputo) i LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD bridge-spouted jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) j LBA IA Mature Koan LoD hole-mouthed jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) k LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD hole-mouthed jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo)


(e) Minoan imports (Fig 44e) although still present on a small scale increase (eg Marketou 1990a 104 and 2010 91)

(f) Mycenaean vessels begin to reach the lsquoSerragliorsquo (Fig 44f see also eg Morricone 1975 333 fi g 223dndashe)

Interestingly as in the preceding LBA IA Early period during LBA IA Mature hybridizing and fully lsquolocal traditionrsquo vessels are always found alongside one another illustrating the composite but unitary nature of the lsquoSerragliorsquo material culture in these phases (eg Vitale 2006 76 fi gs 3ndash4 2007a 35ndash36 fi gs 9ndash10 pls 5ndash6)

In addition to pott ery during the LBA IA Mature period some further Minoanizing elements appear for the fi rst time at the lsquoSerragliorsquo These include a polythyron of rather provincial style and a small number of discoid loomweights (eg Morricone 1975 279 fi g 240 Marketou 1998 63 2010 91) Nevertheless Minoan-type wall paintingiconography and script are still absent and the impact of the lsquolocal traditionrsquo continues to be strong throughout the Koan material culture (eg Marketou 1990a 109 1998 63ndash64)(SV)

Discussion The LBA IA Mature period represents the peak in the presence of Cretan-type features at the lsquoSerragliorsquo The interpretation of the data however is far from simple What are the nature and the extent of the Minoan infl uence Were there Minoan people living in Kos (eg Niemeier 1998 and 2005 202 Niemeier and Niemeier 1999 552ndash553) If so were they present in signifi cant numbers Is it possible that during the LBA IA Mature period the lsquoSerragliorsquo was somehow under Minoan control (eg Wiener 1990) In order to answer these crucial questions a closer examination of the interaction between the lsquolocal traditionrsquo and the Minoanizing elements is necessary

A precious analytical tool at our disposal is represented by LoDDoL pott ery the Koan ceramic production in which the presence of Minoanizing elements is the strongest Many of the shapes att ested in this class reproduce Cretan types including the oval-mouthed amphora (Fig 45andashb) the eyed jug (Fig 45cndashd) the bridge-spouted jar (Fig 43i) the stirrup jar (Figs 45e) and the straight-sided cup (Fig 43h)9 This is equally true of several decorative motifs such as spirals (Fig 43f and j) fl owers (Fig 45f) ivies

Table 42 Diagnostic features and chronological evolution of the Koan local ceramics By the term lsquowashrsquo we refer to a poor quality slip A wash is more diluted than a slip and it oft en wears away more easily

Diagnostic Features and Chronological Evolution of the Koan Local Ceramics

Settlement Preceding lsquoCittagrave Irsquo

First PhaseLBA IA Early

Second PhaseLBA IA Mature

FPPForming Technique Wheel-fi nished

Surface Washed or slipped and smoothed or wipedDecoration Dull paint

DIES OUT

MRBForming Technique Handmade or wheel-fi nished

Surface Slipped and burnishedDecoration Slightly lustrous slippaint

MDForming Technique Handmade or wheel-fi nished

Surface Washed or slipped and smoothed wiped or burnishedDecoration Dull or slightly lustrous slippaint

UPF UPMC UPC

Forming Technique Handmade or wheel-fi nishedSurface (a) Rough (b) Washed or slipped and smoothed wiped or burnished

Decoration Always unpainted

LoDDoL Forming Technique Handmade or wheel-fi nished

Surface Washed and smoothed or wipedDecoration Matt paint generally LoD

Forming Technique Handmade or wheel-fi nishedSurface Washed or slipped and smoothed or wipedDecoration Matt or dull paint LoD DoL or LoD-

DoL


Figure 44 a LBA IA Mature DOL jug with linear decoration from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) b LBA IA EarlyMature UPMC jug with cut-away neck from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) c LBA IA Mature MRB bridge-spouted jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing A Caputo) d LBA IA EarlyMature Local cooking jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing M RossinA Caputo) e Imported LM IA fragment from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (photo S Vitale drawing S RegioM RossinA Caputo) f Imported LH I Vapheio cup fragment from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing M RossinA Trecarichi)


(Fig 45g) hatched loops (Fig 43k) leaves (Figs 43f and 45c) foliate bands (Fig 45b) reeds (Fig 45h) crescents (Fig 45i) and speckles (Figs 43hndashI and 45j)10 A further element of Minoan origin is shown in the alternative use of the various LoD DoL and LoD-DoL techniques (Fig 45c and i)11

However besides features of Cretan origin a certain number of shapes exhibit local idiosyncrasies of Anatolian fl avor such as the strong preference for neck-handled rather than rim-handled jugs (Fig 43g) the widespread occurrence of biconical profi les (Figs 43f 44d and Fig 45d) and the relatively frequent use of ridges (Fig 45j) to decorate extensive portions of the vessels12 Other shapes namely the narrow-necked jugs (Figs 43e and 45k)13 the high-necked jugs (Fig 42g)14 and certain types of jars 15 (Fig 45j) directly reproduce Anatolian models Strong local idiosyncrasies are also evident in the decorative repertoire where simple geometric motifs such as single and double wavy lines (Figs 42g 43gndashh 45a and cndashe) are particularly popular but there is no trace of the ripple patt ern one of the hallmarks of Late Minoan (LM) IA which was widely att ested in the contemporary Minoanizing productions outside the island of Crete16

In terms of fi ring techniques formation process surface treatment and paint quality there is nothing in Koan LoDDoL which deviates from the EBA to early LBA lsquolocal traditionrsquo andor betrays an obvious Minoan origin (cf Knappett 1999)

As is implicit in this brief overview LoDDoL pott ery cannot be described as a direct true imitation of the contemporary Minoan pott ery but rather as a hybrid pidgin where single elements of Cretan origin are combined with Anatolian characteristics typical of the Koan lsquolocal traditionrsquo As has already been suggested by Davis LoDDoL pott ery can be properly included in the range of the various Minoanizing productions present in the Aegean during the MBA to LBA transition (ie Davis 1982 33) However the impact of Cretan features is remarkably less important than on the contemporary Minoanizing pott ery from Thera Keos and Melos (eg Marthari 1984 129 1987 362ndash366 373ndash376 1990 Cummer and Schofi eld 1984 45ndash46 Renfrew 1978 407 Davis and Cherry 2007) The diff erence is even more striking if Koan LoDDoL pott ery is compared to the ceramic productions of Kastri on Kythera and Miletus (cf Table 43) the only two sites where the presence of a Minoan colony seems to have been convincingly proven (eg Coldstream and Huxley 1972 Niemeier and Niemeier 1997 1999)

In fact if we exclude conical cups a genuine local production of Cretan-type pott ery is altogether absent at Kos during the LBA IA Mature period Conical cups have oft en been regarded as an indicator of

Minoan presence (eg Coldstream and Huxley 1972 285 Wiener 1984 especially 19ndash22 1990 137ndash139 Niemeier and Niemeier 1999 547) but their simple occurrence should not be taken as a decisive proof They are easy to produce and may be used for a large number of diff erent practical uses (eg Gillis 1990) These two characteristics alone explain their popularity outside of Crete at the beginning of the LBA period (eg Mountjoy and Ponting 2000 176ndash177) Moreover Koan conical cups are manufactured in the same fabric as other local unpainted ceramics (Fig 43b) implying that at the lsquoSerragliorsquo there was no att empt to create a distinctive lsquoMinoanizing clay pastersquo as has been suggested for the conical cups from Iasos (ie Momigliano 2005 223)

Also the simple presence of Cretan-type kitchenware does not in itself suggest a strong Minoan presence at Kos during LBA IA Mature The cooking pott ery originally recovered by Morricone was largely discarded immediately following his excavations as was typical practice during the 1930s and 1940s As a result of this arbitrary choice no quantitative assessment of this material is possible In particular while it is evident that Anatolianizing and Minoanizing kitchenware were used alongside one another during the LBA IA period (eg Morricone 1975 220 283ndash285 nos 1213 1310 1350ndash1359 fi gs 140 248ndash250) it not possible to establish their respective percentages as for example in the case of contemporary assemblages from Miletus Moreover the equation between the occurrence of Minoanizing kitchenware and the presence of Minoan people have been recently put into question by Penelope A Mountjoy Matt hew J Ponting and Broodbank (eg Mountjoy and Ponting 2000 177 Broodbank 2004 59ndash60) Specifi c types of cooking pott ery may be imitated or imported simply for the value of their functional properties This is the case for example of the vast quantity of Aeginetan kitchenware traded in the western Aegean between the late Middle Helladic and the early Late Helladic (LH) period obviously not representing the result of an Aeginetan thalassocracy17

A fi nal note is needed on the occurrence of a small number of Cretan-type discoid loomweights (eg Morricone 1975 279 fi g 240) These items certainly suggest that Minoan weaving technology was in use at the lsquoSerragliorsquo during the LBA IA Mature period They may also imply the existence of a few Minoan residents but they by no means testify to the occurrence of Minoan political control (eg Mountjoy and Ponting 2000 177) or to a massive presence of Cretans on Kos Once again functional advantages and social prestige strategies may have played an important role in the introduction of Cretan weaving technology on Kos as is clearly documented for example in the case of Troy


Figure 45 a LBA IA Mature Koan LoD oval-mouthed amphora from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo)b LBA IA Mature Koan DoL oval-mouthed amphora from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) c LBA IA Mature Koan LoD-DoL eyed jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) d LBA IA Mature Koan LoD eyed jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) e LBA IA Mature Koan DoL stirrup jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) f LBA IA EarlyMature Koan Polychrome LoD hole-mouthed jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) g LBA IA EarlyMature Koan Polychrome LoD hole-mouthed jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) h LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD closed shape from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) i LBA IA Mature Koan LoD-DoL pithoid jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) j LBA IA Mature Koan LoD jar from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo) k LBA IA EarlyMature Koan LoD narrow-necked jug from Morriconersquos excavations at the lsquoSerragliorsquo (drawing A Caputo)


Tabl

e 4

3 M

inoa

nizi

ng fe

atur

es in

sou

thw

este

rn A

nato

lia t

he D

odec

anes

e an

d th

e Cy

clad

es d

urin

g th

e LB

A IA

Mat

ure

perio

d

Minoa

nizing

Features in

Sou

thwestern

Ana

tolia

the

Dod

ecan

ese

and

the

Cyclades du

ring

the

LBA

IA M

atur

e Pe

riod

Sites

Featur

es

Gen

eral

Pictur

ePo

ttery

Architectur

e

(Ash

lar

Mas

onry

Po

lyth

yra

Fo

rtifi

catio

ns

Hyd

raul

ic

Syst

ems

etc

)

Fresco

es

Ritua

lsReligion

Line

ar

AWeaving

Eq

uipm

ent

Wea

k Pr

esen

ce

of L

ocal

no

n-M

inoa

n Fe

atur

es

acco

rdin

g to

Ex

cava

tors

Clo

se

Imita

tion

Loca

l Pr

oduc

tion

of M

inoa

n D

ecor

ated

Pott e

ry

Min

oan

Styl

istic

Fe

atur

es

Min

oan

Man

ufac

turi

ng

Tech

niqu

e

Cul

tic

Item

sBu

ildin

gsBu

rial

Pr

actic

es

southw

estern

ana

tolia

Miletus

Iasos

-

-

-

-

the do

deca

nese

Kos

The

lsquoSer

ragl

iorsquo

--

-

-

-

-

Rho

des

Tria

nda

-

-

-

the cyclad

es and

kythera

Melos

Phyl

akop

i-

Keos

A I

rini

Tro

ulli

-

Thera

Akr

otir

i-

Kythera

Kas

tri

-

Sources

Mile

tus

Wei

cker

t et a

l 19

60 N

iem

eier

199

8 2

005

and

2010

Nie

mei

er a

nd N

iem

eier

199

7 an

d 19

99 I

asos

Lev

i 197

0 B

enzi

et a

l 20

00 M

omig

liano

et a

l 20

01

Mom

iglia

no 2

005

and

2010

Kos

and

Rho

des

Mar

keto

u 19

88 1

990a

199

8 an

d 20

10 G

irella

200

5 V

itale

200

6 2

007a

and

200

7b M

elos

and

Keo

s C

aske

y 19

71 R

enfr

ew

1978

Dav

is 1

979

198

0 1

982

198

4 an

d 19

86 D

avis

and

Che

rry

1984

199

0 an

d 20

07 D

avis

and

Lew

is 1

985

Cum

mer

and

Sch

ofi e

ld 1

984

Ber

g 20

07 T

hera

Mar

thar

i 19

84 1

987

and

1990

Kna

ppett

and

Nik

olak

opou

lou

2008

Nik

olak

opou

lou

2010

Kyt

hera

Col

dstr

eam

and

Hux

ley

1972

Bro

odba

nk 2

004


There Minoan-type discoid loomweights occur from the 15th until the 13th century BC (Troy VI Middle to Troy VIIa) but they certainly cannot be interpreted as a proof of signifi cant Minoan presence or Minoan political control (eg Guzowska and Becks 2005)18

(SV)

Concluding RemarksThe data presented above indicates that during the LBA IA period the culture of the sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo had a strong local character According to the archaeological evidence there is no reason to conclude that Kos was under any form of Minoan control or to postulate a strong presence of Cretan people on the island The lsquoSerragliorsquo cannot be interpreted as a lsquosett lement colonyrsquo since the area of the site was continuously occupied from EBA 3 up until advanced LH IIIC Nor can it be seen as a lsquogoverned colonyrsquo as there is no evidence proving the character of the administrative system Finally while the presence of Cretan residents is possible no Minoan enclave within the sett lement has been found to support the existence of a lsquocommunity colonyrsquo despite the rather large area investigated (Fig 41b)19

At the eventful MBA to LBA transition in the period of the strongest cultural and economic expansion of the Cretan palaces the adoption of elements of Minoan origin at Kos may be bett er explained as the result of an internal process of cultural emulation related to a number of practical reasons The appearance of Cretan features on FPP semiglobular cups may represent the att empt of local elites to underline their status and prestige by an assertive display of items of exotic taste On the other hand the production of Koan LoDDoL pott ery may be interpreted as a coherent strategy to bett er compete along the main maritime trade routes of the Aegean Sea The success of a similar strategy is proven by the distribution outside the lsquoSerragliorsquo of this Minoanizing class through which Koan products were widely exchanged and exported during LBA I from the island of Aegina to the coastal centers of Asia Minor and Cyprus (Fig 41a)20

The picture of LBA IA Kos as reconstructed in the present paper is in harmony with the scenario of interactions and exchange proposed by Davis and Gorogianni for the Aegean in the Neopalatial period (ie Davis and Gorogianni 2008) In the context of what the authors describe as a lsquonew environmentrsquo the Minoanizing sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo may have represented one of the southeastern lsquostepping stonesrsquo in the maritime trading routes connecting Crete with the southwestern Anatolian coast at the beginning

of the early LBA period (ie Davis and Gorogianni 2008 385)21

It would not be appropriate to explain the introduct-ion of Minoanizing elements at the lsquoSerragliorsquo as the result of a form of colonialism without colonies The Koan situation is diff erent from that described by Knappett and Nikolakopoulou for Middle Minoan IIIA to LM IA Akrotiri because no secure true local imitation of Minoan decorated fi ne pott ery exists at the lsquoSerragliorsquo and because Cretan imports are much less widespread than those at Thera22 In fact while Knappett rsquos and Nikolakopouloursquos contribution represents an important step forward in our understanding of Minoanization its approach has two aspects that if mechanically applied beyond Akrotiri to the entire area of the Cyclades andor the southeastern Aegean may have the potential of being misleading Firstly by placing lsquothe objects at the heart of a cultural processrsquo and postulating an lsquoobject-led acculturationrsquo there is a possible risk of underestimating the signifi cance of the strategies behind the adoption of Minoanizing features abroad and thus of misunderstanding the complex dynamics of Minoanization in their actual working process Secondly if as Knappett and Nikolakopoulou state the relationships between Crete and the Aegean were more subtle than was previously considered (ie Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2008 37) terms such as lsquocolonialism without coloniesrsquo or lsquoculturally colonializedrsquo (ie Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2008 3 38) may appear confusing still retaining a somehow Minoan lsquoimperialisticrsquo taste (SV and THV)

Notes1 For a general picture of the phenomenon cf Minoan

Thalassocracy Wiener 19902 For the Middle Helladic to Late Helladic transition on the

Greek mainland cf Rutt er and Rutt er 1976 Dietz 1991 1998 Wohlmar 2007 Gauss and Smetana 2007 Horejs 2007

3 For the occurrence and impact of Anatolian features on Koan local pott ery productions cf also Morricone 1967 306

4 For the identifi cation and classifi cation of Koan local ceramics of the early LBA period cf Vitale 2007a 168ndash213 For the subdivision of LBA IA into an early and a mature phase cf Marketou 1990a 102ndash103 For a detailed examination of the LBA IA Early contexts recovered during Morriconersquos excavations cf Vitale 2006 76 fi g 3 2007a 35ndash36 fi g 9 pl 5

5 By the term lsquodull-paintedrsquo we refer to the use of poor quality ironndashbased paints These have a matt appearance when vessel surfaces are simply smoothed or wiped but may become slightly lustrous after polishing or burnishing


6 For the use of crescents on Koan FPP cf Marketou 1990a fi g 5c For the lsquodippedndashrimrsquo technique on Minoan pott ery cf for example Walberg 1992 97 (Motif 25) pl 14252 For crescents cf Betancourt 1985 98 113 129 fi g 70ab fi g 87a fi g 98l

7 For previous studies on Koan LoDDoL pott ery cf Morricone 1975 296ndash326 fi gs 265ndash313 Marthari et al 1990 Momigliano 2007 Vitale 2007a 76ndash193 fi gs 16ndash40 pls 15ndash55

8 For a detailed examination of the LBA IA Late contexts recovered during Morriconersquos excavations cf Vitale 2006 76 fi g 4 2007a 36 fi g 10 pl 6

9 Walberg 1992 50ndash52 54ndash55 63ndash68 76ndash78 pls 2ndash4 7 (with much bibliographical information updated until 1991) For some of the main contributions from 1991 onwards cf Warren 1991 Sakellarakis and SapounandashSakellaraki 1997 Knappett and Cunningham 2003 Rutt er and Van de Moortel 2006

10 Walberg 1992 80ndash89 92ndash96 pls 8ndash13 (with much bibliographical information updated until 1991) For some of the main contributions from 1991 onwards cf Warren 1991 Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1997 Knappett and Cunningham 2003 Rutt er and Van de Moortel 2006

11 Cf in general Betancourt 1985 103ndash114 123ndash133 fi gs 81ndash85 87 92 98 100 pls 13ndash17

12 For neckndashhandled jugs cf Marketou 2004 26 fi g 8η (Kos EBA 3) Milojcic 1961 19 34ndash35 pl 396 pl 4211 15ndash16 pl 4314 (Samos EBA IIIndashMBA I) Guumlnel 1999 70 no 17 fi g 1417 (Liman Tepe MBA IndashII) For biconical profi les cf Milojcic 1961 71 74 pl 157 pl 4716 (Samos EBA) Weickert et al 1960 28 no 2 pl 102 (Miletus Late Minoan IndashII) Lloyd and Mellaart 1965 105 111 119 121 fi g 171ndash3 6ndash8 fi g 18 fi g 192ndash3 5ndash6 8 fi g 201ndash4 6ndash7 11 fi g 211ndash7 9ndash11 fi g 272ndash3 5 fi g 282ndash6 9 fi g 292 (Beycesultan MBA)For the use of ridges cf Lloyd and Mellaart 1965 103 105 111 fi g 145 fi g 177 fi g 195 fi g 205 fi g 2111 (Beycesultan MBA)

13 For Anatolian prototypes and parallels cf Milojcic 1961 37 pl 444 (Samos EBA IIndashIII)

14 For Anatolian prototypes and parallels cf Milojcic 1961 8 11 37 pl 3575 pl 3618 pl 442 (Samos EBA IIndashMBA I) Guumlnel 1999 70 no 18 fi g 1418 (Liman Tepe MBA IIndashIIIA) Cf also Papagiannopoulou 1991 217 Some highndashnecked jugs from Rhodes are considered by Marketou to be diagnostic of the MBA period in the Dodecanese (ie Marketou 1998 43 fi g 2)

15 For Anatolian prototypes and parallels cf Lloyd and Mellaart 1965 121 fi g 292 (Beycesultan MBA)

16 For the ripple patt ern outside the island of Crete during the MBA to LBA transition cf Kythera Kastri Coldstream and Huxley 1972 283 290 pls 23ndash32 Thera Akrotiri Marthari 1984 129 fi g 8c and 1987 364 fi g 15 Keos Ayia Irini Cummer and Schofi eld 1984 86 136 nos 820 1707 pl 62a d i j 820 pl 881707 Melos Phylakopi Renfrew 1978 407 (as cited in Warren and Hankey 1989 66) Davis and Cherry 2007 271 no 25 fi g 7225

17 We thank Jeremy Rutt er for calling our att ention on this point On Aeginetan pott ery in general cf Maran 1992 179ndash199 Zerner 1993 48ndash50 Mountjoy 1999 490ndash492 Rutt er 2001 125ndash131 fi g 12 Lindblom 2001 Gauss and Kiriatzi 2011

18 We thank Maria Emanuela Alberti for calling our att ention on this point

19 For the definition of lsquosettlementrsquo lsquogovernedrsquo and lsquocommunityrsquo colonies cf Branigan 1981

20 For the distribution of LoDDoL pott ery outside the island of Kos cf Marthari et al 1990 177 Momigliano 2005 222 2007 269 Vitale 2006 74 notes 16ndash19 2007a 32ndash33 notes 45ndash51 2007b 50 notes 18ndash24 Vitale and Hancock Vitale 2010 76 fi g 11

21 Kos is not mentioned in Davisrsquo and Gorogiannirsquos reconstruction of their Neopalatial lsquonew environmentrsquo Its location suggests that the sett lement of the lsquoSerragliorsquo may have been the missing lsquostepping stonersquo between the Minoanized sett lements on Rhodes and Iasos

22 Knappett and Nikolakopoulou assign their imported bridge-spouted jug no 9807 to a possible Koan fabric (ie Knappett and Nikolakopoulou 2008 10 15 no 15 fi gs 8ndash9) Based on the long expertise in Koan materials of the fi rst author of this paper this att ribution seems improbable

AcknowledgementsThis paper was originally presented at the 14th Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists (Malta 2008) In its fi nal form it incorporates the results of the 2009ndash2011 study seasons of the lsquoSerraglio Eleona and Langada Archaeological Projectrsquo a research undertaking under the auspices of the Italian School of Archaeology at Athens (wwwselapit) SELAPrsquos 2009ndash2011 study seasons were made possible through generous grants from the Ministry of Education Lifelong Learning and Religious Aff airs of the Hellenic Republic the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP) The Shelby White ndash Leon Levy Program for Archaeological Publications and the University of Calabria

We would like to particularly thank the following colleagues for their support during our research andor their useful comments on the manuscript of this paper Maria Emanuela Alberti Mario Benzi Ina Berg Thomas M Brogan Vasso Christopoulou Jack L Davis Evi Gorogianni Giampaolo Graziadio Emanuele Greco Carl Knappett Valeria Lenuzza Bartłomiej Lis Toula Marketou Jerolyn E Morrison Irene Nikolakopoulou Santo Privitera Jeremy B Rutt er Serena Sabatini and Elpida Skerlou We are also grateful to Toula Marketou for permission to reproduce some of her previously published drawings


ReferencesBenzi M 1984 lsquoEvidence for a Middle Minoan Sett lement

on the Acropolis at Ialysos (Mt Philerimos)rsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 93ndash105

Benzi M Belli P Graziadio G Momigliano N and Morabito I 2000 lsquoRapporto sul progett o BACI (Bronze Age Carian Iasos) att ivitagrave 19992000rsquo Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 42 340ndash345

Berg I 2007 Negotiating Island Identities the Active Use of Pott ery in the Middle and Late Bronze Age Cyclades New York

Bernini L E 1995 lsquoCeramics of the Early Neo-palatial Period at Palaikastrorsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 90 55ndash82

Betancourt P 1985 The History of Minoan Pott ery Princeton Branigan K 1981 lsquoMinoan Colonialismrsquo Annual of the British

School at Athens 76 23ndash33Broodbank C 2004 lsquoMinoanisationrsquo Proceedings of the Cambridge

Philological Society 50 46ndash91Carinci F M 1983 lsquoSulle suddivisioni del Medio Minoico

III Alcune osservazioni su un saggio di scavo a Cnossorsquo Archeologia Classica 35 118ndash137

Carinci F M 1989 lsquoThe lsquoIII fase protopalazialersquo at Phaestos Some Observationsrsquo In Laffi neur R (ed) Transition Le monde eacutegeacuteen du Bronze moyen au Bronze reacutecent Actes de la deuxiegraveme Rencontre eacutegeacuteenne internationale de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege 18ndash20 Avril 1988 (Aegaeum 3) Liegravege 73ndash80

Carinci F M 2001 lsquoLa casa a sud della rampa e il Medio Minoico III a Festogravesrsquo In Beschi L Di Vita A La Rosa V Pugliese Carratelli G and Rizza G (eds) I cento anni dello scavo di Festograves Giornate Lincee Roma 2000 Roma 203ndash241

Caskey J L 1971 lsquoInvestigations in Keos Part I Excavations and Explorations 1966ndash1970rsquo Hesperia 40 359ndash396

Catling E A Catling H W and Smyth D 1979 lsquoKnossos 1975 Middle Minoan III and Late Minoan I Houses by the Acropolisrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 74 1ndash80

Coldstream J N and Huxley G L 1972 Kythera Excavations and Studies Conducted by the University of Pennsylvania Museum and the British School at Athens London

Cummer W and Schofi eld E 1984 Keos III Ayia Irini House A Mainz

Davis J L 1979 lsquoMinos and Dexithea Crete and the Cyclades in the Later Bronze Agersquo In Davis J L and Cherry J F (eds) Papers in Cycladic Prehistory Los Angeles 143ndash157

Davis J L 1980 lsquoMinoans and the Minoanization at Ayia Irini Keosrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World II 257ndash260

Davis J L 1982 lsquoThe Earliest Minoans in the South-east Aegean A Reconsideration of the Evidencersquo Anatolian Studies 32 33ndash41

Davis J L 1984 lsquoCultural Innovation and the Minoan Thalassocracy at Ayia Irini Keosrsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 159ndash166

Davis J L 1986 Keos V Ayia Irini Period V MainzDavis J L and Cherry J F 1984 lsquoPhylakopi in Late Cycladic I

A Pott ery Seriation Studyrsquo In Prehistoric Cyclades 148ndash161Davis J L and Cherry J F 1990 lsquoSpatial and Temporal

Uniformitarianism in Late Cycladic I Perspectives from Kea and Milos on the Prehistory of Akrotirirsquo In Thera and the Aegean World III vol 1 185ndash200

Davis J L and Cherry J F 2007 lsquoThe Cycladic Pott ery in the Late Bronze I Levelsrsquo In Renfrew A C Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos 1974ndash77 London 265ndash306

Davis J L and Lewis H B 1985 lsquoMechanization of Pott ery Production A Case Study from the Cycladic Islandsrsquo In

Knapp A B and Stech T (eds) Prehistoric Production and Exchange The Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean Los Angeles 79ndash92

Davis J L and Gorogianni E 2008 lsquoPotsherds from the Edge the Construction of Identities and the Limits of Minoanized Areas of the Aegeanrsquo In Brodie N Doole J Gavalas G and Renfrew A C (eds) Horizon Ορίζων A Colloquium on the Prehistory of the Cyclades Oxford 379ndash388

Dietz S 1991 The Argolid at the Transition to the Mycenaean Age Studies in the Chronology and Cultural Development in the Shaft Grave Period Copenhagen

Dietz S 1998 lsquoThe Cyclades and the Mainland in the Shaft Grave Period A Summaryrsquo Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens 2 Athens 9ndash36

Emporia Laffi neur R and Greco E (eds) 2005 Emporia Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean Proceedings of the 10th International Aegean Conference Athens (Aegaeum 25) Liegravege

Furumark A 1950 lsquoThe Sett lement at Ialysos and Aegean History c 1550ndash1400 BCrsquo Opuscula Archaeologica 6 150ndash271

Gauss W and Smetana R 2007 lsquoAegina Kolonna the Ceramic Sequence of the SCIEM 2000 Projectrsquo In MH Synchronisms 57ndash80

Gauss W and Kiriatzi E 2011 Pott ery Production and Supply at Bronze Age Kolonna Aegina An Integrated Archaeological and Scientifi c Study of a Ceramic Landscape Vienna

Gillis C 1990 Minoan Conical Cups Form Function and Signifi cance (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 89) Goumlteborg

Girella L 2001 lsquoAlcune considerazioni in margine al MM III Archanes e Festogravesrsquo Creta Antica 2 63ndash76

Girella L 2005 lsquoIalysos Foreign Relations in the Late Bronze Age A Funerary Perspectiversquo In Emporia 129ndash139

Girella L 2007 lsquoTowards a Defi nition of the MM III Ceramic Sequence in South-Central Crete Returning to the Traditional MM IIIA and MM IIIB Divisionrsquo In MH Synchronisms 233ndash255

Guumlnel S 1999 lsquoVorbericht uumlber die mitt el- und spaumltbronzezeitliche Keramik vom Liman Tepersquo Istanbuler Mitt eilungen 49 41ndash82

Guzowska M and Becks R 2005 lsquoWho Was Weaving at Troia On the Aegean Style Loomweights in Troia VI and VIIarsquo In Emporia 279ndash286

Hatzaki E 2007a lsquoNeopalatial (MM IIIBndashLM IB) KS 178 Gypsades Well (Upper Deposit) and SEX North House Groupsrsquo In Momigliano N (ed) Knossos Pott ery Handbook Neolithic and Bronze Age (Minoan) (Annual of the British School at Athens Studies 14) London 151ndash196

Hatzaki E 2007b lsquoCeramic Groups of Early Neopalatial Knossos in the Context of Crete and the South Aegeanrsquo In MH Synchronisms 273ndash294

Hood S 1996 lsquoBack to Basics with Middle Minoan IIIBrsquo In Minotaur and Centaur 10ndash16

Horejs B 2007 lsquoTransition from Middle to Late Bronze Age in Central Macedonia and Its Synchronism with the lsquoHelladic Worldrsquo In MH Synchronisms 183ndash200

Knappett C 1999 lsquoTradition and Innovation in Pott ery Forming Technology Wheel-throwing at Middle Minoan Knossosrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 94 101ndash129

Knappett C and Cunningham T F 2003 lsquoThree Neopalatial Deposits from Palaikastro East Cretersquo Annual of the British School at Athens 98 107ndash187



La Rosa V 2002 lsquoPour une reacutevision preacuteliminaire du second palais de Phaistosrsquo In Driessan J Schoep I and Laffi neur R (eds) Monuments of Minos Rethinking the Minoan Palaces Proceedings of the International Workshop lsquoCrete of the Hundred Palacesrsquo Universiteacute Catholique de Louvain Louvain-la-Neuve 14ndash15 December 2001 (Aegaeum 23) Liegravege 71ndash97

Laviosa C 1984 lsquoThe Minoan Thalassocracy Iasos and the Carian Coastrsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 183ndash185

Levi D 1970 lsquoIasos le campagne di scavo 1969ndash1970rsquo Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente 47ndash48 461ndash532

Levi D 1981 Festograves e la civiltagrave minoica II1 (Incunabula Graeca 771) Roma

Lindblom M 2001 Marks and Makers Appearance Distribution and Function of Middle and Late Helladic Manufacturersrsquo Marks on Aeginetan Pott ery (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 128) Jonsered

Lloyd S and Mellaart J 1965 Beycesultan Middle Bronze Age Architecture and Pott ery London

Macdonald C F 1996 lsquoNotes on Some Late Minoan IA Contexts from the Palace of Minos and Its Immediate Vicinityrsquo In Minotaur and Centaur 17ndash26

Manning S W 1995 The Absolute Chronology of the Aegean Early Bronze Age Sheffi eld

Maran J 1992 Kiapha Thiti Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen II2 (2JtvChr Keramik und Kleinfunde) Marburger

Marketou T 1988 lsquoNew Evidence on the Topography and Site History of Prehistoric Ialysosrsquo In Dietz S and Papachristodoulou I (eds) Archaeology in the Dodecanese Copenhagen 27ndash38

Marketou T 1990a lsquoSantorini Tephra from Rhodes and Kos Some Chronological Remarks Based on the Stratigraphyrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World III vol 3 100ndash113

Marketou T 1990b lsquoAsomatos and Serraglio Early Bronze Age Production and Interconnectionsrsquo Hydra 7 40ndash49

Marketou T 1998 lsquoExcavations at Trianda (Ialysos) on Rhodes New Evidence for the Late Bronze Age I Periodrsquo Atti dellrsquoAccademia nazionale dei Lincei Rendiconti 9 39ndash82

Marketou T 2004 lsquoΗ Πρώιμη Εποχή του Χαλκού στην Κωrsquo In Χάρις χαίρε μελέτες στη μνήμη της Χάρης Κάντζια I Athens 17ndash37

Marketou T 2010 lsquoIalysos and Its Neighbouring Areas in the MBA and LBA I Periods A Chance for Peacersquo In The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean 73ndash96

Marthari M 1984 lsquoThe Destruction of the Town at Akrotiri Thera at the Beginning of LC I Defi nition and Chronologyrsquo In Prehistoric Cyclades 119ndash133

Marthari M 1987 lsquoThe Local Pott ery Wares with Painted Decoration from the Volcanic Destruction Level of Akrotirirsquo Archaumlologischer Anzeiger 1987 359ndash380

Marthari M 1990 lsquoThe Chronology of the Last Phases of Occupation at Akrotiri in the Light of the Evidence from the West House Pott ery Groupsrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World III vol 3 57ndash70

Marthari M Marketou T and Jones R 1990 lsquoLBI Ceramic Connections between Thera and Kosrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World III vol 3 171ndash184

Melas E M 1988a lsquoThe Dodecanese and Western Anatolia in Prehistory Interrelationship Ethnicity and Geographyrsquo Anatolian Studies 38 109ndash120

Melas E M 1988b lsquoMinoans Overseas Alternative Models of Interpretationrsquo In Laffi neur R (ed) Aegaeum 2 Annales drsquoarcheacuteologie eacutegeacuteenne de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Liegravege 47ndash70

Melas E M 1991 lsquoAcculturation and Social Mobility in the Minoan Worldrsquo In Laffi neur R and Basch L (eds) Thalassa LrsquoEgeacutee preacutehistorique et la mer Actes de la troisiegraveme rencontre eacutegeacuteenne internationale de lrsquoUniversiteacute de Liegravege Station de recherches sous-marines et oceacuteanographiques (StaReSo) Calvi Corse 1990 (Aegaeum 7) Liegravege 169ndash188

Meletemata Betancourt P Karageorghis V Laffineur R Niemeier W-D (eds) 1999 Meletemata Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as He Enters His 65th Year (Aegaeum 20) Liegravege

MH Synchronisms Felten F Gauss W Smetana R (eds) 2007 Middle Helladic Pott ery And Synchronisms Proceedings of the International Workshop held at Salzburg Wien

Milojcic V 1961 Samos I Die praumlhistorische Siedlung unter dem Heraion Grabung 1553 und 1955 Bonn

Minoan Thalassocracy Haumlgg R and Marinatos N (eds) 1984 The Minoan Thalassocracy Myth and Reality Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens 1982 (Skrift er Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 4deg) Goumlteborg

Minotaur and Centaur Evely R D G Lemos I S and Sherratt S (eds) 1996 Minotaur and Centaur Studies in the Archaeology of Crete and Euboea presented to Mervyn Popham (British Archaeological Report International Series 638) Oxford

Momigliano N 2005 lsquoIasos and the Aegean Islands before the Santorini Eruptionrsquo In Emporia 217ndash225

Momigliano N 2007 lsquoKamares or Not Kamares This Is [Not] the Question Southeast Aegean Light-on-Dark (LoD) and Dark-on-Light (DoL) Pott ery Synchronisms Production Centers and Distributionrsquo In MH Synchronisms 257ndash272

Momigliano N 2010 lsquoMinoans at Iasosrsquo in The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean 121ndash140

Momigliano N Morabito I Graziadio G Belli P Benzi M and Couch S 2001 lsquoReport on the 2001 Study Season of the Bronze Age Levels at Iasos (SW Turkey)rsquo Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 43 269ndash274

Morricone L 1967 lsquoEleona e Langada Sepolcreti della tarda Etagrave del Bronzo a Coorsquo Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente 43ndash44 5ndash311

Morricone L 1975 lsquoCoo- Scavi e scoperte nel lsquoSerragliorsquo e in localitagrave minori (1935ndash1943)rsquo Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente 50ndash51 139ndash396

Mountjoy P A 1986 Mycenaean Decorated Pott ery A Guide to Identifi cation (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 73) Goumlteborg

Mountjoy P A 1999 Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pott ery RahdenWestf

Mountjoy P A 2003 Knossos The South House (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplementary Volume 34) OxfordNorthampton


Niemeier W-D 1994 lsquoKnossos in the New Palace Period (MM IIIndashLM IB)rsquo In Evely R D G Hughes-Brock H and Momigliano N (eds) Knossos A Labyrinth of History Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair Hood British School at Athens Oxford 71ndash88


Niemeier W-D 1998 lsquoThe Minoans in the South-Eastern Aegean and in Cyprusrsquo In Karageorghis V and Stampolidis N (eds) Eastern Mediterranean Cyprus-Dodecanese-Crete 16thndash6th cent BC Proceedings of the International Symposium Rethymnon 1997 Athens 29ndash47

Niemeier W-D 2005 lsquoThe Minoans and Mycenaeans in Western Asia Minor Sett lement Emporia or Acculturationrsquo In Emporia 199ndash204

Niemeier W-D 2010 lsquolsquoMinoanisationrsquo versus lsquoMinoan Thalassocrassyrsquo ndash An Introductionrsquo In The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean 11ndash29

Niemeier B and Niemeier W-D 1997 lsquoMilet 1994ndash1995 Projekt Minoisch-mykenisches bis protogeometrisches Milet Zielsetzung und Grabungen auf dem Stadionhuumlgel und am Athenatempelrsquo Archaumlologischer Anzeiger 1997 189ndash248

Niemeier B and Niemeier W-D 1999 lsquoThe Minoans of Miletusrsquo in Meletemata vol 2 543ndash554

Nikolakopoulou I 2010 lsquolsquoBeware Cretans Bearing Gift srsquo Tracing the Origins of Minoan Infl uence at Akrotiri Therarsquo In The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean 31ndash39

Panagiotaki M 1998 lsquoDating the Temple Repositoriesrsquo Vasesrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 93 185ndash196

Papagiannopoulou A G 1991 The Infl uence of Middle Minoan Pott ery on the Cyclades (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Pocketbook 96) Goumlteborg

Popham M R 1977 lsquoNotes from Knossos Part 1rsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 72 185ndash195

Popham M R 1984 The Minoan Unexplored Mansion at Knossos (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplementary Volume 17) Oxford

Prehistoric Cyclades MacGillivray J A and Barber R L N (eds) 1984 The Prehistoric Cyclades Contributions to a Workshop on Cycladic Chronology (in Memoriam John Langdon Caskey 1908ndash1981) Edinburgh

Puglisi D 2001 lsquoIl problema degli inizi del TM I nella Messaragrave alla luce dei nuovi dati da Haghia Triadarsquo Creta Antica 2 91ndash104

Renfrew A C 1978 lsquoPhylakopi and the Late Bronze I Period in the Cycladesrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World I 403ndash421

Rutt er J B 2001 lsquoThe Prepalatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek Mainlandrsquo In Cullen T (ed) Aegean Prehistory A Review Boston 95ndash155

Rutt er J B and Rutt er S H 1976 The Transition to Mycenaean A Stratifi ed Middle Helladic II to Late Helladic IIA Pott ery Sequence from Ayios Stephanos in Lakonia Los Angeles

Rutt er J B and Van de Moortel A 2006 lsquoMinoan Pott ery from the Southern Arearsquo In Shaw J W and Shaw M C Kommos V The Monumental Buildings at Kommos Princeton 261ndash715

Rutt er J B and Zerner C W 1984 lsquoEarly Hellado-Minoan Contactsrsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 75ndash83

Sakellarakis J A and Sapouna-Sakellaraki E 1997 Archanes Minoan Crete in a New Light Athens

Schofi eld E 1984 lsquoComing to Terms with Minoan Colonistsrsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 45ndash48

The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean Macdonald C Hallager E and Niemeier W-D (eds) 2010 The Minoans in the Central Eastern and Northern Aegean ndash New Evidence Acts of a Minoan Seminar 2005 (Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens 8) Athens

Thera and the Aegean World I Doumas C G (ed) 1978 Thera and the Aegean World I Proceedings of the 2nd International Scientifi c Congress Santorini 1978 London

Thera and the Aegean World II Doumas C G (ed) 1980 Thera and the Aegean World II Proceedings of the 2nd International Congress Santorini Greece August 1978 London

Thera and the Aegean World III Doumas C G Hardy D A Renfrew A C Sakellarakis J A and Warren P M (eds) 1990 Thera and the Aegean World III Proceedings of the 3rd International Congress Santorini 1989 London

Van de Moortel A 2001 lsquoThe Area around the Kiln and the Pott ery from the Kiln and the Kiln Dumprsquo In Shaw J W Van de Moortel A Day P M and Kilikoglou V 2001 A LM IA Ceramic Kiln in South-Central Crete Function and Pott ery Production (Hesperia Supplement 30) Princeton 25ndash110

Vitale S 2006 lsquoLrsquoinsediamento di lsquoSerragliorsquo durante il Tardo Bronzo Riesame dei principali contesti portati alla luce da Luigi Morricone tra il 1935 ed il 1946rsquo Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente 83 71ndash94

Vitale S 2007a lsquoLe ceramiche di lsquotradizione localersquo prodott e a Kos durante le fasi iniziali della Tarda Etagrave del Bronzo Riesame della sequenza stratigrafi ca e dei materiali portati alla luce da Luigi Morricone nel lsquoSerragliorsquo (1935ndash1943 e 1946)rsquo (PhD dissertation University of Pisa)

Vitale S 2007b lsquoThe Early Late Bronze Age Pott ery from Italian Excavations at lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos A Reassessment of the Complete or Almost Complete Local Vases with no Preserved Contextrsquo AGOGE Att i della Scuola di Specializzazione in Archeologia 3 43ndash63

Vitale S and Hancock Vitale T 2010 lsquoThe Minoan and Mycenaean Expansion in the Dodecanese The Evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos and its Theoretical Implicationsrsquo In Dziegielewski K Przybyła M S and Gawlik A (eds) Migration in Bronze and Early Iron Age Europe (Prace Archeologiczne 63) Krakow 63ndash85

Vitale S and Trecarichi A Forthcoming lsquoThe Koan Local Traditions during the Mycenaean Age A Contextual and Functional Analysis of Anatolianizing Ceramics from the ldquoSerragliordquo Eleona and Langadarsquo In Stampolidis N Ciğdem M and Kopanias K (eds) NOSTOI Aegean Islands and Western Anatolia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Istanbul

Walberg G 1992 Middle Minoan III ndash A Time of Transition (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 97) Jonsered

Warren P 1991 lsquoA New Minoan Deposit from Knossos c 1600 BC and Its Wider Relationsrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 86 319ndash340

Warren P 1999 lsquoLM IA Knossos Thera Gourniarsquo In Meletemata vol 3 893ndash903

Warren P and Hankey V 1989 Aegean Bronze Age Chronology Bristol

Weickert K Hommel P Kleiner G Halfwits A and Schiering W 1960 lsquoDie Ausgrabung beim Athena-Tempel in Milet 1957ndash III Der Westabschnitt rsquo Istanbuler Mitt eilungen 9ndash10 1ndash96

Wiener M H 1984 lsquoCrete and the Cyclades in LM 1 The Tale of the Conical Cupsrsquo In Minoan Thalassocracy 17ndash26

Wiener M H 1990 lsquoThe Isles of Crete The Minoan Thalassocracy Revisitedrsquo In Thera and the Aegean World III vol 1 128ndash161

Wohlmar W 2007 lsquoAegina Kolonna MH IIIndashLH I Ceramic Phase of an Aegean Trade-Domainrsquo In MH Synchronisms 45ndash56

Zerner C 1993 lsquoNew Perspectives on Trade in the Middle and Early Late Helladic Periods on the Mainlandrsquo In Zerner C Zerner P and Winder J (eds) Wace and Blegen Pott ery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939ndash1989 Proceedings of the International Conference held at the American School of Classical Studies Athens 1989 Amsterdam 39ndash56

5

Westernizing Aegean of LH III C

Francesco Iacono

IntroductionIn the last decades Mediterranean archaeology has changed dramatically questioning some of its most basilar assumptions as for instance the existence of large scale migrations agrave la Childe and prehistoric thalassocracies agrave la Evans Yet despite this when it comes to the interpretation of large phenomena of cultural change and interaction there are some axioms laying at the very core of the discipline which remain largely unnoticed and therefore almost completely unchallenged

The most persistent and infl uential among those is undoubtedly that of directionality of culture change from East to West from the civilized to the uncivilized

My aim in this contribution is to instil doubts about the inescapability of this trend Can cultural infl uence travel the other way round

In order to do that I will deal with an historical context in which the South-EastNorth-West cultural drift as Andrew Sherratt (1997) named it does not really fi t with archaeological data I am referring to the end of the palatial era and the post-palatial period in Greece (LH III BndashC) corresponding roughly to Recent and Final Bronze Age in Italy and Bronze D and Halstatt A in the rest of Europe (Jung 2006 216)

The title I choose evokes the well known Orientaliz-ing period a moment in which the cultural osmosis between the Greek lsquoWestrsquo and the lsquoEastrsquo is said to be at one of its higher point (Burkert 1992 Riva and Vella 2006)

The hypothesis that I will provocatively try to explore here by the means of a World System approach asserts that a similar phenomenon in terms of width

and strength of existing connections came about with regions which were located westward and north westward of the Aegean a few centuries before in the last part of Bronze Age

I will try to show in this paper that after the dissolution of mainland states a contraction occurred in the sphere of cultural infl uence of the Mycenaean lsquocorersquo leaving room for a variety of formerly peripheral elements to be accepted and become infl uential in Greece

World System Theory concepts and relationshipsWorld System (WS) Theory has been already applied by a number of scholars to the analysis of the Late Bronze Age Mediterranean (see Kardulias 1996 with previous bibliography) However I will not blindly adopt the theory as it was developed by Wallerstein in his fi rst seminal work It will be therefore necessary to introduce some of the basic concepts and relationships entailed by the approach adopted in this paper (Chase Dunn and Hall 1993 Schneider 1977 A Sherratt 1993 Wallestein 1974) According to this perspective the traditional relationships of core and periphery are defi ned by the relative level of capital accumulation with cores presenting larger amounts (whatever its form) than peripheries (Frank 1993) These roles are of course relational and the same socio-political entity (be it a large polity a hamlet or as far as the archaeological phenomena are concerned a site) might be a core in relation to some partners and a periphery vis-agrave-vis a larger core

5 Westernizing Aegean of LH III C 61

As the kind of interaction detectable in the arch-aeological record always entails a fl ow of capital (normally in the form of material cultural items) it is possible to analyze in terms of WS dynamics aspects which are oft en considered extraneous to economic interaction such as diplomacy political marriage and gift exchange (Chase Dunn and Hall 1993 1997 Wilkinson 1987)

Methodologically it can be argued that in peripheral areas privileged possession of material culture items from the core was possibly crucial as it signalled to the wider community the successfulness of local elites in establishing relationships with powerful partners These items were then employed by elites in the peripheries as prestige goods in processes of competition over economic and political power Afterwards they would slowly penetrate in the tissue of peripheral societies being adoptedimitated among larger sectors of the population (Friedman and Rowlands 1977 Veblen 1902)

Therefore as a general criterion it is possible to suggest that the larger the number of artefacts imported andor imitated in a given area the stronger is the infl uence of the core

Naturally enough systems are never static but con-tinuously remodel and renegotiate their relationships creating cycles of growth and contraction which occasionally end up in major crisis andor collapse (see Frank 1993 Hall and Turchin 2003 Tainter 1988) As an outcome of these crises former core-periphery relationship can be inverted producing an inversion of cultural influence that can be detected in the archaeological domain This is possibly what happened to the MinoanMycenaean heartland toward the end of the palatial time One aim of this paper will be that of addressing the eff ect of this process in a world systemic scale of analysis In order to do that the fi rst step to be made is assessing the nature of the relationship between the Aegean core and its western peripheries before this major crisis

The Mycenaean WS and the West in LH IndashIII AI do not have enough space here to discuss in detail the functioning of the Mycenaean core as regards to its western peripheries during the formative and the early palatial period therefore the following discussion will be unavoidably selective

Excluding the scant evidence of indirect relation offered by a few fragments discovered on the southern coast of Spain (Vianello 2005 with previous bibliography) the main area of Mycenaean interaction westward is represented by Italy (Bett elli 2002 Biett i

Sestieri 1988 Vagnett i 1983 1999 Marazzi et al 1986) The areas that returned the largest amount of Aegean materials are the Tyrrhenian Sicily and to a more limited extent the Ionian arc Much less intense albeit already established appear to have been interaction with the Adriatic area both on the Balkan and on the Italian side1

In a more indirect fashion Mycenaean infl uence has been linked to various developments like craft production (introduction of new manufacturing techniques and local imitations) architecture and settlement patterns (MBA fortifications and development of coastal sites in Southeastern Italy)

(Vagnett i 1999 Levi 2004 Malone et al 1994 contra Cazzella and Moscoloni 1999)

Consumption patt erns att ested at a key context such as Lipari (Fig 512) suggest that although Mycenaean materials were not restricted to specifi c areas some households had a privileged access to foreign materials (Wijnergaarden 2002 224) Furthermore the use of Mycenaean products as display items has been recorded in funerary contexts in Sicily for example at Thapsos (Fig 513) and in Southern Italy at Torre S Sabina (Fig 511) In general it looks as if at least at some sites presenting the large concentrations of Mycenaean material in their region and that probably acting as main communication nodes with the Aegean world Mycenaean materials (or as far as Italy and Sicily are concerned products contained by these materials) played an active role in societiesrsquo internal competition2

Overall it is possible to consider LH III A as the moment of maximum expansion of the Mycenaean core toward the Mediterranean

No western elements andor imports are att ested in the Aegean up to this time As far as the archaeologically detectable materials are concerned the relationship between the Aegean and the West seems to have been a one-way one (S Sherratt 1982 1999 Vagnett i 1983 1999)

Western items in Aegean Bronze Age previous interpretationsDuring the more mature phase of the palatial era corresponding to the subsequent ceramic phase LH III B something changed This change however is not dramatic and it is possible to fully appreciate its scope only paying the due att ention to the big picture

Two new classes of materials of western origin started to be att ested in small quantities in Greek assemblages I am referring to a class of handmade burnished pott ery also known as Barbarian Ware

Francesco Iacono62

(Bett elli 2002 117ndash136 Rutt er 1975 Pilides 1994) and to a heterogeneous group of bronze items oft en put together under the label of Urnfi eld Bronzes (Harding 1984 S Sherratt 2000)

These exogenous materials att racted archaeologistsrsquo att ention prett y soon and up to very recent times their interpretation has been quite regularly (with few notable exceptions ie Borgna and Cagravessola Guida 2005 Harding 1984 Sandars 1978 S Sherratt 1981 Small 1990 1997) ethnically coloured and connected with historical and semi-historical events such as the arrival of the Dorians in Greece or Sea Peoplersquos raids across the Mediterranean (ie Rutt er 1975 1990 Deger-Jalkotzy 1977 Kilian 1978 1985 Bouzek 1985 Bett elli 2002 Jung 2006 2007 353 Gentz 1997 French 1989) Since the beginning of the last century bronzes and

in particular the Naue II swords were seen as the archaeological indicators of the coming of the dreadful Dorian warriors from the north (ie Milojčić 1948 Desborough 1964 contra Snodgrass 1971 354ndash355) Albeit fundamentally recalibrated in their extent more recent migratory hypothesis still present a culture = people model of explanation which is unsatisfying in many respects3 My general objection to this sort of argument is that linking directly prehistorical archaeological data with the histoire eacuteveacutenementielle is always a hazardous operation Here I will try to consider western items in the Aegean as indicators of a broader economic relationship I will focus primarily on Handmade Burnished Ware (HBW) although I will integrate also in the discussion the contextual distribution of Urnfi eld Bronzes

Figure 51 Relations between the Aegean and the Central Mediterranean during LH III A distribution of Aegean type pott ery in Italy (aft er Vagnett i 1999 140 updated) 1) Torre S Sabina 2) Lipari 3) Thapsos


Handmade Burnished WareHBW is a ceramic class att ested not only in continental Greece (Jung 2006 Rutt er 1990) and Crete (Hallager 1985 Jung 2006 Rutt er 1990) but also on Cyprus (Pilides 1994) and in the Levantine area (Badre 2003 Mazar 1985) presenting three distinctive characteristics

1) This pott ery was handmade whilst almost the entirety of ceramic production in the MinoanMycenaean world (including cooking wares) was wheel-made since long time4

2) Surface treatment (that is burnishing) as well as some morphological features represented in these pots had parallels in areas external to the Mycenaean world

3) The relative frequency of this pottery has re-currently proved to be rather low in Greek sites5

As far as the last point is concerned it must be noted that although an endless list of comparanda has been proposed in the past for HBW recent studies (and in particular those from Reinhardt Jung and Marco Bettelli) have demonstrated that there are some morphological elements among many specimen of this class which clearly refer to handmade production of the central and western Mediterranean above all to Southern Italy and to a much more limited extent to Northern Greece (Bett elli 2002 117ndash137 Jung 2006 Kilian 2007 55ndash56)Additionally provenance analyses have revealed that direct imports are not completely absent as perhaps in the case of Lefk andi (Lefk andi Jones 1986 474ndash476 Menelaion Whitbread 1992 Cyprus Jones 1986 Pilides 1994)

Putt ing aside the diff erence between imports and local imitations (I shall return to this issue later on) what is immediately clear observing HBW assemblages through time is that there seems to have been very litt le chronological diff erence between the various shapes att ested as they all seem to have appeared at about the same time in the Aegean Additionally although as noticed long ago by Jeremy Rutter most of the possible functional categories seem to be represented in HBW the shapes which truly reach an Aegean-wide diff usion are probably only the large jars (either plain or with fi nger-impressed and plain cordon) and carinated shapes (bowls and cups)6 As far as decorative techniques are concerned the most widespread ones are plastic cordons (normally finger-impressed but also plain) which refers to Italian Subappennine traditions and to a much more limited extent Barbotine technique which instead points toward Northern Greece (Fig 52) The largest assemblages recovered so far pertaining to HBW are

those of Tiryns (virtually all the HBW shapes are att ested here Fig 525) and Chania (Fig 526 and Fig 53) This might be due to a recovery bias as both the excavators of Chania and Tiryns were among the fi rsts in recognizing HBW but it also seems that these two sites did in fact enjoy an important role on this respect

Further the assemblages of these two sites have many points in common not only under a typological point of view but also under a chronological perspective as in both sites the HBW phenomenon start rather early that is in LH III B2

From this initial area in the LHM III C HBW expanded although with minor intensity to most of mainland Greece and Crete (Fig 52) This period of expansion is interestingly associated with the growth of the total frequency of HBW at Tiryns and a reduction at Chania (Hallager and Hallager 2000 166 Kilian 2007 46 fi g 1)

In other words the HBW package probably appeared as it is in LHM III B2 in a rather restricted area comprehending the Argolid and WestCentral Crete (the only exceptions being a vessel from Athens and a single sherd coming from Nichoria see Appendix) In the activities underlying HBW as a material correlate large the use of large containers and carinated bowls seems to have been quite important

Excluding a certain predilection for coastal locales (Hallager 1985) it does not seem possible to recognize particular directives in this process of expansion although it is quite interesting to note that the relatively litt le explored region of Achaea presents more than one fi nd spot This is possibly due to the fact that this area was acquiring a notable importance into post palatial period (accompanied possibly by a population growth) but perhaps its western position is not to be ruled out completely as an explanation (Dickinson 2006 Eder 2006 contra Papadopoulos 1979 183)

Western items as evidence of trade in metal As mentioned before HBW is not the only class of lsquowesternrsquo items present in late palatial and post palatial times in Greece In this same timeframe a quite heterogeneous group of bronze items presenting a close ancestry with European productions oft en collectively put under the label of Urnfi eld Bronzes (UB) starts to be found in the Aegean (eventually becoming quite popular also on Cyprus and elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean) Among those items it is possible to fi nd the notorious Naue II sword that will become the standard weapon of the end of the

Francesco Iacono64

Bronze Age all over the Mediterranean being also converted to iron later on (Foltiny 1964 255 Kilian-Dirlmeier 1993 94ndash106 Sandars 1963 163) together with other weapons like the Peschiera daggers (Bianco Peroni 1994 Harding 1984 169ndash174 Papadopoulos 1998 29ndash30) and work tools such as knives (Bianco Peroni 1976 Harding 1984 132ndash134) As noted long ago by Anthony Harding once again the closer typological terms of comparison for most of these items (particularly for weapons) are not to be sought in central Europe rather in the Adriatic area either on the Italian or on the Balkan side the latt er as in the case of socketed spearheads (for swords Biett i Sestieri 1973 406 Harding 1984 162ndash165 for spearheads Snodgrass 1971 307 in general S Sherratt 2000 84ndash87) Recent provenance analyses although occasionally off ering ambiguous results have also proved the existence of direct imports from Italy as in the case of the warrior

tomb that recently came to light at Koubaragrave in Aetolia-Acarnania (Fig 527) (Koui et al 2006 Stavropoulou-Gatsi et al 2009) Again as with HBW it is intriguing to note that taking in consideration the distribution of the UB Argolid Crete and Achaia have the lionrsquos share with a particular concentration of artefacts on Crete and in Achaia (see Appendix)

But are HBW and UB in any way related There is some overlapping between the distributions of the two categories but to this extent the evidence is far from being compelling since they co-occur only at nine sites (see Appendix) A more useful approach to explore this hypothesis entails looking at contextual diff erences

HBW has been found almost exclusively in sett lement contexts (with only two exceptions a jug from Pellana and another one from Perati Fig 528ndash9) conversely for UB funerary and cultic contexts are predominant

Figure 52 Relations between the Aegean and the Central Mediterranean during LH III B and C Distribution of Aegean type pott ery in Italy (aft er Vagnett i 1999 140 updated) and of Handmade Burnished Ware and Urnfi eld Bronzes in the Aegean 1) Fratt esina 2) Moscosi di Cingoli 3) Cisterna di Tollentino 4) Rocavecchia 5) Tiryns 6) Chania 7) Koubaragrave 8) Pellana 9) Perati 10) Kommos


(see Appendix) We can at the same time observe that the contexts where bronzes and pott ery are att ested together are exactly those that can be defi ned as the exception to the normal rule (Appendix) The same tendency for sites close to the coast which has been noted for HBW is reversed for bronzes which tend to occur more frequently in inland locations

In order to explain this second negative evidence it is possible to recall the extremely low value that was normally att ributed to pott ery in LBA (S Sherratt 1999) As a matt er of fact this product was much more likely to be discarded in the place where it was used whilst the valuable metal artefacts normally had a long life being moved far away from their place of origin

Having established that it is possible to read some sort of link between these two classes of artefacts in the archaeological record much more diffi cult remains the assessment of which areas of Greece were chiefl y involved in this connection Although some of the best explored regions of Greece such as Argolid and Crete seem to have played an important role the discrepancies in the level of exploration of diff erent Greek regions may severely hamper our understanding of distributional patt erns Some considerations are however still possible For instance it can be noticed that an area that has been intensely investigated such as Messenia has actually yielded relatively litt le traces of this western connection

Conversely a region that has been relatively litt le explored such as for instance Achaia returned a good number of fi nd spots (primarily of UB but also of HBW see Appendix and map at Fig 52)

Therefore we are dealing with two phenomena concentrated in the same areas connecting the Aegean world with roughly the same western regions and contextually manifesting themselves in the archaeological record in opposite ways

It is now perhaps possible to construct a general model according to which HBW is more likely to be found in coastal sett ings whilst metal objects can also penetrate inland being acquired and used for long periods eventually being put out of circulation in various ways among which are also cultic deposits and grave off erings

The shift in the frequency of HBW att ested from Chania to Tiryns is perhaps indicative of a shift in the role of major node in this exchange taken up by the Argolid at the beginning of LH III C

The case for a connection between impasto (the Italian name for HBW) and metal has been already put forward in the past by Vance Watrous This scholar analyzing the Sardinian material from Kommos (Fig 5210) in Southern Crete noticed the coincidence of the diameter of bowls and large jars suggesting that Fi

gure

53

Dist

ribut

ion

of fe

atur

es in

var

ious

Han

dmad

e Bu

rnish

ed W

are

asse

mbl

ages

Eac

h fea

ture

has

bee

n ta

ken

in c

onsid

erat

ion

only

if att e

sted

at m

ore

than

one

site

For

a

quan

titat

ive

asse

ssm

ent

of t

he v

ario

us a

ssem

blag

es s

ee t

he A

ppen

dix

(

buck

ets

are

dist

ingu

ished

from

buc

ked

shap

ed ja

rs b

y th

eir h

oriz

onta

l han

dle

on t

he r

im

pl

astic

de

cora

tion

incl

udes

hor

ned

axe

and

bird

han

dles

)

Francesco Iacono66

the two vessels formed a transport package for metal from the Central Mediterranean Island His point was strengthened by the fact that large containers similar to those found at Kommos were actually used in Sardinia as container for metal hoards (Rutt er 1999 Watrous 1989 1992 163ndash168 175 and 182) The recent re-dating of the Sardinian material to a horizon of LH III B has made what was happening in Southern (with Sardinian materials) and Northern Crete (with Italian and lsquoAdriaticrsquo materials) even more credibly connected as Kommos and Chania may represent the outcome of similar roughly contemporary westndasheast connections (Rutt er 1999 Shaw and Shaw 2006 674)

To conclude I am proposing that HBW was connected in some way with metal trade This connection may have been direct as at Kommos where Sardinian jars were possibly used as containers or more subtle entailing only the knowledge in the local Mycenaean lsquomarketrsquo that the two material categories namely bronze and pott ery were related to each other as well as to the West the original source of metal In the fi rst case the increase of popularity of HBW during early LH III C should be considered as a sort of side eff ect of the popularity of UB and therefore HBW would have not been valued as prestige exotic in itself being primarily concentrated in sett lement contexts not far from the break-bulk area of trade In the second case the pott ery would have been charged of symbolical signifi cance and because of its visual distinctiveness it may have been even used to signal association with eminent personages involved in trade activities

In this perspective the difference between true imports and local imitation in HBW would cease to be meaningful as the really crucial factor would have not been actual provenance but rather external appearance of the items It is not necessary to envisage these two possibilities as mutually exclusive alternatives On the contrary there are tenuous hints that they probably represented two consecutive stages as att ested by the fi nds of HBW in funerary contexts (at Pellana Perati see Fig 528ndash9 and at Medeon see Appendix) departing from LH III C This trade and the acculturation processes entailed by it represented the economic motor behind the phenomenon of the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo In order to make sense of them however it will be necessary to place them in a World Systemic frame

From Periphery to Core the West in LH III BndashLH III CIn a timeframe comparable to that of the appearance of HBW in Greece a new trend in the distribution of Aegean type pott ery in Central Mediterranean can be

observed This new trend is characterized by an increase of the number of fi nd spots in continental Italy perhaps paired by a relative decrease of att ention towards the Tyrrhenian area (Smith 1987 Vagnett i 1983 1999) with the exclusion of Sardinia (for which however at this time a Cypriot connection has been argued see Lo Schiavo 2003 Vagnett i 1999a) Two areas are chiefl y interested by this dynamic namely the Ionian and the Adriatic In the Ionian area evidence confi rms a trend already established in LH III A On the Adriatic side in LH III BndashC Mycenean pott ery seems to be att ested in relatively modest quantities (oft en not more than a handful of sherds) but in a vast number of coastal locales This new trend is epitomized by the situation of Adriatic Apulia where it is possible to recognize fi ndspots of Aegean type pott ery placed at a distance ranging from 20ndash40 km from one another (Bett elli 2002 38)

Interestingly however most of the pott ery fragments found in this chronological span did not come from imported vessels but rather from local imitations whose production was by now well established in many southern Italian centres (Vagnett i and Jones 1988 Vagnett i 1999 Vagnett i and Panichelli 1994) In the light of this consideration the distribution of Aegean type pott ery seems more likely to be related with a development of local maritime activity rather than with a growth of Mycenaean frequentation (Broodbank forthcoming)

This process was perhaps also accompanied by a decrease in the use of pott ery in funerary display as at this timeframe pott ery is almost exclusively found in sett lements (Vagnett i 1999 140)

Of extreme importance is further North the att estation of Mycenaean pott ery at the large site of Fratt esina (Fig 521) placed in a strategic position at the mouth of the Po river Findings at Fratt esina are abundant encompassing not only Mycenaean pott ery but also materials which in a European context may be categorized as absolute exotica such as elephant ivory and faience for which there are clear traces of in-place manufacture activities (Biett i Sestieri 1983 1996 Biett i Sestieri and De Grossi Mazzorin 2001 Caacutessola Guida 1999 Henderson 1988 440ndash441 Rahmstorf 2005)7

Metals played a capital role at Fratt esina as att ested by the recovery of four hoards comprising various types of ingots with a wide Adriatic diff usion as well as numerous fi nished objects showing affi nities with Urnfi eld productions found in Greece Among those objects it is worth recalling the Allerona type swords which have been found also in the necropolis pertaining to the sett lement (Caacutessola Guida 1999) Lead isotopes analysis performed on the metals from


Fratt esina have returned ambiguous results as the possible provenience of the copper was to be sought either in Etruria or in the Alpine area (Pearce 1999 Pellegrini 1995) This is not at all surprising as the background of what has been called the lsquoFratt esina phenomenonrsquo is constituted by the area of the so called Terramare wealthy agricultural embanked sites att esting clear connections (in metallurgy as well as in pott ery productions) either southward with Etruria and northward with the Alpine area and the Peschiera horizon It has been recently suggested (Cardarelli et al 2004 83) that during the Recent Bronze Age stone weights from the Terramare were in some way related to Aegean ponderal system However is the very existence of weights that indicates that not only primary production but also trade and convertibility probably had a noteworthy importance for Terramare societies Weights of the same class as those of the Terramare centres are also att ested in Adriatic Italy (Marche and Apulia) in sites that returned Aegean-type materials8

In an initial phase the Terramare system may well have constituted what Andrew Sherratt (1993) has defi ned as lsquobuff er zonersquo namely farming areas linking two chains of exchange in this case the Alpine-European and the Mediterranean networks (Bernabograve Brea et al 1997 Biett i Sestieri 1973 1996 Pearce 1999)

Aft erwards with the increase of metal circulation importance during Italian Recent Bronze Age (roughly LH III BndashLH III C early in Aegean terms) Terramare area experienced a rapid growth in the size of sett lements which eventually ended up in a moment of major crisis towards the end of Recent Bronze Age (Bernabograve Brea et al 1997)

To this extent however it is important to highlight that the so called Grandi Valli Veronesi system the group of sett lements out of which Fratt esina emerged possibly did not experience a breakdown similar to that of the bulk of the Terramare sites Here indeed as indicated by various elements among which the recovery of LH III C middlelate pott ery mostly of probable Southern Italian manufacture occupation was protracted also in an advanced phase of the Recent Bronze Age and in a couple of examples to Final Bronze Age (ie Montagnana and Fabbrica dei Soci see Jones et al 2002 225 230 and 232 Jung 2006 Leonardi and Cupitograve 2008) Therefore as suggested by Mark Pearce in the collapse of the Terramare system the deep moment of environmental and economic crisis occurring around the end of Recent Bronze Age may also have triggered a process of site selection on a regional scale where sites more likely to survive were perhaps those less dependent on autarkic agricultural

activity This is probably the case of the Grandi Valli Veronesi polity where a number of other production are att ested (above all bronze but also amber and glass) (Pearce 2007 103 and 106)

At the apex of this process of selection is to be posed the Fratt esina phenomenon manifesting its full range of overseas contacts9

Similar phenomena of site selection although more limited in their extent to those suggested for the Terramare area can be recognized also in Apulia starting already at the end of Middle Bronze Age and strengthening towards Recent Bronze Age (Bett elli 2002 39ndash40 Gravina et al 2004 210ndash211)

Apulia indeed probably represented a key area in the trade dynamics entailed by the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo Quite surprisingly this region completely devoid of any metal resources produced from Recent Bronze Age to Final Bronze Age (LH III BC in Aegean terms) the largest collection of bronze smith hammers in Italy as well as a large number of stone moulds and metal hoards Among this last category can be placed a hoard coming from the site of Rocavecchia contained by an impasto jar very close to those contemporarily ubiquitous in the Aegean and composed only by Northern Italian types (Guglielmino 2005 644ndash645 2006 2008)10

It may be pertinent at this point to ask what was the rationale behind the encounter of the European and Mediterranean trade systems The answer is that they acted one as complement for the other In the fi rst net (the Alpine-European) metal circulation and production was growing (as att ested for instance by tons of slags calculated for the LateFinal Bronze Age smelting site of Acque Fredde in Trentino see Pearce 2007 76ndash77) whilst in the second circuit the need for metals was endemically high being propelled by the necessity to maintain an high level of liquidity (A Sherratt 1993 2004)

The impressive amount of metal circulating in this period in the Alpine-European trade system provided the capital accumulation which is behind the phenomenon of the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo

To sum up it can be argued that the Central Mediterranean phenomena of site selection and import replacement consistently increased during the Italian Recent Bronze Age showing a new att itude toward exchange Trade was no longer passively accepted but rather local communities were now probably actively engaged in and competed for the control of the fl ow of traded goods In this process a major role was probably played by societies positioned at the immediate interface of the Mycenaean core These had indeed the possibility to take advantage of their intermediate position between Northern ItalyEurope

Francesco Iacono68

and AegeanEastern Mediterranean It is extremely likely that these former semi-peripheries lacking palacesrsquo control in Greece for a brief time-span acted as a sort of polycentric core able to invert the eastndashwest cultural drift

Reverberation of lsquoWesternizingrsquo featuresWestndasheast lsquoinfl uencersquo interested undoubtedly as fi rst some of the main centres of the MinoanMycenaean world that for their nature of large communicationeconomic nodes where more likely to catalyze tradeThe range of infl uence of these new precarious western cores however should not be overemphasized as indeed excluding main trade nodes their prominence was probably very short being stronger in the areas of Greece closer to the west such as Achaia Indeed the existence of a strong relationship between this last region and southern Italy has been already noted on the basis of existing similarities between productions of Aegean type decorated pott ery (ie Fisher 1988 129ndash131)

Particularly in Achaia although not only there western metal artefacts (above all Naue II swords) started to be used as items of display in warriorsrsquo tombs reproducing a dynamics similar to that att ested in the west during Middle Bronze Age (Deger-Jalkotzy 2006 Papadopoulos 1999)

Western metal found its way eastward possibly through the Gulf of Corinth It is very improbable that even during LH III B when the palaces still existed the channel used for entering the Mycenaean lsquomarketrsquo was the offi cial palatial one possibly regulated by the rules of gift exchange and perhaps under the control of the authority of the palace(s) Indeed the very multiplicity of UB models and shapes att ested in the Urnfi eld Bronzes in Greece as well as the fact that the bronze was not re-casted in Aegean shapes (which appears to be unusual if we consider the tight control that palatial economies exercised on weapons see Hiller 1993) tells us that we are dealing with something less formal which possibly implied the exchange of fi nished objects or scrap metal something more similar to the cargo of the Cape Gelidonya ship than to that of the Ulu Burun wreck

We are thus possibly dealing with a different social formation from that constituting the higher level palatial elite (S Sherratt 2000 87) an emerging class perhaps formed by low rank (palatial) elite and middlemen such as the so called collectors11 which in the troubled post-palatial times were able to increase their economic (and possibly political) relevance by the mean of trade with the West

In Greece for a brief period bronze shapes as well as possibly a wider range of material culture which has not come to us became the material symbol of this new emerging class

Western features during this time span became even fashionable and many elements possibly originated in the HBW repertoire were reproduced in the standard Mycenaean productions Rutt er identifi ed a number of these features (such as for instance the appearance of the carinated bowl FS 240) and although for some of them it is possible to fi nd an ancestry also in Mycenaean fine production the chronological coincidence of the emergence of most of these features with the period immediately subsequent to the moment of maximal attestation of HBW remains nevertheless striking (Rutt er 1990 37ndash39 contra Kilian 2007 53) Rutt errsquos point seems even more credible considering some remarkable examples of cultural hybridity such as the Mycenaean carinated bowls surmounted by a Subappennine-looking bullrsquos head found at Tiryns (Podzuweit 2007 Taf 59) Excluding Mycenaean pott ery however it is possible to suggest the existence of lsquoWesternizingrsquo elements reverberating in various spheres of post-palatial material culture For instance the widespread adoption of simple clay spools (for which again parallel is to be sought primarily in Italy) in textile production used perhaps instead of traditional loom-weights can be seen as a refl ex of the introduction of new textiles in the Aegean (Rahmstorf 2003) A confi rmation to this suggestion can be perhaps sought in the adoption or spread of violin bow fi bulas and long pins perhaps indicating the appearance of new ways of fasting clothes and thus of a new fashion (S Sherratt 2000 85)

A lsquoWesternizingrsquo infl uence can be read also in the sphere of symbolism and particularly in the diff usion of symbols like the solar boat or the bird-motif on a wide range of media like knives Mycenaean decorated pott ery or golden leaf There is some discrepancy between the chronology of some of these items and the time of widest diff usion of HBW as the former normally can be dated from LH III C middle onward It looks however safe to consider these features as the last residual of the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo phenomenon (Bett elli 2002 146ndash164 Mathaumlus 1980 Peroni 2004 425ndash427)

People behind the systemSo far I might have given the impression that the hypothesis of the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo is in stark contrast with any foreign presence in Mycenaean Greece but this is simply not the case For the dichotomy between movement of people and movement of


goods is a false one as oft en the fi rst one implied at least partially the second one particularly in prehistoric and ancient times when the time required for travelling was huge and the season available for seafaring limited

In his recent analysis of the HBW corpus from Tiryns Klaus Kilian suggested that this class of pott ery was to be related to a small nucleus of people coming from Appennine peninsula residing in Tiryns (Kilian 2007 see also Belardelli and Bett elli 1999) This is absolutely likely and the patt ern of slow absorption of this group of foreigners in Tirynsrsquo society identifi ed by the scholar adds a considerable historical depth to the dynamics entailed by the lsquoWesternizing Aegeanrsquo The question to which I have tried to answer in this work was exactly what was the rationale for this people to be there and I think that trade is an answer that need to be taken more seriously in consideration

ConclusionsIn this work I hope to have been able at the very least to cast some doubts on the dominant archaeological narrative which sees the relationship between the Eastern civilization and the barbarian West in Late Bronze Age as sporadic and fundamentally irrelevant

The reason why the importance of lsquoWesternizingrsquo features in the archaeological record of the Aegean have not been fully acknowledged before has primarily to do with the pervasiveness of the ex oriente lux dogma which still underlies the interpretation of much of the archaeological record of the late prehistoric Mediterranean even if at a subconscious level

As an example suffi ce here to note that the largely accepted notion of a Late Bronze Age metallurgical koinegrave albeit highlighting the wide range of the connections established during the last part of Bronze Age de facto obscures the truly revolutionary nature of this exchange Indeed for the very fi rst time in late prehistory Europe and the western Mediterranean did not constitute a mere passive receiver of innovation but its main origin (Carancini and Peroni 1997 Muumlller Karpe 1962 280)

Western infl uences appears to have been for at least some decades a critical factor in the shaping of late palatialpost-palatial cultural milieu and it has been possible to demonstrate their importance only by paying att ention to large scale processes of social cultural and economic change in a wide Mediterranean sett ing

Notes1 Tyrrhenian and Sicily Biett i Sestieri 1988 Vianello 2005

Ionian arc Bett elli 2002 Peroni 1994 Balkan side of the Adriatic Bejko 1994 2002 Tomas 2005 Italian side Bett elli 2002 Biett i Sestieri 2003

2 As noticed by Van Wĳ nergaarden (2002) among Mycenaean materials came to light in Sicily and Southern Italy there is a prevalence of storage vessels For a diff erent view on Southern Italian evidence see Bett elli 2002 144

3 Marginal groups in Mycenaean society have been oft en indicated as possible bearers of the new western material culture items For Bankoff these groups where likely to be the lsquoslaversquo women att ested in the well known set of Pylian tablets (Bankoff et al 1996 Genz 1997) For Eder (1998) HBW was introduced by northern pastoralist groups responsible also for the reintroduction of cist graves in the Mycenaean heartland For Bett elli (2002 drawing upon Drewsrsquo (1993) warfare hypothesis for the fall of Bronze Age societies in the Eastern Mediterranean) instead HBW and UB were likely to refer to groups of mercenaries hired by various Mycenaean and Near Eastern monarchs during the troubled days of the Sea Peoples

4 Rutt er 1975 contra Walberg 1976 As a consequence of these three criteria it is not possible to consider together with the rest of the HBW phenomenon areas presenting long standing traditions of handmade pott ery production such as for instance Epirus (Tartaron 2004) Ionian Islands (Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999) and Central Macedonia (Kiriatzi et al 1997 Hochstett er 1984)

5 To this extent the site of Kalapodi (Felsch 1996) that has oft en been mentioned in previous discussion on HBW (ie Kilian 1985) will not be considered as part of the HBW phenomenon Many scholars have noted the peculiarity of this site (eg Rutt er 1990) The unusual representation of HBW at this context prevent us from advancing any useful comparison with the rest of Greece Handmade pott ery at this site constituted almost the 40 of the coarse pott ery assemblage and is concentrated only in one area close to a kiln In addition according to compositional analysis (Felsch 1996 117ndash120) the local HBW although presenting some peculiarities under a technologic point of view can be grouped without any doubt with the other cooking ware of the site All these elements which are unatt ested in other sites of the Aegean lead me (in agreement with Rutt er 1990) to consider HBW at Kalapodi as the outcome of fundamentally diff erent phenomena from these aff ecting the rest on the MinoanMycenaean heartland which need to be examined in their own terms

6 Kilian 2007 72ndash80 Rutt er 1990 It is indeed possible to recognize containers (ie various kind of large jars Catling and Catling 1981 fi g 2 Evely 2006 fi g 2424 French 1989 fi g 4 Hallager and Hallager 2003 253 Kilian 2007 9ndash20 pithoid vessels Catling and Catling 1981 fi g 433 Hallager and Hallager 2000 pl 67d) vessels made for consuming liquid and solids (ie cups ie Evely 2006 fi g 2422ndash3 jugs ie Andrikou et al 2006 176 n 154 French 1989 fi g 3 Kilian 2007 pl 18206 bowls Hallager and Hallager 2003 169 pl 133 d2 Rutt er 1975

Francesco Iacono70

21ndash22 n812) and cooking implements (ie Kilian 2007 pl 21 261ndash262)

7 The once remarkable gap in the distribution of Aegean type pott ery on the coast of Adriatic Central Italy is being slowly reduced by new fi nd spots (ie Moscosi di Cingoli and Cisterna di Tolentino fi g 122ndash3) see Vagnett i et al 2006)

8 At Moscosi di Cingoli and at Coppa Nevigata A stone weight which came to light at Lefkandi looks also morphologically very similar to the Italian pesi con appicagnolo type (see Cardarelli et al 2004 82 and 87 fi g 3 Evely 2006 275 fi g 554)

9 The recent acknowledgement of an early phase of occupation at Fratt esina dating to the Recent Bronze Age seems to support the existence of some sort of continuity between the site and the Grandi Valli Veronesi system (Cagravessola Guida 1999 487ndash488)

10 There are a number of comparisons between the impasto repertory retrieved at Rocavecchia and HBW of the Aegean This is the case for instance of an impasto jar with plastic decoration (Pagliara et al 2007 338 fi g 38 iv32) which is closely comparable to a similar vessel from Korakou (Rutt er 1975 18 no1)

11 Studies by Jean-Pierre Olivier (2001) and Judith Weingarten (1997) have plausibly suggested that these fi gures were strongly connected not only with production but also with trade and metal redistribution It is this the case of collectors involved in oil productioncollection and trade (att ested also by inscriptions on coarse stirrup jars which at the very least travelled from Crete to Tiryns see Olivier 2001 151 Carlier 1993) or of the qua-si-reu of Pylus whose connection with metal is recorded in the linear B tablets (Weingarten 1997 530) It is worth of note that possible foreigners are att ested among the collectors from Knossos (Olivier 2001)

AcknowledgementsThis article is based on a paper presented at the 14th meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists held in Malta in September 2008 I would like to thank all the people that in that occasion off ered several valuable comments as well as Todd Whitelaw Mark Pearce Ruth Whitehouse Riccardo Guglielmino Andrea Vianello and Michele Massa who in other occasions discussed with me some of the issues treated in this paper I am extremely thankful to Cyprian Broodbank who had the patience to read and comment a draft of this paper Needless to say I am the only responsible for any of the views here expressed (as well as for possible errors andor inaccuracies)

AddendumWhile this chapter was in press a number of analyses have partially confi rmed some of the trends tentatively identifi ed in the article These are primarily the result of the important research project on metal ingots and artefacts by Jung and others (see Jung et al 2008 Jung 2009 75) that has supported a possible Italian provenance for some of the metal objects retrieved in Greece (particularly in Argolid and Achaia) Also recent studies have proposed new explanatory hypotheses for the presence and distribution of HBW in Greece (Strack 2007 Lis 2008 Jung 2010) among which are to be mentioned the new syntheses by Bett elli (2009 2011) that endorse a view similar to the one held here

AppendixFind spots of Handmade Burnished Ware (HBW) and Urnfi eld Bronzes (UB) in Greece The number aft er UB indicates the number of bronze items att ested The number aft er HBW instead is an approximate quantitative assessment of the consistency of the assemblage 1= the pott ery constitutes a considerable proportion of the overall assemblage 2= some vessels fragments are att ested (up to 20) 3= the pott ery is only att ested (one vessel fragment) = unknown (aft er S Sherratt 2000 updated)

Region Site Settlement Hoards FuneraryCultual Bibliography UB Bibliography HBW

Argolid and Corinthia

Mycenae HBW () and UB (8) UB (3)

Bouzek 1985 147 no B3 Catling 1956 111

no 3 French 1986 281 Sandars 1963 151 pl

25 37 Schlieman 1878 144 fi g 221 Tsountas 1897 110 Pl 83 Wace

1953 78 fi g 45 7

Bouzek 1985 183 no 5 French 1989

Tiryns HBW (1) and UB (4)

Grossmann and Schafer 1971 70 fi g 1 Karo

1930 135 Pl 37 Maran 2006 Papadopoulos

1998 29 no 139

Belardelli and Bett elli 1999 Bett elli 2002 122

126 Kilian 2007

Asine HBW (2) Frizell 1986 83 fi g 29 no298ndash300

Korakou HBW (2) Blegen 1921 73ndash74 fi g 104 105 Rutt er 1975

Nemea UB (1) Catling 1975 9 fi g 11

Corinth HBW (1) and UB (2) Davidson 1952 200 no

1522 pl 91 Stilliwell 1948 119 pl 48 30

Rutt er 1979 391

Euboea Lefk andi HBW (2) and UB (1) Popham and Sackett 1968 14 fi g19

Evely 2006 215 fi g242 and Pl 49 Popham and Sackett 1968 18 fi g34

Southern Thessaly

Dhimini HBW (2)

Adrimi-Sismani 2003 2006 473 475 476ndash477 fi g 257 258 259 2510

Jung 2006 Taf 17

Agrilia UB (1) Bouzek 1985 137 no A27 141 no 1

Volos HBW () Hochstett er 1984 336

Abb55 Jung 2006 36ndash37 Taf 177

Helaxolophos UB (1) Bouzek 1985 141 no 1

Att ica

Athens HBW (3) UB (3)Bouzek 1985 139

nos 5ndash6 Kraiker and Kuumlbler 1939 173 pl 52

Immewahr 1971 141 258 Pl 62

Perati HBW (3) and UB (3)

Bouzek 1985 147 no 4131

Iakovides 1969 I 157 No 35 II 228 III Pl 45γ35

Achaia

Teichos Dymaion HBW (2) and UB (1) Papadopoulos 1979

227 no 209 fi g 317cndashd

Bett elli 2002 122 Deger-Jalcotzy 1977 31 341

392 Mastrokostas 1965 fi g 156 157

Aigeira HBW ()

Deger-Jalckotzy 1977 Deger Jalckotzy and

Alram Stern 1985 395 410 2006 7ndash11 Rutt er

1990 note 1

Monodhendri UB (1)Deger-Jalkotzy 2006

165ndash167 Papadopoulos 1999 271

Nikoleika UB (1) Deger-Jalkotzy 2006 160

Portes UB (1) Deger-Jalkotzy 2006 159 Kolonas 2001 260f

Francesco Iacono72

Kallithea UB (2)Papadopoulos 1979 228 nos 222ndash223 fi g

320 andashb

Patras (Klauss) UB (3)

Deger-Jalkotzy 2006 165 Kyparisses 1938

118 Papadopoulos 1979 228 no 210 fi g 316 d 1999 270ndash271

Patras (Krini) UB (1)Deger-Jalkotzy 2006

157 Papazoglou-Manioudaki 1994

Lousika UB (2)Deger-Jalkotzy 2006

158 Petropoulos 2000 68 75

Kangadi UB (2)Papadopoulos 1979 227ndash228 no 209 221 fi g 317 c 320 cndashd

Gerokomion UB (1) Papadopoulos 1979 227 no 204 fi g 316 b

Aetolia-Acarnania Koubala UB (1) Stavropoulou-Gatsi

et al 2009

Macedonia Vergina UB (1) Petsas 1962 242 Pl 146a

Vardina UB (1) Heurtley 1925 Pl 19 2

Epirus

Mazaraki UB (1) Vokotopoulou 1969 198 fi g 6

Konitza UB (1) Vokotopoulou 1969 197 fi g 7

Gardikion UB (1) idem

Zagoriou UB (1) idem 184 fi g 21

Elafatopos UB (1) idem

Dodona UB (1) Bouzek 1985 149 418

Ionian Islands

Polis UB (4) Benton 1935 72 fi g 20

Metaxata UB (2)Souyoudzoglou-

Haywood 1999 42ndash43 Pl 21 A1592

Diakata UB (2)

Kyparisses 1919 119 fi g 36 Souyoudzoglou-Haywood 1999 38ndash39

Pl 21 A915

Arcadia Palaiokastro UB (2)Blackman 1997 33

Demakopoulou 1969 226

Phocis

Schiste Odos UB (1) Tsountas 1897 110 fi g 1

Medeon HBW () Pilides 1994 27

Delphi HBW (3) UB (2) Perdrizet 1908 95 no 456 fi g 126 a 327

Lerat 1938 201 205 Reber 1991 44

Boeotia

Thebe HBW (2) Andrikou et al 2006 53ndash54 Pl 6 151ndash156

Agios Ioannis HBW () Kilian 1985 89

Orchomenos UB (1) Catling 1956 113 no 10

Elis Olympia UB (3)Furtwangler 1890 174 no 1035 Pl 64 Weber

1944 146 Pl 56


Laconia

Palaiopyrgos UB (1) Catling 1961 117 no 9

Menelaion HBW (2) Catling and Catling 1981

Pellana HBW (3) Demakopolou 1982 117 176 Pl 59135

Messenia Nichoria HBW (3) Mac Donald and Wilkie 1992 512 766

Cyclades Grott a (Naxos) UB (1) Kardara 1977 Pl 7

Crete

Chania HBW (1)

Bett elli 2002 122ndash126 Hallager 1983 XIVb

Hallager and Hallager 2000 67ndash69 92 96

102 106 109ndash110 114 116ndash117 119 121 2003 68ndash69 107ndash108 113136ndash137 161ndash162 164 175

253 Hallager and Tzedakis 1982 23 2

Knossos HBW () and UB (1) UB (2)

Bouzek 1985 141 no 4 Catling 1996 518 fi g

163 f7 Pl 277 f7 Evans 1905 fi g 90 Warren

1983 71 fi g 51

Bett elli 2002 122 DrsquoAgata 2001 346 n 11 Hallager 1985 303 note

110

Agia Palagia HBW () DrsquoAgata 2001 346 n 11

KastelliPediada HBW () idem

Tylissos HBW () idem

Thronos HBW () idem

Kommos HBW (1) Shaw and Shaw 2006 674ndash680 Watrous 1992

Pl 44 56 57 58

Phaistos UB (1) Milojčić 1955 156 163 fi g 1 13

Karphi UB (4)

Bouzek 1985 149 418 Pendlebury et al 1938 69 95 97 nos 540 645

and 687 Pl 28 2

Mouliana UB (6)

Catling 1956 113 nos 13ndash14 Pl 9 c

Xanthoudides 1904 46 48 fi g Il

Myrsine UB (1)Catling 1961 117 no 21 Kanta 2003 178 Kilian

Dirlmeier 1993 95

Episkopi UB (1) Bouzek 1985 141 no4

Dictean Cave UB (14)

Boardman 1961 17ndash18 no 56 fi g 2 Pl 9 4

5 6 bndashc Bouzek 1985 132 148ndash149 nos 1

2ndash5 418

Francesco Iacono74

ReferencesAdrimi-Sismani V 2003 lsquoΜυκηναϊκή Ιωλκόςrsquo (Mykēnaikē

Iōlkos) In Aρχαιoλoγικά Aνάλεκτα εξ Aθηνών (Archaiologika Analekta ex Athēnōn) 32ndash34 71ndash100

Adrimi-Sismani V 2006 lsquoThe Palace of Iolkos and its Endrsquo In Deger Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 465ndash482

Andrikou E Aravantinos V Godard L Sacconi A and Vroom J 2006 Thegravebes Fouilles de la Cadmegravee Les tablett es en lineacuteaire B de la Odos Pelopidou le contexte archeacuteologique la ceacuteramique de la Odos Pelopidou et la chronologie du lineacuteaire B Pisa

Badre L 2003 lsquoHandmade Burnished Ware and Contemporary Imported Pottery from Tell Kazelrsquo In Stampolidis and Karagheorghis 2003 83ndash99

Bankoff H A Meyer N and Stefanovich M 1996 lsquoHandmade Burnished Ware and the Late Bronze Age of the Balkansrsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 9 2 193ndash209

Bejko L 1994 lsquoSome Problems of the Middle and Late Bronze Age in Southern Albaniarsquo Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology University of London 31 105ndash126

Bejko L 2002 lsquoMycenean Infl uence and Presence in Albaniarsquo In Cambi N Cace S and Kirigin B (eds) Greek Infl uence along the Eastern Adriatic Coast Proceedings of the International Conference Split 1998 Split 9ndash24

Belardelli C and Bett elli M 1999 lsquoLa Raum 127 dellrsquoUnterburg di Tirinto distribuzione della ceramica pseudominia e HMBrsquo In La Rosa et al 1999 473ndash474

Benton S 1935 lsquoExcavations at Ithaca IIIrsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 35 45ndash73

Bernabograve Brea M Cardarelli A and Cremaschi M (eds) 1997 Le Terramare La piursquo antica civiltagrave Padana Napoli

Bett elli M 2002 Italia meridionale e mondo miceneo ricerche su dinamiche di acculturazione e aspett i archeologici con particolare riferimento ai versanti adriatico e ionico della penisola italiana (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 5) Florence

Bett elli M 2009 lsquoHandmade Burnished Ware e Ceramica Grigia Tornita in Egeo nella Tarda Etarsquo del Bronzo una Messa a puntorsquo in Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici 51 95ndash121

Bett elli M 2010 lsquoItalia ed Egeo prima e dopo il crollo dei palazzi micenei le ceramiche drsquoimpasto e grigia tornita in Grecia e a Creta alla luce delle piu recenti scopertersquo In Radina F and Recchia G (eds) Ambra per Agamennone Indigeni e Micenei tra Adriatico Ionio ed Egeo Bari

Bianco Peroni V 1970 Die Schwerter in Italien (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde IV Bd 1) Stutt gart

Bianco Peroni V 1976 Die Messer in Italien I coltelli nellrsquoItalia continentale (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung 7 Bd2) Muumlnchen

Bianco Peroni V 1994 I pugnali nellrsquo Italia continentale (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung VIBd 10) Stutt gart

Biett i-Sestieri A M 1973 lsquoThe Metal Industry of Continental Italy 13th to 11th cent BC and its Connection with the Aegeanrsquo Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 39 383ndash424

Biett i-Sestieri A M 1983 lsquoFratt esinarsquo In Vagnett i 1983 201Biett i-Sestieri A M 1988rsquoThe Mycenaean Connection and its

Impact on the Central Mediterranean Societiesrsquo In Dialoghi di Archeologia 6 23ndash51

Biett i Sestieri A M 1996 Protostoria Teoria e Pratica RomeBiett i Sestieri A M 2003 lsquoLrsquoAdriatico tra lrsquoEtagrave del Bronzo e

gli inizi dellrsquo Etagrave del Ferro (ca 2200ndash900 AC)rsquo In Lenzi 2003 49ndash64

Biett i Sestieri A M and De Grossi Mazzorin J 2001 lsquoLrsquoavorio dellrsquoabitato protostorico di Fratt esina (Rovigo Italia)rsquo In Cavarrett a G Gioia P Mussi M and Palombo M R (eds) La terra degli Elefanti Att i del primo convegno internazionale Roma735ndash736

Blackman D 1997 lsquoArchaeology in Greece 1996ndash1997rsquo Archaeological Reports 43 1ndash125

Blegen C W 1921 Korakou A Prehistoric Sett lement near Corinth BostonNew York

Boardman J 1961 The Cretan Collection in Oxford the Dictaean Cave and Iron Age Crete Oxford

Borgna E and Cagravessola Guida P 2005 lsquoSome Observations on the Nature and Modes of Exchange between Italy and the Aegean in the Late Mycenaean Periodrsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 ΙΙ 497ndash505


Broodbank C (forthcoming) lsquolsquoShips a-sail from over the rim of the searsquo voyaging sailing and the making of Mediterranean societies c 3500ndash500 BCrsquo In Anderson A and Barker G (eds) The Global Origins of Seafaring (McDonald Institute Monographs) Cambridge

Burkert W 1992 The Orientalizing Revolution Near Eastern Infl uences on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age Cambridge Mass

Carlier P 1993 lsquoLes Collecteurs sont-ils des fermiersrsquo In Olivier 1993 159ndash166

Carancini G and Peroni R 1997 lsquoLa Koine metallurgicarsquo In Bernabograve Brea M et al 1997 595ndash601

Cardarelli A Pacciarelli M and Pallante P 2004 lsquoPesi e bilance nellrsquoetagrave del bronzo italiana quadro generale e nuovi datirsquo In De Sena E C and Dessales H (eds) Metodi e approcci archeologici lrsquoindustria e il commercio nellrsquoItalia antica Archaeological methods and approaches industry and commerce in ancient Italy (British Archaeological Report International Series 1262) Oxford 80ndash88

Cagravessola Guida P 1999 lsquoIndizi di presenze egeo-orientali nellrsquoAlto Adriatico alla fi ne dellrsquoetagrave del bronzorsquo In La Rosa et al 1999 487ndash497

Catling H 1956 lsquoBronze Cut-and-Thrust Swords in the Eastern Mediterraneanrsquo Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 22 102ndash126

Catling H 1961 lsquoA New Bronze Sword from Cyprusrsquo Antiquity 35 115ndash122

Catling H 1975 lsquoArchaeology in Greece 1974ndash1975rsquo Archaeological Reports 21 1974ndash75 3ndash28

Catling H 1996 lsquoThe Objects Other than Pottery in the Subminoan Tombsrsquo In Coldstream N and Catling H (eds) Knossos North Cemetery Early Greek Tombs Volume II (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplement 28) London

Catling H W and Catling E A 1981 lsquolsquoBarbarianrsquo Pott ery from the Mycenaean Sett lement at the Menelaion Spartarsquo Annals of the British School at Athens 76 71ndash82

Cazzella A and Moscoloni M 1999 lsquoEmergence and Decline of Coastal Sett lements in Southern Italy from the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Agersquo In Pearce M and Tosi M (eds) Papers from the EEA Third Annual Meeting at Ravenna 1997 Ι (British Archaeological Report 717) Oxford 156ndash160

Chase Dunn C and Hall T D 1993 lsquoComparing World Systems Concepts and Working Hypothesisrsquo Social Forces 71 4 851ndash886



Cocchi Genick D 2004 (ed) Lrsquoetagrave del bronzo recente in Italia Atti del Congresso Nazionale di Lido di Camaiore 2000 Viareggio

Crielaard J P Stissi V and Wĳ ingaarden G J (eds) 1999 The Complex Past of Pott ery Production Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pott ery (Sixteenth to Early Fift h Centuries BC) Amsterdam

DrsquoAgata L 2001 lsquoReligion Society and Ethnicity on Crete at the End of the Late Bronze Age The Contextual Framework of LM III C Cult Activitiesrsquo In Laffi neur R and Haumlgg R (eds) Potnia Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference Goumlteborg 2000 (Aegaeum 22) LiegravegeAustin 345ndash354

Davidson G 1952 Corinth Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 12 The Minor Objects Princeton NJ

Deger-Jalkotzy S 1977 Fremde Zuwanderer im spaumltmykenischen Griechenland Wien

Deger-Jalkotzy S 1983 lsquoDas Problem der lsquoHandmade Burnished Warersquo von Myk IIICrsquo In Deger-Jalkotzy S (ed) Griechenland die Aumlgaumlis und die Levante waumlhrend der lsquoDark Agesrsquo vom 12 bis zum 9Jh v Chr [Akten des Symposions von Stift 1980] Wien 161ndash178

Deger-Jalkotzy S 2006 lsquoLate Mycenaean Warrior Tombsrsquo In Deger Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 151ndash179

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Alram-Stern E 1985 lsquoAigeira-Hyperesia und die siedlung Phelloe in Achaiarsquo Klio 67 394ndash426

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Alram-Stern E 2007 Aigeira I Die Mikenischen Akropolis Faszikel 3 Vormykenische Keramik Kleinfunde Archaumlozoologische und archaumlobotanische Hinterlassenschaft en Naturwissenschaftliche Datierung (Veroumlffentlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission 24) Wien

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Lemos I (eds) 2006 Ancient Greece From Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer Edinburgh

Deger-Jalkotzy S and Zavadil M (eds) 2007 LH III C Chronology and Synchronism II LH III C Middle Proceedings of the International Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences Vienna 2004 (Veroumlff entlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission 28) Wien

Demakopoulou K 1969 lsquoA Mycenaean Bronze Sword from Arcadiarsquo Aρχαιoλoγικά Aνάλεκτα εξ Aθηνών (Archaiologika Analekta ex Athēnōn) 2 226ndash228

Demakopoulou K 1982 Το Μυκεναϊκό Ιεpό στο Αμικλαίο και η ΥΕ ΙΙΙ Γ περίοδος στο Λακονία (To Mykenaiko Iepo sto Amiklaio kai ē YE III G periodos sto Lakonia) PhD Thesis University of Athens

Desborough V R 1964 The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors London

Dickinson O T P 2006 The Aegean from Bronze Age to Iron Age London

Drews R 1993 The End of the Bronze Age Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca 1200 BC Princeton NJ

Eder B 1998 Argolis Lakonien Messenien vom Ende der Mykenischen Palastzeit bis zur Einwanderung der Dorier (Veroumlff entlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission Mykenische Studien 17) Wien

Eder B 2006 lsquoThe World of Telemachus Western Greece 1200ndash700 BCrsquo In Deger Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 549ndash579

Evans A 1905 lsquoThe Prehistoric Tombs of Knossosrsquo Archaeologia 59 391ndash562

Evely R D G 2006 (ed) Lefk andi IV The LH III C Sett lement at Xeropoli (Annual of the British School at Athens Supplement 39) Athens

Felsch R C S 1996 (ed) Kalapodi Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen im Heiligtum der Artemis und des Apollon von Hyampolis in der antiken Phokis Mainz

Fisher E 1988 A Comparison of Mycenaean Pott ery from Apulia with Mycenaean Pott ery from Western Greece PhD Thesis University of Minnesota

Foltiny S 1964 lsquoFlange-hilted Cutt ing Swords of Bronze in Central Europe Northeast Italy and Greecersquo American Journal of Archaeology 68 247ndash257


French E and Wace A 1969 lsquoThe First Phase of LH IIICrsquo Archaumlologischer Anzeiger 84 2 133ndash136

French E 1986 lsquoMycenaean Greece and the Mediterranean World in LH IIIrsquo In Marazzi et al 1986 277mdash282

French E 1989 lsquoPossible Northern Intrusion at Mycenaersquo In Best G P and de Vries N W M (eds) Thracians and Mycenaeans Boston 39ndash51

Friedman J and Rowlands M J 1977 lsquoNotes toward an Epigenetic Model of the Evolution of Civilisationrsquo In Friedman J and Rowlands M J (eds) The Evolution of Social Systems Duckworth London 201ndash276

Frizell B S 1986 Asine II Results of the Excavations East of the Acropolis 1970ndash1974 Fasc 3 The Late and Final Mycenaean Periods (Skrift er Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 4deg 243) Stockholm

Furtwaumlngler A 1890 Olympia die Ergebnisse der von dem deutschen Reich veranstalteten Ausgrabung IV Die Bronzen und die uumlbrigen kleinen Funde von Olympia Berlin

Genz H 1997 lsquoNorthern Slaves and the Origin of Handmade Burnished Ware A Comment on Bankoff et alrsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10 109ndash111

Gravina A Marino D Pacciarelli M and Tunzi Sisto A M 2004 lsquoItalia Meridionalersquo In Cocchi Genick 2004 209ndash218

Grossmann P and Schagravefer J 1971 lsquoTiryns Unterburg Grabungen 1965rsquo In Tiryns Forschungen und Berichte V Mainz am Rhein 41ndash75

Guglielmino R 2005 lsquoRocavecchia i rapporti con lrsquoEgeorsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 ΙΙ 637ndash650

Guglielmino R 2006 lsquoTestimonianze di att ivitarsquo metallurgiche e di contatt i con lrsquoEgeo in un sito costiero del Bronzo fi nalersquo In Adombri B ΑΕΙΜΝΗΣΤΟΣ Miscellanea di studi in onore di Mario Cristofani Firenze 32ndash50

Guglielmino R 2008 lsquoRocavecchia (Le) New Evidence for Aegean Contacts with Apulia during the Late Bronze Agersquo Accordia Research Papers 10 87ndash102

Hall T D and Turchin P 2003 lsquoSpatial Synchrony Among and Within World-Systems Insights From Theoretical Ecologyrsquo Journal of World System Research IX 37ndash66

Hallager B P 1983 lsquoA New Social Class in Late Bronze Age Crete Foreign Traders in Khaniarsquo In Krzyszkowska O and Nixon L (eds) Minoan Society Bristol 111ndash119

Hallager B P 1985 lsquoCrete and Italy in the Late Bronze Age III Periodrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 89 293ndash305

Hallager E and Hallager B P (eds) 2000 The Greek-Swedish Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square Kastelli Khania 1970ndash1987 Volume II The Late Minoan IIIC Sett lement (Skrift er utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen 4deg 472) Stockholm

Francesco Iacono76

Hallager E and Hallager B P (eds) 2003 The Greek-Swedish Excavations at the Agia Aikaterini Square Kastelli Khania 1970ndash1987 and 2001 Vol III1ndash2 The Late Minoan IIIB2 Sett lement (Skrift er utgivna av Svenska institutet i Athen 4deg 473) Stockholm

Hallager E and Tzedakis Y 1982 lsquoThe Greek-Svedish Excavations Kastelli Khaniarsquo Aρχαιoλoγικά Aνάλεκτα εξ Aθηνών (Archaiologika Analekta ex Athēnōn) 15 21ndash30

Harding A F 1984 The Mycenaeans and Europe Orlando FlHaskell H W 1985 lsquoThe Origin of the Aegean Stirrup Jar and

Its Earliest Evolution and Distribution (MB IIIndashLBI)rsquo American Journal of Archaeology 89 2 221ndash229

Henderson J 1988 lsquoGlass Production and the Bronze Age Europersquo Antiquity 62 236 435ndash451

Heurtley W 1925 lsquoReport on an Excavation at the Toumba of Vardino Macedoniarsquo Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 12 15ndash36

Hiller S 1993 lsquoThe lsquoCorridor of the Sword Tabletsrsquo and the lsquoArsenalrsquo The Evidence of the Linear B Textsrsquo In Olivier 1993 303ndash314

Hochstetter A 1984 Kastanas Ausgrabungen in einem Siedlungshuumlgel der Bronze- und Eisenzeit Makedoniens 1975ndash1979 (Praumlhistorische Archaumlologie in Suumldosteuropa Bd3) Berlin

Iakovides S E 1969 Περατή ndash Το Νεκροταφείο (Perati ndash To Nekrotapheio) (Bιβλιοθήκη της εν Αθήναις Aρχαιολογικής Eταιρείας 67 ndash Bibliothēkē tēs en Athēnais Archaiologikēs Hetaireias 67) Athens

Immerwahr S A 1971 The Neolithic and Bronze Ages The Athenian Agora (Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 13) Princeton

Jones R 1986 Greek and Cypriot Pott ery A Review of Scientifi c Studies Athens

Jones R Vagnett i L Levi S T William J Jenkins D and De Guio A 2002 lsquoMycenaean Pott ery from Northern Italy Archaeological and Archaeometric Studiesrsquo Studi Micenei ed EgeondashAnatolici 44 2 221ndash261

Jung R 2006 Χρονολογια comparata Vergleichende Chronologie zwischen der Aumlgaumlis und Italien von 1700ndash1600 (Veroumlff entlichungen der Mykenischen Kommission 26) Wien

Jung R 2009 lsquoPirates of the Aegean Italy ndash the East Aegean ndash Cyprus at the end of the Second Millennium BCrsquo In Karageorghis V and Kouka O (eds) Cyprus and the East Aegean Intercultural Contacts from 3000 to 500 BC (AG Leventis Foundation) Nicosia 72ndash93

Jung R 2009a lsquoI ldquobronzi internazionalirdquo ed il loro contesto sociale fra Adriatico Penisola Balcanica e coste Levantinersquo In Borgna E and Cagravessola Guida P (eds) DallrsquoEgeo allrsquoAdriatico Organizzazioni sociali modi di scambio e interazione in etagrave postpalaziale (Studi e Ricerche di Protostoria Mediterranea 8) 129ndash157

Jung R Moschos I and Mehofer M 2008 lsquoΦονοεύοντας με τον ίδιο τρόπο Οι ερηνικές επαφές για τον πόλεμο μεταξύ Ελλάδας και Ιταλίας κατά τη διάρκεια των όψιμων μυκηναϊκών χρόνωνrsquo (Phonoeuacuteontas me ton iacutedio troacutepo Oi erēnikeacutes epapheacutes gia ton poacutelemo metaxyacute Ellaacutedas kai Italiacuteas kataacute tē diaacuterkeia tōn oacutepsimōn mykēnaiumlkṓn chroacutenōn) In Papeitis SA and Giannopoulou Ch (eds) Cultural cross-fertilization of Southern Italy and Western Greece through History (Region of Western Greece) 85-106

Kanta A 2003 lsquoAristocrats-Traders-Emigrants-Sett lers Crete in the Closing Phases of the Bronze Agersquo In Stampolidis and Karagheorghis 2003 183ndash174

Kardara C 1977 Aπλώματα Nάξoυ Kινητά ευρήματα τάφων A και B (Aplōmata Naxou Kinēta eurēmata taphōn A kai B) (Bιβλιοθήκη της εν Αθήναις Aρχαιολογικής Eταιρείας 88 ndash Bibliothēkē tēs en Athēnais Archaiologikēs Hetaireias 88) Athens

Kardulias N 1996 lsquoMultiple Levels in the Aegean Bronze Age World Systemrsquo Journal of World Systems Research 2(2) Electronic journal on World Wide Web URL htt pcsfcoloradoeduwsystemsjwsrhtml

Karo G 1930 lsquoSchacht von Tirynsrsquo Athenische Mitt eilungen 55 119ndash140

Kilian K 1978 lsquoNordwestgriechische Keramik aus der Argolis und ihre Entsprechungen in der Supappeninfaciesrsquo Att i della XX riunione scientifi ca delllsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria in Basilicata 1976 311ndash320

Kilian K 1985 lsquoLa caduta dei palazzi micenei aspetti archeologicirsquo In Musti D (ed) Le Origini dei Greci Dori e Mondo Egeo RomendashBari 73ndash95

Kilian K 2007 Tiryns XV Die handgemachte geglaumltt ete Keramik mykenischer Zeitstellung Wiesbaden

Kilian-Dirlmeier I 1993 Die Schwerter in Griechenland (ausserhalb der Peloponnes) Bulgarien und Albanien (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung IV Bd 12) Stutt gart

Killen J 2001 lsquoSome Thoughts on ta-ra-si-jarsquo In Voutsaki and Killen 2001 161ndash180

Kiriatzi E Andreou S Dimitriadis S and Kotsakis K 1997 lsquoCo-existing Traditions Handmade and Wheelmade Pott ery in Late Bronze Age Central Macedoniarsquo In Laffi neur R and Betancourt P P (eds) TEXNH Craft smen Craft swomen and Craft smanship in the Aegean Bronze Age Proceedings of the 6th International Aegean Conference Philadelphia 1996 (Aegaeum 16) 361ndash367

Kolonas L 2001 lsquoΗλειακή Πύλoς (Ēleiakē Pylos)rsquo In Mitsopoulos-Leon V and Schauer C (eds) Forschungen in der Peloponnes Akten des Symposions anlaumlsslich der Feier lsquo100 Jahre Oumlsterreichisches Archaumlologisches Institut Athenrsquo 1998 Athens 257ndash262

Koui M Andreopoulou-Mangou E Papazoglou-Manioudaki L Prift aj-Vevecka A Papandreopoulos P and Stamati F 2006 lsquoStudy of Bronze Age Copper Based Swords of Type Naue II from Greece and Albaniarsquo Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 6 1 49ndash59

Kraiker W and Kuumlbler K 1939 Die Nekropolen des 12 bis 10 Jahrhunderts (Kerameikos Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen I Walter de Gruyter) Berlin

Kyparisses N 1938 lsquoΑνασκαφή Μυκηναϊκων νεκροταφίων Αρχαίας Αχαϊου (Anaskaphi Mykecircnaiumlkōn nekrotapheiōn arkhaias Akhaiumlou)rsquo Πρακτικα της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας (Praktika tēs en Athēnais Archaiologikēs Etaireias) 1938 118ndash119

Laffi neur R and Greco E (eds) 2005 Emporia Aegeans in the Central and Eastern Mediterranean Proceedings of the 10th International Aegean Conference Athens 2004 (Aegaeum 25) Liegravege

La Rosa V Palermo D and Vagnetti L (eds) 1999 Epi ponton plazomenoi Simposio italiano di Studi Egei dedicato a Luigi Bernabograve Brea e Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli Roma 1998 Rome


Lerat L 1938 lsquoFouilles de Delphes Rapport Preacuteliminairersquo Revue Archeacuteologique 12 183ndash207

Lenzi F (ed) 2003 LrsquoArcheologia dellrsquoAdriatico dalla Preistoria al Medioevo Att i del Convegno Ravenna 2001 Firenze

Leonardi G and Cupitograve M 2008 lsquoIl sito arginato dellrsquoetagrave del bronzo di Fondo-Paviani-Legnago Notizia preliminare sulla campagna di indagine 2007rsquo Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto 24 90ndash93

Levi S T 2004 lsquoCircolazione dei prodott i ed organizzazione della manifatt urarsquo In Cocchi Genick 2004 233ndash242

Lis B 2008 lsquoHandmade and burnished pott ery in the Eastern Mediterranean at the end of the Bronze Age Towards an explanation for its diversity and geographical distributionrsquo in Bachhuber C and Gareth Roberts R (eds) Forces of Transformation The End of the Bronze Age in the Mediterranean (Oxbow) 152ndash163

Lo Schiavo F 2003 lsquoSardinia between East and West Interconnections in the Mediterraneanrsquo In Stampolidis and Karagheorghis 2003 15ndash34

Malone C A T Stoddart S K F and Whitehouse R D 1994 lsquoThe Bronze Age of Southern Italy Sicily and Maltarsquo In Mathers C and Stoddart S K F (eds) Development and Decline in the Mediterranean Bronze Age Sheffi eld 167ndash194

Maran J 2006 lsquoComing to Terms with the Past Ideology and Power in Late Helladic III Crsquo In Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos 2006 123ndash150

Marazzi M Tusa S and Vagnett i L (eds) 1986 Traffi ci Micenei nel Mediterraneo Problemi storici e documentazione archeologica Taranto

Mastrokostas E 1965 lsquoΑνασκαφή του Τέιχους Δυμαίων (Anaskaphi tou Teichous Dymaiōn)rsquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον (Arkhaiologikon Deltion) 121ndash136

Mathaumlus H 1980 lsquoMykenische Vogelbarken antithetische Tierprotomen in der Kunst des oumlstlichen Mitt elmeerraumesrsquo Archaumlologisches Korrespondenzblatt 10 4 319ndash330

Mazar A 1985 lsquoExcavations at Tell Qasile Part 2 The Philistine Sanctuary Various Finds The Pott ery Conclusions Appendixesrsquo (Qedem 20) Jerusalem

McDonald W A and Wilkie N C (eds) 1992 Excavations at Nichoria in Southwest Greece Volume II The Bronze Age Occupation Minneapolis

Milojčić V 1948 lsquoDie Dorische Wanderung im Lichte der vorgeschichtlichen Fundersquo Archaumlologischer Anzeiger 63ndash6412ndash36

Milojčić V 1952 lsquoDas Sethosschwert kein gemeineuropaumlisches Griff zungenschwertrsquo Germania 30 95ndash97

Milojčić V 1955 lsquoEinige mitt eleuropaumlische Fremdlinge auf Kretarsquo Jahrbuch des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentral-Museums Mainz 2 153ndash169

Muumlller-Karpe M 1962 lsquoZur Spaumltbronzezeitlichen Bewaff nung in Mitt el Europa und Griechenlandrsquo Germania 40 255ndash287

Olivier J-P 1993 (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe Colloque international sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens (Bulletin de Correacutespondence Heacutellenique Suppleacutement 25) Paris

Olivier J-P 2001 lsquoLes lsquocollecteursrsquo Leur distribution spatiale et temporellersquo In Voutsaki and Killen 2001 139ndash160

Pagliara C Maggiulli G Scarano T Pino C Guglielmino R De Grossi Mazzorin J Rugge M Fiorentino G Primavera M Calcagnile L DrsquoElia M and Quarta G 2007 lsquoLa sequenza cronostratigrafi ca delle fasi di occupazione dellrsquoinsediamento protostorico di Roca (Melendugno Lecce)

Relazione preliminare della campagna di scavo 2005 ndash Saggio Xrsquo Rivista di Scienze Protostoriche LVII 311ndash362

Papadopoulos T 1979 Mycenaean Achaea (SIMA 55) Goumlteborg

Papadopoulos T 1998 The Late Bronze Age Daggers of the Aegean I Mainland Greece (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Abteilung VI Bd 11) Stutt gart

Papadopoulos T 1999 lsquoWarrior Graves in Achaean Mycenaean Cemeteriesrsquo In Laffi neur R (ed) POLEMOS Le contexte guerrier en Eacutegeacutee aacute lrsquoacircge du Bronze Actes de la 7e Rencontre eacutegeacuteenne internationale Universiteacute de Liegravege 1998 (Aegaeum 19) Liegravege 267ndash274

Papazoglou-Manioudaki L 1994 lsquoA Mycenaean Warriorrsquos Tomb at Krini near Patrasrsquo Annals of the British School at Athens 89 171ndash200

Pare C F (ed) 2000 Metal Makes the World Go Round the Supply and Circulation of Metals in Bronze Age Europe Oxford

Pearce M 1999 lsquoNew Research on the Terramare of Northern Italyrsquo Antiquity 72 743ndash746

Pearce M 2000 lsquoMetals Make the World Go Round the Copper Supply for Fratt esinarsquo In Pare 2000 108ndash115

Pearce M 2007 Bright Blades and Red Metal Essays on North Italian Prehistoric Metalwork (Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy 14) London

Pellegrini E 1995 lsquoAspett i della metallurgia in Italia continentale tra XVI e XI sec aCrsquo In Christie N (ed) Sett lement and Economy in Italy 1500 BC to 1500 AD Oxford 511ndash519

Pendlebury H J and Money-Coutt s M 1938 lsquoExcavations in the Plain of Lassithi III Karphi a City of Refuge of the Early Iron Age in Crete Excavated by Students of the British School of Archaeology at Athens 1937ndash39rsquo Annals of the British School at Athens 38 57ndash145

Perdrizet P 1908 Fouilles de Delphes V Monuments fi gureacutes petits bronzes terre-cuites antiquiteacutes diverses Paris

Peroni R 1994 lsquoLe comunitagrave Enotrie della Sibaritide ed i loro rapporti con i navigatori egeirsquo In Peroni and Trucco 1994 ΙΙ 831ndash879

Peroni R 1996 LrsquoItalia alle soglie della storia Rome-BariPeroni R 2004 lsquoSistemi transculturali nellrsquoeconomia nella

societagrave nellrsquoideologiarsquo In Cocchi Genick 2004 411ndash427Peroni R and Trucco F (eds) 1994 Enotri e Micenei nella

Sibaritide TarantoPeroni R and Vanzett i A (eds) 1998 Broglio di Trebisacce

1990ndash1994 Elementi e Problemi Nuovi delle Recenti Campagne di Scavo Rubbett ino

Petropoulos M 2000 lsquoMυκηναϊκό νεκροταφείο στα Σπαλιαρέϊκα των Λουσικών (Mykēnaiko nekrotapheio sta Spaliareika tōn Lousikōn)rsquo In Rizakis A D Paysages drsquoAchaiumle 2 Dymeacute et son territoire Actes du colloque international lsquoDymaia et Bouprasiarsquo Katō Achaiumla 1995 (Meletemata 29) Athens-Paris 65ndash92

Petsas F 1962 lsquoΑνασκαφή αρχαίου νεκροταφείου Βεργίνης 19601 (Anaskaphe arkaiou nekrotaphiou Bergines 19601)rsquo Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον (Arkhaiologikon Deltion) 17 1 218ndash288

Phelps W W Lolos Y and Vichos Y (eds) 1999 The Point Iria Wreck Interconnections in the Mediterranean ca 1200 BC Proceedings of the International Conference Island of Spetses 1998 Athens 187ndash208

Pilides D 1994 Handmade Burnished Wares of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 105) Goumlteborg

Francesco Iacono78

Podzuweit C 2007 Tiryns XIV Studien zur spaumltmykenischen Keramik Wiesbaden

Popham M R and Milburn E 1972 lsquoThe Late Helladic IIIC Pott ery of Xeropolis (Lefk andi) A Summaryrsquo Annals of the British School at Athens 66 333ndash336

Popham M R and Sackett L H 1968 Excavations at Lefk andi Euboea 19641966 A Preliminary Report London

Rahmstorf L 2003 lsquoClay Spools from Tiryns and other Contemporary Sites An Indication of Foreign Infl uence in LH IIICrsquo In Kyparissi-Apostolika N and Papakonstantinou M (eds) Βlsquo Διεθνές Διεπιστημονικό Συμπόσιο laquoΗ Περιφέρεια του Μυκηναϊκού Κόσμουraquo Λαμία 19992nd International Interdisciplinary Colloquium lsquoThe Periphery of the Mycenaean Worldrsquo Lamia 1999 Athens 397ndash415

Rahmstorf L 2005 lsquoTerramare and Faience Mycenaean Infl uence in Northern Italy during the Late Bronze Agersquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 ΙΙ 663ndash672

Reber K 1991 Untersuchungen zur Handgemachten Keramik Griechenlands in der Submykenischen Protogeometrischen und der Geometrischen Jonsered


Rutt er J B 1975 lsquoCeramic Evidence for Northern Intruders in Southern Greece at the Beginning of the Late Helladic IIIC Periodrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 79 17ndash32

Rutt er J B 1979 lsquoThe Last Mycenaeans at Corinthrsquo Hesperia 48 4 348ndash392

Rutt er J B 1990 lsquoSome Comments on Interpreting the Dark-surfaced Handmade Burnished Pott ery of the 13th and 12th Century BC Aegeanrsquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 3 29ndash49

Rutt er J B 1999 lsquoCretan External Relations during LM IIIA2ndashB (ca 1370ndash1200 BC) A View from the Mesararsquo In Phelps et al 1999 139ndash186

Sandars N K 1961 lsquoThe First Aegean Swords and Their Ancestryrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 65 17ndash29

Sandars N K 1963 lsquoLater Aegean Bronze Swordsrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 67 117ndash153

Sandars N K 1978 The Sea Peoples Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean 1250ndash1150 BC London

Schliemann H 1878 Mycenae A Narrative of Researches and Discoveries at Mycenae and Tiryns London

Schneider J 1977 lsquoWas there a Pre-capitalist World Systemrsquo Peasant Studies 6 20ndash29

Shaw J and Shaw M (eds) 2006 Kommos V The Monumental Minoan Buildings at Kommos Princeton

Sherratt A 1993 lsquoWhat would a Bronze Age World System Look likersquo European Journal of Archaeology 1 2 1ndash57

Sherratt A 1997 Economy and Society in Prehistoric Europe Changing Perspectives Princeton NJ

Sherratt A 2004 lsquoMaterial Resources Capital and Power The Coevolution of Society and Culturersquo In Feinman G and Nicholas L (eds) Archaeological Perspectives on Political Economies Salt Lake City 79ndash103

Sherratt S 1981 The Pott ery of LH III C and its Signifi cance Sommerville College DPhil Thesis Oxford

Sherratt S 1982 lsquoPatterns of Contact Manufacture and Distribution of Mycenaean Pott ery 1400ndash1100 BCrsquo In Best J and de Vries N (eds) Interaction and Acculturation in the Mediterranean Amsterdam 179ndash95

Sherratt S 1999 lsquoE pur si muove Pots Markets and Values in the Second Millennium Mediterraneanrsquo In Crielaard et al 1999 163ndash211

Sherratt S 2000 lsquoCirculation of Metal and the End of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterraneanrsquo In Pare 2000 82ndash98

Small D B 1990 lsquolsquoBarbarian Warersquo and Prehistoric Aegean Economics an Argument for Indigenous Appearancersquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 3 3ndash28

Small D B 1997 lsquoCan We Move Forward Comments on the Current Debate over Handmade Burnished Warersquo Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10 223ndash228

Smith T R 1987 Mycenaean Trade and Interaction in the West Central Mediterranean 1600ndash1000 BC (British Archaeological Report International Series 371) Oxford

Smithson E L 1961 lsquoThe Protogeometric Cemetery at Nea Ionia 1949rsquo Hesperia 30 147ndash178

Snodgrass A 1971 The Dark Age of Greece an Archaeological Survey of the Eleventh to the Eighth Centuries BC Edinburgh

Souyoudzoglou-Haywood C 1999 The Ionian Islands in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age 3000ndash800 BC Liverpool

Stampolidis N and Karagheorghis V (eds) 2003 Ploes Sea Routes Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16thndash6th cent BC Athens

Stavropoulou-Gatsi M Jung R Mehofer M 2009 lsquoΤαφος laquoΜυκηναιουraquo πολεμιστη στον Κουβαρα Αιτωλοακαρνανιαςrsquo (Taphos laquoMykēnaiouraquo polemistē ston Koubara Aitōloakarnanias) Paper presented at the conference ldquoIMMORTALITY The Earthly the Celestial and the Underworld in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Agerdquo held in Rhodes 28ndash31 May 2009

Stillwell A 1948 Corinth Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens XV Part I The Pott ersrsquo Quarter Princeton

Strack S 2007 Regional Dynamics and Social Change in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age a study of handmade pott ery from southern and central Greece (unpublished PhD thesis) University of Edinburgh

Tainter J 1988 The Collapse of Complex Societies Cambridge Tartaron T F 2004 Bronze Age Landscape and Society in Southern

Epirus Greece (British Archaeological Report International Series 1290) Oxford

Tomas H 2005 lsquoMycenaean in Croatiarsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 ΙΙ 673ndash682

Tsountas C 1897 lsquoΜέτραι και ξιφη εκ Μυκηνών (Metrai kai xiphē ek Mikenon)rsquo Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς (Archaiologike Ephemeris) 1897 7ndash128

Vagnett i L 1983 (ed) Magna Grecia e Mondo Miceneo TarantoVagnetti L 1999 lsquoMycenaean Pottery in the Central

Mediterranean Imports and Local Production in their Contextrsquo In Crielaard et al 1999 138ndash161

Vagnett i L 1999a lsquoMycenaeans and Cypriots in the Central Mediterranean before and aft er 1200 BCrsquo In Phelps et al 1999 187ndash208

Vagnett i L Percossi E Silvestrini M Sabbatini T Jones R E and Levi S T 2006 lsquoCeramiche egeo-micenee nelle Marche indagini archeometriche ed inquadramento iniziale dei datirsquo In Att i della XXXIX Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto di Preistoria e Protostoria Florence Vol II 1159ndash1172

Vagnett i L and Jones R 1988 lsquoTowards the Identifi cation of Local Mycenaean Pott ery in Italyrsquo In French E B and Wardle K A (eds) Problems in Greek Prehistory Bristol 335ndash348


Vagnett i L and Panichelli S 1994 lsquoCeramica egea importata e di produzione localersquo In Peroni and Trucco 1994 I 373ndash413

Vlachopoulos A 2008 (ed) Εύβοια και Στερεά Ελλάδα (Euboia kai Sterea Ellada) Athens

Vokotopoulou I 1969 lsquoΝέοι χιβωτιόσχημοι τάφοι της ΥΕ ΙΙΙ Β-Γ Περιόδου εξ Ηπείρου (Neoi chibōtioschēmoi taphoi tēs YE III BndashG Periodou ex Ēpeirou)rsquo Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς (Arkhaiologike Ephemeris) 179ndash207

Voutsaki S and Killen J (eds) 2001 Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace State (Cambridge Classical Journal Supplementary Volume 27) Cambridge

Veblen T (1902) 1994 A Theory of Leisure Class New YorkVianello A 2005 Late Bronze Age Mycenaean and Italic Products in

the West Mediterranean a Social and Economic Analysis (British Archaeological Report International Series 1439) Oxford

Wace A 1953 lsquoMycenae 1939ndash1952rsquo Annual of the British School at Athens 48 3ndash93

Weingarten J 1997 lsquoThe Sealing Bureaucracy of Mycenaean Knossos The Identifi cation of Some Offi cials and Their Sealsrsquo In Driessen J and Farnoux A (eds) La Cregravete myceacutenienne Actes de la Table Ronde Internationale organiseacutee par lrsquoEacutecole franccedilaise drsquoAthegravenes (1991) (Bulletin de Correacutespondence Heacutellenique Suppleacutement 30) Athegravenes-Paris 517ndash535

Walberg G 1976 lsquoNorthern Intruders in Myc III Crsquo American Journal of Archaeology 80 2 186ndash187

Wallerstein I 1974 The Modern World System Vol I New York

Warren P 1983 lsquoKnossos Stratigraphical Museum Excavations 1978ndash82 Part IIrsquo Archaeological Reports 29 63ndash87

Watrous L V 1989 lsquoA Preliminary Report on Imported lsquoItalianrsquo Wares from the Late Bronze Age Site of Kommos on Cretersquo Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici 27 69ndash80

Watrous L V 1992 Kommos III An Excavation on the South Coast of Crete The Late Bronze Age Pott ery Princeton

Weber H 1944 lsquoAnfgriff swassenrsquo In Kunze E and Schleif H (eds) Olympische Forschungen I Berlin 146ndash156

Whitbread I 1992 lsquoPetrographic Analysis of Barbarian Ware from the Menelaion Spartarsquo In Sanders M J (ed) Φιλoλάκων Lakonian Studies in honour of Hector Catling Athens 297ndash306

Wĳ ngaarden G J 2002 Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean Pott ery in the Levant Cyprus and Italy (1600ndash1200 BC) Amsterdam

Wilkinson D 1987 lsquoCentral Civilizationrsquo Comparative Civilization Review 17 31ndash59

Xanthoudides S 1904 lsquoΕκ Κρήτης (Ek Kretes)rsquo Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς 43 (Archaiologike Ephemeris 43) 1ndash55

6

Malta Sicily Aeolian Islands and Southern Italy during the Bronze Age The meaning of a

changing relationship

Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia

IntroductionIn the lsquo50s and lsquo60s Luigi Bernabograve Brea and John D Evans had a major role as far the study of goodsrsquo modelsrsquo and peoplersquos circulation in Central Mediterranean are concerned (eg Evans 1956 Bernabograve Brea 1968ndash9 1976ndash7) Archaeological data on this subject have not increased ever since nevertheless theoretical perspectives eff ectively changed abandon-ing for example diff usionist thinking Today nobody hypothesizes Maltese colonies (eg Bernabograve Brea 1966) in Sicily during the Early Bronze Age soft er propositions being preferred

A new interaction in the central Mediterranean (2300ndash1700 BC)

The Thermi Ware periodIt is well-known that Malta enters the framework of intense Mediterranean interaction from the beginning of the Early Bronze Age The first phase of this phenomenon object of a wide chronological debate is characterised by the production of incised thickened rim bowls sometimes with a pedestal (Thermi ware) David Trump and John D Evans (eg Trump 1966 46 Evans 1971 122 151ndash152) thought this kind of ceramics was fully contemporary with the Late Neolithic phase of Tarxien (and perhaps Ggantĳ a too) Thanks to new evidence from Dalmatia (eg Forenbaher and Kaiser 2000) south-western Greece (eg Rambach 2001 2004) and southern Italy we can now date it more precisely to the last centuries of the 3rd millennium BC (Fig 61a) In our opinion the Thermi ware term

to name this pott ery is anachronistic the eastern Aegean sett lement at Thermi is earlier than the Maltese production The incised thickened rim bowls found at Thermi and Troy are typical of the fi rst phase of the Aegean Early Bronze Age (early centuries of the 3rd millennium BC eg Lamb 1936 88ndash89 pl 15ndash16 Blegen et al 1950 58ndash59 pl 253ndash257) while this kind of pott ery as just discussed likely starts aft er the fi rst half of the 3rd millennium in Greece southern Italy and Malta (eg Maran 1998 392ndash394 Cazzella 1999 Cazzella et al 2007)

The widespread presence of this pottery in the Mediterranean might have been linked to the movement of small groups of people rather than to a simple circulation of goods and stylistic models (eg Cazzella et al 2007)

As regards southern Italy incised thickened rim bowls are well att ested in northern Apulia (eg Cazzella 1999) Other specimens with some stylistic diff erences were found in Calabria (ie Marino and Pacciarelli 1996) while their presence in Campania has to be confi rmed (ie Talamo et al 2011)

As far as Malta is concerned the most recent excavations at Tas-Silg carried out by the Universities of Roma La Sapienza and Foggia are exploring a stratigraphic sequence from Tarxien to Borg in-Nadur period just outside the principal megalithic temple unearthed in the rsquo60s by the Missione Archeologica Italiana a Malta (ie Davico 1967 37ndash38 fi g 1 Recchia 2004ndash5 Cazzella and Recchia 2004ndash6) The new excavations have pointed out further relevant data on the passage from the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age

We cannot rule out that the circulation of the so called Thermi ware was linked to the fi rst presences

6 Malta Sicily Aeolian Islands and Southern Italy during the Bronze Age 81

Figure 61 Hypotheses of transmarine connections in the central Mediterranean between the second half of the 3rd and the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC 1 Rodi Garganico 2 Coppa Nevigata 3 Fontanarosa 4 Casal Sabini 5 Grott a del Pipistrello Solitario 6 Corazzo 7 Zungri 8 Monte Venerett a 9 Sites of Castelluccio culture 10 Castelluccio 11 Ognina 12 Malta

Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia82

of bossed bone plaques in the central Mediterranean too In this case data have slightly increased in the last years a new fi nding from Grott a del Pipistrello Solitario (ie Coppola 2001ndash2) near Grott aglie (Apulia) is for example to add to the other specimens

Another specimen from Tarxien was found in the eastern area of the site together with many potsherds of Thermi ware (ie Evans 1971 134 151ndash152) It suggests that bossed bone plaque might date back to this phase even if the production of this kind of artefacts still continued in Sicily (Castelluccio culture contexts) until the mid-2nd millennium BC (eg Palio 2008)

Also the metal spearhead of Aegean style from Monte Venerett a near Taormina despite being a sporadic fi nding might date back to the same period As far as this spearhead is concerned Rosa M Albanese Procelli (ie 1989) proposed a comparison with eastern Aegean contexts We would rather consider the Ionian Islands as its possible area of provenance being these islands the nearest context where such spearheads were found Though we cannot defi nitely exclude that the Monte Venerett a spearhead might be even earlier (Sicilian Late Copper Age) it seems likely to us that this fi nd belongs to the Thermi ware period when contacts between Aegean and Sicily are more evident than during the previous phase At the moment the Ognina incised thickened rim bowls still are the clearest evidence of contacts between eastern Sicily and western Greece in late 3rd millennium (eg Cazzella 2002 Palio 2008)

Focusing on Malta this phase of new opening to external contacts did not imply an active role of the archipelago in trade activities The main point seems to be instead the contribution that external contacts gave to internal social transformations of the Maltese communities

The historical process driving to the end of the megalithic temples ideology had likely already started by the time these external contacts took place the ideological and social crisis having a local origin The recent excavations at Tas-Silg for example revealed that a collapse event already aff ected some marginal megalithic structures during the last phase of the Late Neolithic these not having been restored (Fig 62)

The advanced technical skills (such as an effi cient metallurgy) owned by the abovementioned foreign small groups that likely got to the Maltese archipelago at the passage to the Bronze Age might have strongly contributed to the deep transformations of the local societies triggered by the internal crisis

The long boats engraved at Tarxien Temple (eg Houmlckmann 1977 89 fi g 19) using a careless style very diff erent from the Late Neolithic one may represent a further example of both technically and ideologically new items the construction of long boats implying

peculiar technical knowledge and their representation in an old temple referring to an innovative symbolic sphere

We can also suggest that the Thermi pedestal bowl found behind an altar of the Tarxien south-west Temple (ie Evans 1971 221) was there located through the hole in the altar faccedilade perhaps specially made for this purpose

In synthesis the Maltese phase characterized by the Thermi ware in the late 3rd millennium seems to have a transitory character We can recognize signifi cant phenomena of changing in the archipelago such as the break of its isolation and the crack of the traditional ideology but any general social and economic re-organization is not archaeologically recorded at this time This one is instead fully identifi able in the subsequent Tarxien Cemetery period

On the basis of the available data the Aeolian Islands seem not to have been reached by the new phenomenon of external contacts in this moment A few potsherds of Capo Graziano inside incised bowls without thickened rim (ie Bernabograve Brea 1985 fi g 63a 70a 72c 76cf) are probably the evidence of a modifi ed persistence of that type in the following phase

The Tarxien Cemetery periodAt the end of the 3rd millennium beside the persistence of the incised thickened rim bowls new pott ery styles developed in the Maltese and Aeolians islands (Tarxien Cemetery ndash Capo Graziano) probably deriving from Aegean models New fi ndings coming from Olympia and Androvida-Lescaina create a parallel between these ceramic productions (ie Rambach 2004) strengthening this hypothesis Joerg Rambach highlights also a similarity with the pott ery from Le Rene near Rutigliano (Bari province see Radina 1989) but this and other sites of central Apulia (Laterza Casalsabini and Pisciulo see Cataldo 1996) were probably related more to the western Balkan area than to Greece

Both Tarxien Cemetery and Capo Graziano pott ery characterized two long-life cultures lasting to the mid-2nd millennium BC circa The traditional hypothesis implying the end of the Capo Graziano culture during the 15th century BC still appears well-grounded Tarxien Cemetery pott ery could continue to the late 15thndashearly 14th century considering its presence in some Thapsos contexts in Sicily (eg Guzzardi 1991ndash2 2008 44 Giannitrapani 1997 439)

The distribution of these ceramic productions in the central Mediterranean seems to be linked just with the Maltese and Aeolian archipelagos The presence of this pott ery in Sicily Pantelleria and in some southwest


Italy sites appears instead to be connected to the relationships between the archipelagos and mainland as we are going to discuss

As far as the Maltese islands are concerned by the end of the 3rd millennium the external interactions continued but at this point its reasons were most

likely diff erent since the historical framework was changing Diff erently from the Thermi ware period (and the distribution of similar pott ery in the central Mediterranean) we can now see how the Aegean seafarers selected the Aeolian and Maltese archipelagos likely for their geographical location

Figure 62 Late Neolithic sanctuary of Tas-Silg Malta Tarxien layers north of the eastern entrance and the megalithic steps The white arrows indicate the principal blocks already collapsed in a late moment of this phase (excavations 2007)


In this phase both archipelagos seem to become precocious centres organizing exchange activities in the central Mediterranean (Fig 61b) They perhaps try to imitate a typical trait of some Aegean Early Bronze Age sett lements

Sicily was strongly involved in these activities Besides the data about Capo Graziano sett lements in north-eastern Sicily (ie Tigano et al 1994) we recall the Luigi Bernabograve Brearsquos considerations on Capo Graziano vessels in MoardaBeaker contexts of north-western Sicily (ie Bernabograve Brea 1985 132) and the presence of Tarxien Cemetery shards in Sicily (eg Giannitrapani 1997 439 Palio 2004 76ndash77)

As far as Aeolian Islands are concerned exchange activities included also southern and central Tyrrhenian coasts (eg Peroni 1971 156 Cazzella and Moscoloni 1994 110 Marino and Pacciarelli 1996 150ndash154 Cazzella et al 1997 Di Gennaro 1997 Levi et al 2006) while as regards Malta several links can be drawn with some Italian Ionian sites and the opposite African coast In particular lead and silver probably reached Malta from Calabria (eg a cylindrical lump of lead and a thin sheet of silver with biconical silver beads adhering to it from Tarxien Cemetery ie Evans 1953 68) Also copper ingots or metal artefacts appear to have come from Calabria or Sicily to Malta being its nearest copper ores in north-eastern Sicily and Calabria The shape of some Sicilian daggers and axes (ie Maniscalco 2000 Biett i Sestieri 2001ndash3 28ndash31 fi g 3) being very similar to specimens from Tarxien Cemetery supports this thesis A small quantity of sulphur was also found at Tarxien Cemetery (ie Evans 1953 68) and it was probably also of Sicilian provenance (for the presence of sulphur in south-western Sicily see Castellana 1998) Perhaps fl int was still imported from Sicily as well

As far as links between Malta and the opposite African coast we can mention the ostrich-egg shell beads from the Tarxien Cemetery probably of northern African origin (ie Beck 1934) Waiting for further analyses the problem of the place where the glassy beads from the Tarxien Cemetery were worked is still open (eg Stone 1971)

Even if megalithic temples were not built anymore in Malta from the Early Bronze Age (as it is widely accepted in the literature) Late Neolithic temples were generally still preserved and visible some of these being re-used during the Bronze Age too The transformation of a megalithic temple into a cemetery at Tarxien is well-known (eg a recent reconsideration in Pace 2004) Probably the Hypogeum at Hal Safl ieni (similar to a temple as regards its architectural features) was still used or at least still famous as the presence of Bronze Age pott ery indicates (Tagliaferro 1910 pl ix) Also

Xaghra has a Tarxien Cemetery phase of occupation However since wide collapses had already aff ected the place (Malone et al 2009 207ndash218) it is not clear whether Bronze Age people appreciated the megalithic architecture of this site

The old megalithic architecture had a strong symbolic impact on the Early Bronze Age Sicilian communities too Stylistic patt erns in Sicilian funerary architecture at the Castelluccio hypogean tombs mirror Maltese megalithic features (eg Procelli 1981 Bruno 2003 Terranova 2003 2008) Transferring temple features to Sicilian funerary architecture ought to have been on one hand Siciliansrsquo knowledge of the Safl ieni Hypogeum (besides their knowledge of the temples) or on the other hand influences of the Maltese contemporary funerary re-use of a very important megalithic temple as Tarxien

Two elements very diff erent from each other are generally pointed at as possible evidence of relationships between Malta and southern Italy (particularly southern Apulia) dolmens (presumably under a tumulus) and clay anchors (eg Evans 1956 Cazzella et al 2007 148) They are just signs survived almost by chance of probably stronger contacts and they cannot characterize a whole cultural phenomenon

The clay anchors are att ested in Greece from previous phases (Early Helladic see eg Hood 1973 62 Bucholz and Wagner 1977) In southern Italy they are present at the Bronze Age sett lement of Torre Castelluccia (ie Evans 1956 99) but they are not dated Otherwise they have been found at Xaghra Circle (Malone et al 2009 241 fi g 1019) in Gozo and Montagnola di Filicudi on the Aeolian Islands (Bernabograve Brea 1985 109) from the Early Bronze Age

As Maltese dolmens are concerned a new bit of evidence might be represented by the latest discoveries at Tas-Silg (Fig 63) The megalithic slab unearthed there in the rsquo60s did not lie on virgin soil but was actually held up by orthostats Nevertheless the hypothesis of a Bronze Age dolmen remains to be confi rmed

The contemporary presence of diff erent funerary rituals (cremations in the megalithic temple of Tarxien dolmens and perhaps the Hal Saflieni Hypogeum) in as small a territory as Malta during the Early Bronze Age is problematic In any case diff erent funerary rituals (for example hypogeal structures and dolmens) probably coexisted for example in the relatively close Apulia in southern Italy (eg Cipolloni Sampograve 1987 Recchia 2011) Both dolmenslithic cists of various kinds including small dolmens in southern Apulia and Malta and cremation rituals could have a Balkan origin with an extension to western Greece (eg Protic 1988 200ndash202 Koumouzelis 1980 60 Recchia 2011)


Figure 63 Late Neolithic sanctuary of Tas-Silg Malta megalithic structure (a dolmen) under excavation (2008) in the north-western area of the site


Establishing a Mycenaean exchange network in the central Mediterranean (1700ndash1450 BC)From the 17th century BC previous local ceramic elements still continuing the relation between the Aeolian and Maltese archipelagos changes (Fig 64a) The former is now well inserted in the Mycenaean exchange network westwards and south-eastern Sicily might be touched by the seaway towards this archipelago (eg Marazzi 2001a 370) Absence of LH IndashII pott ery does not necessary mean lacking of exchange activities the local groups of south-eastern Sicily might have selected just non-ceramic exotic artefacts as it happens perhaps in the Thyrrenian Calabria (see the tomb of Gallo di Briatico in Pacciarelli 2000 185ndash187 rare LH IndashII shards were found at Punta di Zambrone and Grott a Petrosa di Palmi ie Pacciarelli and Vagnett i 2004 Tinegrave 2001) and later in some areas of south-eastern Italy (eg Radina and Recchia 2006)

In this period also some sett lements of southern Italy and Sicily began to organize a local exchange system These sett lements probably just in a few cases became direct points of economic interest for the Mycenaean seafarers (on the Mycenaean presence in Italy see eg Vagnett i 1982 1996 152ndash161 Biett i Sestieri 1988 Bett elli 2002 19ndash32 Radina and Recchia 2003 2006 Vianello 2005 Cultraro 2006 221ndash237 On the organization of a local exchange network Cazzella 1983 2009a)

Another small island Pantelleria seems now to be reached by seafarers from the eastern Mediterranean (ie Marazzi and Tusa 2005 Ardesia et al 2006 362ndash365) and south-western Sicily is involved in this connection with the eastern Mediterranean too

Malta seems to be excluded from the new internat-ional trade network at this point but it maintains contacts with southern and eastern Sicily as the abovementioned presence of Tarxien Cemetery shards in Sicilian contexts points out

Some eastern elements as a bone pommel of a sword (eg La Rosa 2005 578) a glassy bead of possible Egyptian origin according to John F S Stone (1971) a stone bead inlaid with gold and small gemstones inserted in it (Evans 1971 134 pl 51 10) might have reached Malta via Pantelleria or Sicily Particularly as this stone bead is concerned raw materials (green stone red gemstones and gold) and working technique do not seem to belong to any Maltese tradition (eg Bonanno 1999 213ndash214) At the moment a possible comparison could be proposed with a bead inside golden plated from Pantelleria (Marazzi and Tusa 2005 608 pl CLIb) considered an import from the eastern Mediterranean (GR)

Apogee and crisis of the Mycenaean exchange network in the central Mediterranean (1450ndash1000 BC)Just one potsherd of Mycenaean type presumably dating back to late 14thearly 13th century BC is known in Malta from Borg in-Nadur (Pace 2003 200 no 224) perhaps a Mycenaean shard from Tas-Silg (Bonanno 2008 35 Sagona 2008 fi g 6 1) might be added to it Nevertheless the archipelago continued its active contacts with Sicily aft er the mid-2nd millennium judging by the quantity of Borg in-Nadur pott ery found in tombs with rich grave goods at Thapsos competing with the prestige of the Mycenaean pott ery itself (eg Alberti 2006 399 tab 4) Borg in-Nadur and Bahrĳ a pott ery is well att ested in the Thapsos sett lement (Voza 1992 45) However the presence of Maltese pott ery (Trump 1961) concentrates in a few Sicilian sites and it was perhaps linked to specifi c intermediary centres as Cannatello and an hypothetical site near Siracusa besides Thapsos (eg Tanasi 2008 76) during the second half of the 2nd millennium BC (Fig 64b)

Maltese pott ery type Bahrĳ a was found at Thapsos in the last phase of the sett lement (for example in the architectural complex C and in the room south-east of the room c of the complex B see Voza 1973 149 1980ndash81 678ndash679) dating back to 11thndash9th century BC according to Giuseppe Voza (1992 49) The Bernabograve Brearsquos (1990 57) hypothesis of a Maltese emporium at Thapsos at the end of the 2nd millennium BC seems diffi cult to be accepted in the light of such evidence It is also doubtful whether the architectural structures of eastern tradition typical of the previous phase built according to Giuseppe Voza (1992 48) in 13th12th century BC were substituted by new structures or they were built in the 14th century abandoned during the 13thndash12th centuries and partially re-used (at least the complex C) in the latest phase as recently proposed by Gianmarco Alberti (2007 371) and followed by Davide Tanasi (2008 5) A similar hypothesis had been formulated by Bernabograve Brea (1990 57) as well We fi nd the latt er hypothesis hardly acceptable implying a gap of two centuries in the use of the complex C In any case Thapsos pott ery style was still used in 13th12th century BC according to Albanese Procelli et al (2004 313) Francesco Tomasello (2004) agrees with Vozarsquos chronology highlighting comparisons with 13th12th century BC structures in Cyprus and Levant

The function that centres like the Aeolian Islands and Pantelleria played in the organization of international exchanges seems to decrease aft er the mid-2nd millennium A strong involvement of Sicily and southern Italy in the long distance exchange


Figure 64 Hypotheses of transmarine connections in the central Mediterranean between the 17th and the 11th century BC


system probably reduced their importance relegating small islands to a marginal role in the new networks (eg Marazzi 2001a 371ndash372 Ardesia et al 2006 365) New intermediary sites arise in southern Italy like for example the sett lements of Roca (ie Guglielmino 2005) and Punta Le Terrare (ie Radina and Recchia 2003) in the Adriatic Apulia Scoglio del Tonno in the Ionian Apulia Torre del Mordillo e Broglio di Trebisacce in the Ionian Calabria (for the Ionian area see Bett elli 2002 26ndash32)

The Aeolian Islands aft er the mid-2nd millennium (Milazzese culture) continued to have contacts with the Mycenaean world However the presence in these islands of peninsular Apennine pott ery (an inverse phenomenon in comparison with the local Early Bronze Age when Capo Graziano pott ery was diff used in Italy) and their cultural assimilation by the Sicilian Thapsos culture (from which Milazzese pott ery style derived) suggest that an inversed trade was taking place the archipelago losing its expansive capability

The Middle Bronze Age Milazzese phase is generally seen as a period of development of relationships with the Mycenaean world Biett i Sestieri (1988 42ndash43) for example adopted the term mycenaeaisation to defi ne the period However we cannot forget that evidences of contacts with the Myceanean world are actually decreasing in the Aeolian islands aft er LHIIIA1 (eg Bett elli 2002 59 Vianello 2005 68 tab 11) and in Vivara as well

Also the organization of a system of graphic signs in the context of the Milazzese culture might have been a local development starting from a previous Capo Graziano initial experience (eg Marazzi 2001b) Thus if these graphics signs really had a Mycenaean inspiration it occurred before the Milazzese phase

During the 13thndash12th centuries BC (fi rst Ausonian phase) the elements of Mycenaean origin decrease consistently and local pott ery imitates the Subapennine peninsular style (eg Biett i Sestieri 1988 45 Bett elli 2002 59) Most authors hypothesise an invasion by a Subapennine group in the 13th century (eg Biett i Sestieri 1988 48) but we cannot exclude that a change in Mycenaean (and Cypriot-Levantine) seaways probably abandoning the Straits of Messina for the Sicilian Channel (but neglecting also Pantelleria small islands were no more att ractive for the lsquointernationalrsquo trade) and the growing economic potential of the peninsular communities favoured a local transformation without a real invasion The presence of fi res in a sett lement could be frequent also without a war cause

The rich hoard of metal objects at Lipari (eg Moscett a 1988 Giardino 2004) probably dates back

to the early 12th century so it was not hidden during the hypothetical Subapennine invasion Anyway the wealth of that hoard suggests that Lipari could still att ract goods of signifi cant value either in exchange for local raw materials for example sulphur or alum (eg Castagnino Berlinghieri 2003 68) or because it was the place where still exchange happened even if transports were prevailingly organized by other groups

The same situation could characterize the Aeolian Islands during the Final Bronze AgeEarly Iron Age considering for example imports of Sardinian pott ery during the late fi rst Ausonian phase and the second one (Bernabograve Brea 1990 46)

From the 13th century the international trade changes also in southern Italy local groups more and more imitate the Mycenaean pott ery (diminishing the import of it) and produce metal artefacts appreciated in the eastern Mediterranean Also the role of amber as an export good becomes more diff used

From the 12th century after the crisis of the Mycenaean palaces the CypriotndashLevantine seafarers could have directly got to the mouth of the Po river to acquire amber opening a new international seaway (eg Bietti Sestieri 2003) whilst the relationships between Greece and southern Italy could have had a prevailingly local character (see for example the connection between western Greece and Roca in the Salentina peninsula in Guglielmino 2005) In this period Coppa Nevigata (Cazzella 2009b) in the northern coastal Apulia probably was just an important terminal of local exchange with no direct link to Greece

Concluding remarksTo conclude starting from the late 3rd millennium BC the contacts in the area taken into consideration more and more assume the connotation of a real exchange system However the analysis of diff erent elements (active or passive role of the specifi c sites level of incidence of the international trade kind of products exchanged etc) shows how such contacts assumed diff erent meanings for each of the involved region during the Bronze Age

As regards to the archaeological research on central Mediterranean focusing on the Bronze Age the study of evidence att esting contacts between the various areas is far from been concluded but it certainly is giving fruits If anything else it seems today fi guring out the meaning of the exchange phenomenon in the diff erent contexts has become a primary aim as far as the investigation of the area is concerned (AC)


ReferencesAlbanese Procelli R M 1989 lsquoUna cuspide di lancia preistorica

del Museo Archeologico di Siracusarsquo Quaderni dellrsquoIstituto di Archeologia della Facoltagrave di Lett ere e Filosofi a dellrsquoUniversitagrave di Messina 4 5ndash12

Albanese Procelli R M Lo Schiavo F Martinelli M C and Vanzett i A 2004 lsquoSicilia Articolazioni cronologiche e diff erenziazioni localirsquo In Cocchi Genick 2004 313ndash326

Alberti G 2006 lsquoPer una lsquogerarchia socialersquo a Thapsos analisi contestuale delle evidenze funerarie e segni di stratifi cazionersquo Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche LVI 369ndash427

Alberti G 2007 lsquoMinima thapsiana rifl essioni sulla cronologia dellrsquoabitato di Thapsosrsquo Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche LVII 363ndash376

Ardesia V Catt ani M Marazzi M Nicolett i F Secondo M and Tusa S 2006 lsquoGli scavi nellrsquoabitato dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo di Mursia Pantelleria (TP) Relazione preliminare delle campagne 2001ndash2005rsquo Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche LVI 293ndash367

Beck H 1934 lsquoReport on Beads from Tarxienrsquo In Murray M A (ed) Corpus of the Bronze Age Pott ery of Malta London 4

Bernabograve Brea L 1966 lsquoAbitato neolitico e insediamento maltese dellrsquoetagrave del bronzo nellrsquoisola di Ognina (SR) e i rapporti tra la Sicilia e Malta dal XVI al XIII sec aCrsquo Kokalos XII 40ndash69

Bernabograve Brea L 1968ndash9 lsquoConsiderazioni sullrsquoEneolitico e sulla prima etagrave del Bronzo della Sicilia e della Magna Greciarsquo Kokalos XIVndashXV 20ndash58

Bernabograve Brea L 1976ndash7 lsquoEolie Sicilia e Malta nellrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo Kokalos XXIIndashXXIII 33ndash108

Bernabograve Brea L 1985 Gli Eoli e lrsquoinizio dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo nelle isole Eolie e nellrsquoItalia meridionale (Quaderni dellrsquoIstituto Universitario Orientale 2) Napoli

Bernabograve Brea L 1990 Pantalica Ricerche intorno allrsquoanaktoron Napoli

Bett elli M 2002 Italia meridionale e mondo miceneo (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 5) Firenze

Biett i Sestieri A M 1988 lsquoThe lsquoMycenaean connectionrsquo and the impact on the central Mediterranean societiesrsquo Dialoghi di Archeologia III s 6 1 23ndash51

Biett i Sestieri A M 2001ndash3 lsquoCorpus of Copper Bronze and Iron Age Metal Artefacts from the Italian Collections in the British Museumrsquo Accordia Research Papers 9 23ndash43

Biett i Sestieri A M 2003 lsquoLrsquoAdriatico fra lrsquoetagrave del Bronzo e gli inizi dellrsquoetagrave del Ferro (ca 2200ndash900 aC)rsquo In Lenzi F (ed) Lrsquoarcheologia dellrsquoAdriatico dalla Preistoria al Medioevo Bologna 49ndash64

Blegen C W Caskey J L Rawson M and Sperling J 1950 Troy I Princeton

Bonanno A 1999 lsquoTarxien Xaghra Circle and Tas-Silg Occupation and Re-use of Temple-sites in the Early Bronze Agersquo In Mifsud A and Savona Ventura C (eds) Facets of Maltese Prehistory Malta 209ndash223

Bonanno A 2008 lsquoInsularity and Isolation Malta and Sicily in Prehistoryrsquo In Bonanno and Militello 2008 27ndash37

Bonanno A and Militello P 2008 (eds) Malta negli Iblei gli Iblei a Malta (KASA 2) Palermo

Bruno N 2003 lsquoThe Infl uence of Maltese Temples on Sicilian Funerary Architecture in the Early Bronze Agersquo In Eneix 2003 1ndash6

Bucholz H G and Wagner P 1977 lsquoZu fruumlhbronzezeitlichen Verbindungen zwischen dem Balkanraum und Hellasrsquo

In Bucholz H G (ed) Aegaumlische Bronzezeit Darmstadt 121ndash136

Castagnino Berlinghieri E F 2003 The Aeolian Islands Crossroads of Mediterranean Maritime Routes (British Archaeological Report 1181) Oxford

Castellana G 1998 Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e lrsquoapprovvigionamento dello zolfo nel Mediterraneo nellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo Palermo

Cataldo L 1996 lsquoLa tomba di Casal Sabini e i rinvenimenti funerari tra Eneolitico ed etagrave del Bronzo nel territorio di Altamura (Bari) le facies culturali indigene e i contatt i transadriatici e con il Mediterraneo orientalersquo Origini XX 109ndash164

Cazzella A 1983 lsquoVivara ndash Punta di Mezzogiornorsquo In Vagnett i L (ed) Magna Grecia e mondo miceneo Att i del XXII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia Taranto 147ndash150

Cazzella A 1999 lsquoLrsquoEgeo e il Mediterraneo centrale fra III e II millennio una riconsiderazionersquo In La Rosa V Palermo D and Vagnett i L (eds) Epi Ponton Plazomenoi Att i del Simposio Italiano di Studi Egei Roma 397ndash404

Cazzella A 2002 lsquoMalta nel contesto del Mediterraneo centro-orientale durante la seconda metagrave del III millenniorsquo In Amadasi Guzzo MG Liverani M and Matt hiae P (eds) Da Pyrgi a Mozia Studi sullrsquoarcheologia del Mediterraneo in memoria di Antonia Ciasca Roma 139ndash152

Cazzella A 2009a lsquoLa formazione di centri specializzati nellrsquoItalia sud-orientale durante lrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo In Cardarelli A Cazzella A Frangipane M and Peroni R (eds) Reasons for Change lsquoBirthrsquo lsquoDeclinersquo and lsquoCollapsersquo of Societies between the End of the IV and the Beginning of the I Millennium BC Proccedings of the Conference Rome 2006 (Scienze dellrsquoAntichitagrave 15) 293ndash310

Cazzella A 2009b lsquoExchange Systems and Social Interaction during the Late Bronze Age in the Southern Adriaticrsquo In Borgna E and Caacutessola Guida P (eds) From the Aegean to the Adriatic Social Organisations Modes of Exchange and Interaction in Post-palatial Times (12thndash11th c BC) Proceedings of the International Seminar Udine 2006 (Studi e Ricerche di Protostoria Mediterranea 8) 159ndash170

Cazzella A Levi S T and Williams J L 1997 lsquoThe Petrographic Examination of Impasto Pott ery from Vivara and the Aeolian Islands A Case for Inter-island Pott ery Exchange in the Bronze Age of Southern Italyrsquo Origini XXI 187ndash205

Cazzella A and Moscoloni M 1994 lsquoI contesti di rinvenimento e il signifi cato della presenza delle ceramiche drsquoimportazione e di alcuni reperti metallici alla Punta di Mezzogiornorsquo In Marazzi M and Tusa S (eds) Vivara centro commerciale mediterraneo dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo II Roma 107ndash116

Cazzella A Pace A and Recchia G 2007 lsquoCultural Contacts and Mobility between the South central Mediterranean and the Aegean during the Second half of the 3rd millennium BCrsquo In Antoniadou S and Pace A (eds) Mediterranean Crossroads Athens 243ndash260

Cazzella A and Recchia G 2004ndash6 lsquoRevisiting Anomalies New Excavations at Tas-Silg and A Comparison with Other Megalithic Temples in Maltarsquo Accordia Research Papers 10 61ndash70

Cazzella A and Recchia G 2006ndash7 lsquoLrsquoarea sacra megalitica di Tas-Silg (Malta) nuovi elementi per lo studio dei modelli architett onici e delle pratiche cultualirsquo Scienze dellrsquoAntichitagrave 13 689ndash699


Cipolloni Sampograve M 1987 lsquoManifestazioni funerarie e strutt ura socialersquo Scienze dellrsquoAntichitagrave 1 55ndash119

Cocchi Genick D 2004 (ed) Il Bronzo recente in Italia Viareggio

Coppola D 2001ndash2 lsquoDal neolitico allrsquoetagrave dei metalli in Italia sud-orientale nuovi rinvenimenti nel Salentorsquo Att i della Societagrave per la Preistoria e la Protostoria della Regione Friuli ndash Venezia Giulia XIII 111ndash135

Cultraro M 2006 I Micenei RomaDavico A 1967 lsquoNota sulle strutt ure architett onichersquo In Cagiano

de Azevedo M Caprino C Ciasca A Coleiro E Davico A Garbini G Moscati S Pugliese B Rossignani M P and Tamassia A M (eds) Missione Archeologica Italiana a Malta Rapporto preliminare della campagna 1966 Roma 37ndash41

Di Gennaro F 1997 lsquoCollegamenti tra Eolie e coste tirreniche nellrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo In Tusa 1997 421ndash428

Eneix L C 2003 (ed) Exploring the Maltese Prehistoric Temple Culture Malta electronic book

Evans J D 1953 lsquoThe Prehistoric Culture ndash sequence in the Maltese Archipelagorsquo Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 19 41ndash94

Evans J D 1956 lsquoThe Dolmens of Malta and the Origins of the Tarxien Cemetery Culturersquo Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 22 85ndash101

Evans J D 1971 The Prehistoric Antiquities of the Maltese Islands London

Forenbaher S and Kaiser T 2000 lsquoGrapceva Spilja i apsolutno datiranje istocnojadranskog neolitikarsquo Vjesnik za Arheologĳ u i Historju Dalmatinsku 92 9ndash34

Giannitrapani E 1997 lsquoRapporti tra la Sicilia e Malta durante lrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo In Tusa 1997 429ndash443

Giardino C 2004 lsquoLa Sicilia I ripostiglirsquo In Cocchi Genick 2004 347ndash356

Guglielmino R 2005 lsquoRoca Vecchia nuove testimonianze di relazioni con lrsquoEgeo e il Mediterraneo orientale nellrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 637ndash650

Guzzardi L 1991ndash2 lsquoInsediamento dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo a Vendicari (Noto) con ceramiche del tipo Thapsos Tarxien Cemetery e Borg in-Nadurrsquo Rassegna di Archeologia 7 772ndash773

Guzzardi L 2008 lsquoLrsquoarea del Siracusano e lrsquoarcipelago maltese nella preistoriarsquo In Bonanno and Militello 2008 39ndash48

Houmlckmann O 1977 lsquoFruumlhe und mitt lere Bronzezeitrsquo In Bucholz H G (ed) Aegaumlische Bronzezeit Darmstadt 29ndash120

Hood S 1973 lsquoNorthern Penetration of Greece at the End of the Early Helladic Period and Contemporary Balkan Chronologyrsquo In Crossland R A and Birchall A (eds) Bronze Age Migrations in the Aegean London 59ndash71

Koumouzelis M K 1980 The Early and Middle Helladic Periods in Elis Diss Brandeis University Microfi lm International 8024537


La Rosa V 2004 (ed) Le presenze micenee nel territorio siracusano Att i del I Simposio Siracusano di Preistoria Siciliana Padova

La Rosa V 2005 lsquoPour une reacutefl exion sur le probleacuteme de la premiegravere preacutesence eacutegeacuteenne en Sicilersquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 571ndash583

Lamb W 1936 Excavations at Thermi in Lesbos Cambridge

Levi S T Sonnino M and Jones R E 2006 lsquoEppur si muove Problematiche e risultati delle indagini sulla circolazione della ceramica dellrsquoetagrave del bronzo in Italiarsquo Att i della XXXIX Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Firenze 1093ndash1111

Malone C Stoddart S Bonanno A Trump D Gouder T and Pace A 2009 Mortuary Customs in Prehistoric Malta Cambridge

Maniscalco L 2000 lsquoOsservazioni sulla produzione metallurgica in Sicilia nellrsquoantica etagrave del Bronzorsquo Sicilia Archeologica 33 159ndash166

Maran J 1998 Kulturwandel auf dem griechischen Festland und den Kykladen im spaumlten 3Jt v Chr Bonn

Marazzi M 2001a lsquoI contatt i transmarini nella preistoria sicilianarsquo In Tusa 2001 365ndash374

Marazzi M 2001b lsquoLe lsquoscritt ure eolianersquo segni grafi ci sulle ceramichersquo In Tusa 2001 459ndash471

Marazzi M and Tusa S 2005 lsquoEgei in occidente Le piugrave antiche vie maritt ime alla luce dei nuovi scavi sulllsquoisola di Pantelleriarsquo In Laffi neur and Greco 2005 599ndash609

Marino D and Pacciarelli M 1996 lsquoArticolazioni culturali e cronologiche Calabriarsquo In Cocchi Genick D (ed) Lrsquoantica etagrave del Bronzo in Italia Firenze 147ndash162

Moscett a M P 1988 lsquoIl ripostiglio di Lipari Nuove considerazioni per un inquadramento cronologico e culturalersquo Dialoghi di Archeologia III s 61 53ndash78

Pacciarelli M 2000 Dal villaggio alla citt agrave (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 4) Firenze

Pacciarelli M and Vagnett i L 2004 lsquoPunta di Zambrone (Zambrone VV) abitato fortifi cato costiero del Bronzo medio e recentersquo Att i della XXXVII Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Firenze 839ndash842

Pace A 2003 lsquoMalta between the 16th and the 7th Century BCrsquo In Stampolidis N C (ed) Sea Routeshellip From Sidon to Huelva Interconnections in the Mediterranean 16thndash6th c BC Athens 197ndash202

Pace A 2004 lsquoThe Maltese Bronze Agersquo In Cilia D (ed) Malta before History Malta 211ndash219

Palio O 2004 lsquoProiezioni esterne e dinamiche interne nellrsquoarea siracusana fra il Bronzo Antico e Mediorsquo In La Rosa 2004 73ndash98

Palio O 2008 lsquoOgnina Malta e lrsquoEgeorsquo In Bonanno and Militello 2008 71ndash80

Peroni R 1971 Lrsquoetagrave del bronzo nella penisola italiana 1 Lrsquoantica etagrave del bronzo Firenze

Procelli E 1981 lsquoIl complesso tombale di contrada Paolina e il problema dei rapporti tra Sicilia e Malta nella prima etagrave del Bronzorsquo Bollett ino drsquoArte 9 83ndash110

Protic G 1988 lsquoLrsquoetagrave del bronzo nella Dalmazia centralersquo Annali Benacensi 9 199ndash225

Radina F 1989 lsquoInsediamenti della prima etagrave dei metalli in territorio di Rutigliano (Bari)rsquo In Ciancio A (ed) Archeologia e territorio lrsquoarea peuceta Putignano 15ndash27

Radina F and Recchia G 2003 lsquoLrsquoincidenza dei traffi ci maritt imi sullrsquoorganizzazione dei centri costieri della Puglia durante lrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo Att i della XXXV Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Firenze 631ndash643

Radina F and Recchia G 2006 lsquoScambi senza ceramica ambra avorio e pasta vitrea nei rapporti tra Italia sud-orientale e mondo egeorsquo Att i della XXXIX Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Firenze 1555ndash1565


Rambach J 2001 lsquoBemerkungen zur Zeitstellung der Apsidenhaumluser in der Altis von Olympiarsquo In Boumlhmer R M and Maran J (eds) Lux Orientis Archaumlologie zwischen Asien und Europa Festschrift fuumlr H Hauptmann Rahden 332ndash333

Rambach J 2004 lsquoOlympia im ausgehenden 3 Jahrtausend v Chr Bindeglied zwischen zentralen und oumlstlichem Mittelmeerraumrsquo In Alram-Stern E (ed) Die aumlgaumlische Fruumlhzeit 2 Wien 1199ndash1244

Recchia G 2004ndash5 lsquoIl tempio e llsquoarea sacra megalitica di Tas-Silg le nuove scoperte dagli scavi nei livelli del III e del II millennio aCrsquo Scienze dellrsquoAntichitagrave 12 233ndash262

Recchia G 2011 lsquoBurial Mounds and lsquoSpecchiersquo in Apulia during the Bronze Age Local Developments and Transadriatic Connectionsrsquo In Borgna E and Muumlller Celka S (eds) Ancestral Lanscapes Burial Mounds in the Copper and Bronze Age Lyon 475ndash484

Sagona C 2008 lsquoMalta between a rock and a hard placersquo In Sagona C (ed) Beyond the Homeland Markers in Phoenician Chronology Leuven-Paris-Dudley MA 487ndash536

Stone J F S 1971 lsquoFaience Beads from the Tarxien Cemeteryrsquo In Evans 1971 235ndash236

Tagliaferro N 1910 lsquoThe Prehistoric Pott ery Found in the Hypogeum at Hal-Safl ieni Casal Paula Maltarsquo Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 3 1ndash21

Talamo P Passariello I Lubritt o C and Terrasi F 2011 lsquoEvoluzione culturale in Campania indagine cronologica sistematica tramite datazioni radiocarbonichersquo Att i della XLIII Riunione Scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Firenze 39ndash48

Tanasi D 2008 La Sicilia e lrsquoarcipelago maltese nellrsquoetagrave del Bronzo medio (KASA 3) Palermo

Terranova G 2003 lsquoMaltese Temples and Hypogeism New Data about the Relationship between Malta and Sicily during the III and II millennium BCrsquo In Eneix 2003 1ndash21

Terranova G 2008 lsquoLe tombe a fronte pilastrata problemi di lett ura metricarsquo In Bonanno and Militello 2008 55ndash70

Tigano G Levi S T Moffa C and Vanzetti A 1994 lsquoMilazzo Resti di abitato protostorico nella zona del Borgo Relazione preliminare (campagna di scavo 1995ndash96)rsquo Quaderni dellrsquoIstituto di Archeologia della Facoltagrave di Lett ere e Filosofi a dellrsquoUniversitagrave di Messina 9 5ndash15

Tinegrave V 2001 lsquoGrott a Petrosa di Palmi i livelli dellrsquoetagrave del Bronzorsquo In Agostino R (ed) Palmi un territorio riscoperto Soveria Mannelli 127ndash137

Tomasello F 2004 lsquoLrsquoarchitett ura rsquomicenearsquo nel Siracusano To-ko-do-mo a-pe-o o de-me-o-tersquo In La Rosa 2004 187ndash215

Trump D 1961 lsquoThe Later Prehistory of Maltarsquo Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 27 253ndash262

Trump D 1966 Skorba OxfordTusa S 1997 (ed) Prima Sicilia PalermoTusa S 2001 (ed) Preistoria Dalle coste della Sicilia alle Isole

Flegree PalermoVagnett i L 1982 lsquoQuindici anni di studi e ricerche sulle

relazioni tra il mondo egeo e lrsquoItalia protostoricarsquo In Vagnett i L (ed) Magna Grecia e mondo miceneo Nuovi documenti Taranto 9ndash40

Vagnett i L 1996 lsquoEspansione e diff usione dei Miceneirsquo In Sett is S (ed) I Greci Storia Cultura Arte Societagrave 2 Una storia greca 1 Formazione Torino 135ndash172

Vianello A 2005 Late Bronze Age Mycenaean and Italic Products in the West Mediterranean (British Archaeological Report 1439) Oxford

Voza G 1973 lsquoThapsosrsquo In Pelagatt i P and Voza G (ed) Archeologia nella Sicilia sud-orientale Napoli 30ndash52

Voza G 1980ndash81 lsquoLrsquoatt ivitagrave della Soprintendenza alle Antichitagrave della Sicilia orientalersquo Kokalos XXVIndashXXVII 674ndash693

Voza G 1992 lsquoThapsosrsquo In Rocchi M and Vagnett i L (eds) Seminari dellrsquoIstituto SMEA Roma 43ndash50

7

External role in the social transformation of nuragic society A case study from Sagraverrala Eastern Sardinia

Middle Bronze to Early Iron Age

Luca Lai

IntroductionThe island of Sardinia was marked during the Middle Bronze to the Early Iron Ages by a consistent pool of cultural elements including but not limited to monumental architecture which are commonly labelled as lsquoNuragic civilizationrsquo Among its prominent features is the presence of the nuraghe aft er which the term was coined consisting in one or several connected stone towers spread over the landscape at varying density it has by now been acquired that nuraghi were mostly built 1600 to 1200 BC whereas aft er the Final Bronze Age for the most part these structures were only reused partially destroyed and also reproduced in bronze and stone miniatures This and several other clues have brought to a wide agreement that profound changes characterized Nuragic society starting from the end of the 2nd millennium BC when diff erent types of cult sites and burial sites replace the central role of chamber burials that accompanied ndash or even preceded ndash tower-building This change in many aspects of material culture involves also an intensifi ed circulation of metal and a progressive centrality of water in religious practices (monumental wells and springs)

Beyond these very broad trends recognized in their essence already by Giovanni Lilliu (Lilliu 1988) our understanding of the Nuragic culture of Sardinia still refl ects the problem of a general time lag in the theory and approaches utilized by most local archaeologists a lag well expressed by Gary Webster in the mid-1990s (Webster 1996 18) This has partially changed but there is a very strong culture-historical tradition that in large part identifi es change in the Nuragic society and identity with change in material culture This means

that some approaches (for instance palaeoeconomy or the application of social anthropology to the interpretation of the archaeological record) that in other countries were already applied since the 1960s in Sardinia started being brought to scholarly att ention only in the late 1970s and mostly later Issues of interaction between climate environment and human groups and their practices are still impossible to tackle due to the disheartening lack of any kind of data about Sardinian paleoenvironment Archaeological theory is still a minor component in the education of the average local archaeologist and this aff ects the reconstruction of history

This is to underline the reasons why the debates on interpretive models explaining or describing the transformation of Nuragic society are relatively scarce compared to the data on material culture amassed through the decades It is not the scope of this paper to review the history of the hypotheses on the origin of Nuragic architecture as the main element of Nuragic culture This view has a long tradition and is still a common approach in local archaeology (Ugas 1999 Tanda 2002) Here I aim to outline some of the few anthropologically sound models describing and interpreting change in Nuragic society in order to measure against them the evidence from the case-study area Such models by Gary Webster (1996) Mauro Perra (1997) and Emma Blake (1999) show radically diff erent perspectives both on the intensity of interaction with outsiders and on their role in local social dynamics

Websterrsquos model remains the only comprehensive reading of Nuragic society grounded in anthropological theory an interpretation that has also been applied in

7 External role in the social transformation of nuragic society 93

other prehistoric European contexts (Webster 1990) labour control features in it as the main means used by emerging groups to acquire political power The conditions for unequal labour control would have been circumscription1 and a highly diversifi ed level of economic risk so that under slowly-growing population during the Early through Late Bronze Age (EBA LBA) such diff erences between areas would have generated inequalities within and between groups in productive output land-use practices further demographic growth and economic security The EBA (2300ndash1800 BC) and the Middle Bronze Age (MBA 1800ndash1300 BC) are viewed as pioneering times with lsquocloningrsquo and dispersal of small settlements (nuraghi) to be intended as farmsteads When confl ict arises andor resources are not suffi cient fi ssion or the breaking off of one community into two is still a viable response compared to the risk of subordination perceived by one group relative to another This is viable due to lack of circumscription in an environment still rich in available land Organization is still tribal and egalitarian In the LBAndashFinal Bronze Age (FBA) (1300ndash900 BC although in Webster they are clumped under the LBA label) diff erentiation begins as spaces in the landscape are fi lled and fi ssion is not an option in many areas of the island Accumulation of labour and livestock starts (ie Webster 1996 especially 149ndash152) In the Early Iron Age (EIA aft er 900 BC) Phoenician trade becomes a catalyst for change by providing new markets for surplus and prestige exchange Population is at this point stable or declining and concentration of power progresses with clients moving from marginalized groups to the largest polities At this point the emerging centres would transition toward more verticalized structures and become chiefl y (so called aristocratic groups in Lilliu 1988 also more recently Usai 2009 264ndash267)

In Websterrsquos model control over wealth and ideology comes only in the EIA to stabilize power which was already held by elites due to local dynamics Only then some kind of separate mortuary treatment would start along with the hoarding of metal and possibly the rise of priestly classes (ie Webster 1996 195ndash197) Litt le room is left for any externally-originated actor to substantially aff ect the events on the island The signs of maritime contacts are estimated as minor episodes in a scenario of essential isolation through EBA and MBA substantially broken only by sustained Phoenician trade from the 9th century BC

Perra (1997) on the other hand relies on a diff erent reading of the data where no nuraghi are att ributed to the EBA but all to the MBAndashLBA Most building eff orts including construction of most megalithic tombs would pertain to a limited time frame between

1500 and 1200 BC According to this perspective exotic goods and the nuraghi themselves would refl ect social inequality a scenario is outlined where the elites that had already emerged in the fi nal EBA gradually att empt in the MBA (1700ndash1350 BC) and LBA (1350ndash1200 BC) to accumulate material and symbolic capital in the form of livestock and the building of nuraghi The towers would be true ldquoprestige goods in which surplus produce can be investedrsquo (ie Perra 1997 58) all pieces of a deliberate strategy to break the communal rules of power management and land tenure Fission would not represent resistance against the authority of big men but rather a means of social reproduction of the elites who would lead new agrarian colonisations Organization would have become rationally aimed at surplus production and trade Perra att ributes a crucial role for the legitimization of elites in the LBA to the infl uence of lsquosolid ideologic relations with Aegean and Eastern tradersrsquo (ie Perra 1997 62) as bearers of ideas of social stratifi cation established in trading posts such as Nuraghe Antigori in the Southern coast of Sardinia a site which yielded the largest fi nd of Mycenaean pott ery on the island This would have given the input to the strategic use of alternative arenas for ritual manipulation found in wells springs and temples in opposition to the ancestral megalithic tombs In such new contexts naturalizing power would have been easier by enmeshing it with ritual and so the justifi cation and intensifi cation of wealth accumulation (prestige items and particularly metal)

Such a model of social reproduction would have caused intense confl ict which is documented at many sites in the FBA (1200ndash1020 BC) Rather than lack of land for fi ssioning such confl ict would have arisen from widespread rebellions of exploited groups and would have prompted the reorganization of the whole territorial system In the EIA (1020ndash900 BC) aft er the FBA as a period of crisis signs of economic recovery and of renewed intensifi cation of long-distance trade are identifi ed (Perra 1997 Usai 2009 264)

As a representative of post-processual perspective Blake (1999) developed an interpretation of Nuragic society that does not stress any signifi cant role of external contacts The center of her outline is the shaping of Nuragic identity and cultural transformations are described and read in very circumscribed terms The defi nition of identity boundaries is indeed put in connection with lsquothe otherrsquo but the subject of her examination is mostly the opposition with the antecedents rather than with any of the surrounding Mediterranean groups The creation of nuraghi would have followed the first lsquogiantsrsquo tombsrsquo (EBA and MBA) chamber tombs with a marked semi-circular area before the entrance Their placement at a higher

Luca Lai94

altitude than the tomb within sight and with a fairly regular relative orientation would have symbolically represented the eff ort to incorporate such older ritual sites (deriving from Chalcolithic megalithic structures) in the new lsquoNuragicrsquo identity Economic phenomena do not feature in Blakersquos model (1999 50)

The evidence in Sagraverrala eastern SardiniaThe term Sagraverrala defi nes a low-lying coastal area of eastern Sardinia (Fig 71) covering approximately 25km2 with fairly clear geographic borders (Fig 72) to the north two steep and rocky mountains to the west the watershed of a steep hilly range with a few passes to the valleys further inland to the south beyond the Barisoni stream bed a distinct hill marks the narrowing of the coastal lowland To the east is the Tyrrhenian Sea with a coastline running northndash

south shaped by two bays This area geographically well-defi ned also has a specifi c historic identity oral tradition matched by historical and archival evidence locates in the area a medieval village2 Its coherence as a unit for studying prehistoric spatial organization seems confi rmed by the high density of Nuragic structures at its centre in opposition to an apparently lower density all around

A selective survey with additional mapping of nine nuraghi was done in 2000 (ie Lai 2001) Other sites had been mapped previously (ie Cannas 1972 Basoli 1980) with uneven standards Further fi eldwork carried out by the author and Mr Stefano Crispu documented the architectural elements and spatial arrangement of the structures Through this survey it was determined that four more nuraghi are in good conditions fi ve have apparently been destroyed whereas the existence of fi ve more cited by non-academic sources (ie Cannas 1964 1989) needs to be verifi ed Information from

Figure 71 Map of Sardinia showing basic relief and the location of Ogliastra in the eastern area and the location of the case-study area Sarrala


the excavated site of Nuraghe Nastasi (ie Contu 1968 Basoli 1980) was reviewed and integrated with new observations with the aim of gathering chronological clues and particularly of correlating the tentative sequence based on architecture with absolute chronology

Comparing the data collected in 2000 with data from elsewhere on the island important diff erences can be highlighted out of 24 nuraghi in the area 11 are complex six single-towered and seven completely erased or destroyed About 65 of the sites that can be mapped are complex which compares with 28

Figure 72 Map of the study area showing basic contour lines and the archaeological sites dating to the Nuragic Age (MBA to EIA) The diff erent types of sites the diff erence in complexity among the sites and the presence of basalt at four nuraghi and the sacred well are indicated

Luca Lai96

(mentioned by Lilliu 1988 365) estimated for the whole island Local surveys show proportions from ~7 to 35 with one area only with 465 (Webster 1996 131 and tab 5) If we assume for Sagraverrala that most of the destroyed and disappeared structures are likely to have been simple (single-towered) due to the diff erence in the labour to be applied to demolition and we pool such sites cited in the literature with the observable ones the ratio of complex nuraghi is lower (45) but still the second highest in Sardinia aft er ArdiaBisarcio (ibid) This may mark a specifi city of this area or refl ect the lack of in-depth collection of information regarding destroyed sites elsewhere Preliminary results of a similar investigation in progress concerning the megalithic tombs in the same area lead to similar conclusions on the potential bias in reconstructing the landscape several structures in fact have disappeared in the last century due to the use of mechanic devices in agriculture When taking into account such disappeared sites as mentioned in older sources (Cannas 1964 1989) the proportion of pairs made up by nuraghe + tomb vs nuraghe only (~11) is much higher than reported anywhere else (eg Webster 1996 144)

The chronology of corridor single-towered and complex nuraghi is still debated for the whole island (eg Perra 1997 Ugas 1999 Tanda 2002) and analysing architectural features over wide areas is not a reliable method for establishing relative chronology However at such scale (25km2) architectural elements are more susceptible to provide a trustworthy though approximate indication of relative age since the area represents a geographic environmental and historic unit unlikely to have developed radically independent building practices So even though it is not yet possible to relate the local sequence with the socio-demographic developments suggested for Nuragic society in general it is possible to suggest a probable articulation of the building history of the area in four groupsphases and to tentatively outline the patt erns of occupation between MBA and EIA this articulation is based on a few basic elements relationships between wall stratigraphic units masonry and architectural solutions

Phase I includes the only two sett lements with clearly archaic traits that likely precede later standardization Nuraghi Nastasi and Barisograveni instead of canonical features (ie regular towers with circular plan staircase running within the wall opening on the left side of the entrance corridor tholos ceiling Contu 1981) show simpler solutions This suggests that Nuraghe Nastasirsquos central lsquotowerrsquo (C) (Basoli 1980 Lai 2001) probably never was a tower A ledge along the inner side of the circular wall would make impossible for such a wall

to bear the weight of a stone vault There are no stairs nor the typical large niches Large boulders roughly shaped are used and two added rooms (B and G) show a similar masonry The central tower (A) at Nuraghe Barisograveni does feature the standard staircase but also on the other hand a slanted plan and an entrance corridor covered with fl at slabs up to the ceiling top instead of a full vault (Melis 2002) The structure was later repaired when basalt had become available

Phase II is characterized by several standard single-towered nuraghi3 Although in some cases it is impossible to verify all elements the presence of a regularly circular plan and in some cases the staircase has been taken as a clue for this identifi cation Masonry is more regular with smaller bett er-worked stones

During Phase III additions were made at a number of sites around the central tower 4 indicating some degree of expansion The building stone however is only local Due to the lack of published stratigraphic data it is impossible to test whether in case of complex structures the central tower preceded the additions only as a technical procedure or its life as a single tower lasted for any considerable amount of time before the enclosures and additions In some cases sharp diff erences in masonry may be indicative

Phase IV is defi ned by the use of basalt in the structures and represents the last additions to existing structures at only fi ve sites nuraghi Nastagravesi Barisograveni Longu lsquoAleacuteri and the recently investigated monumental well of Sa Bregravecca (Crispu personal communication 2009) The nuraghi show the addition of one or two courtyards and two to four rooms making this group similar to group III with basalt as the only distinctive trait These data indicate that only four habitation sites had the capacity and the networks needed to import stone from the closest basalt source about 20km north on the Tyrrhenian coast Since these sites are the most complex it seems that building activity at this point was restricted to them only

The wider picture regional and Mediterranean patt ernsThe use of some basalt is an important point As anticipated this is not a local stone the local bedrock is dominated by granitoid formations with schist sporadically present The closest basalt geological source is about 20km to the north along the coast other sources being much more distant The provenience of the basalt observed in Sagraverrala from such a source the only one within a 50 km-radius located on the mountain Teccu (municipality of Barisardo province of Ogliastra Fig 73) is also confi rmed by the continuous


Figure 73 Map of southern-central Ogliastra on the east coast of Sardinia with the municipalities surveyed and the nuraghi Those where basalt is found are marked to show its distribution south of the geological source (which is also indicated) Some of the sites mentioned in the text are also shown

Luca Lai98

distribution between the two points at several other sites at less than fi ve km from the coast

A wide area within the Ogliastra province which included at its centre the basalt source has been surveyed in the 1980s (Archeosystem 1990) Looking at the distribution of nuraghi with basalt in the stonework in Sagraverrala and in the rest of Ogliastra province enables the recognition of a distinct patt ern Besides the sites in Sagraverrala which are the most complex of the area there are other sites to the north where basalt is used and they are similarly all large and complex structures (for example Nuraghi Sa Brocca Murcu Cardeacutedu see Archeosystem 1990 157 164 166) Looking at the entire area it is striking that there is no use of basalt along the coast to the north of the source in contrast with at least thirteen sites to the south (the most distant being over 20km apart away from it) Basalt is observed at four ritual sites in Ogliastra (see Fig 73) three wells within the surveyed areas (Perda rsquoe Frograveris Cuccuddagravedas and Sa Bregravecca) and a so-called sanctuary of SrsquoArcu rsquoe is Forros (Lo Schiavo 1978 Fadda 1997) Two of these sites are located over 15km from the coast These site types are commonly dated to the FBAndashEIA which suggests the possible chronology of basalt use at other sites

Considering the chronology of the fi nds at Nastasi the bett er published site in Sagraverrala a few points can be made Mainly items dating to the FBAndashEIA were retrieved in the eastern courtyard ndash built with large use of basalt ndash whereas in earlier rooms oxhide ingot fragments and a Mycenaean LHIIIC sherd were recovered Since the Aegean pott ery dates to the 12thndashbeginning 11th century BC (chronology from Shelmerdine 1997 540) it is likely that basalt at Nastasi was probably used later a date that could be cautiously extended to the other four sites Conversely the previous phases IndashII in the whole area should be earlier than the 12th century BC and phase III may be slightly earlier or contemporaneous

Discussion social dynamics metal and basaltThe presence of metal artefacts of Aegean and Cypriot manufacture in Eastern Sardinia as well as the presence of Nuragic pott ery on Lipari and Crete testifi es to the existence of long-distance routes (eg Lo Schiavo 1995 2003) It is widely debated in what way this trade prompted favoured or determined the increase in complexity and the profound changes in material culture from the LBA to the EIA discussed in the introduction or if it did at all Among the important points is whether in this trade there was an active participation of the indigenous communities

and whether exogenous stimuli or internal dynamics determined the change

According to the limited evidence basalt was not used in the study area until the FBA or EIA This may be due to the lack of transport technology andor contacts outside the area whether terrestrial or maritime Its coastal distribution suggests that a maritime rather than a terrestrial route was utilized and the absence of basalt to the north of the source indicates a southward route The timing of basalt use evidently corresponds with a restriction of the surplus labor needed for construction to a few sites

So why is basalt used in habitation sites only at a later time only on the coast and only southwards from the source Why are cult sites possibly even later the only other cases where basalt is employed I argue that this could make sense if the stone for habitation sites was loaded on boats as other kinds of items were unloaded at more northern coastal sites making a sort of by-product of long-distance transport of more precious items Such a patt ern seems highly compatible with long-distance trade of prestige items carried out through sea routes linking diff erent shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea in a counter-clockwise fashion similarly to what is suggested for the Eastern Mediterranean (Crete-Egypt-Syria in Bass 1997) This is certainly not the archaeological correlate for down-the-line small scale locally-based maritime connections for which a radial distribution gradually decreasing with distance has been identifi ed as the material trace Under this hypothesis we would have to explain the unevenness in mutual relations among Nuragic polities one that united the communities south of the geological source but not those to the north even more inexplicable considering that the source was likely unguarded due to its extensiveness along the seaside which made it fairly accessible

Can the role of external contacts in stimulating or speeding social change in the study area be inferred Considering the evidence for such contacts we have to agree with Webster that it is comparatively sporadic until the FBA or later In Sardinia just Nuraghe Antigori (Ferrarese Ceruti 1983) yielded fair quantities of foreign pott ery before the EIA nothing comparable to sites in Sicily and southern Italy Conversely fragmentary or whole oxhide ingots can be found throughout the island even far inland Interestingly likely imported metal items excavated at Nastasi (Tertenigravea) near the well at Perda rsquoe Frograveris (Lanusei) and at SrsquoArcu rsquoe is Fograverros (Villagrande Strisagraveili) seem to overlap with the presence of non-local basalt This leads to identify pott ery as a rare exotic item that did not imply intense contacts with external groups of Mycenaean culture Contrary to what is observed for pott ery the fact that Sardinia accounts


for over one fi ft h of all the ox-hide ingots fi nds of the whole Mediterranean (Jones 2007) implies a substantial link with the eastern Mediterranean since most copper circulating in Sardinia aft er 1200 BC seems likely to come from Cyprus (as shown by Gale 2001) Such large amounts of copper appear to refl ect a regular contact with sailors but without any parallel increase in other eastern imports Pott ery is overwhelmingly local and foreign artifacts are still rare exotica This seems to contrast with claims of a structural ideological transfer of concepts that legitimized inequality

Even though the provenience of copper from Sardinian artefacts is still debated the presence in Sardinia of large amounts of foreign metal associated with essentially indigenous social dynamics (see models by Webster 1996 and Blake 1999) points to a selective mode of acquiring material goods from outsiders such acquisition without excluding possible use of local ores (ie Begemann et al 2001) undoubtedly involved large imports of copper from Cyprus but nonetheless all items were used in local social arenas in ways and contexts consistent with indigenous dynamics In the inter-community competition that appears in the case-study only some centres were able to secure the contact with the outside world that granted access to basalt and by inference to metal Access to metal had likely become a key element of symbolic capital necessary to bend the egalitarian codes regulating political life that had previously prevented rising elites from institutionalizing their authority In Sagraverrala only the groups based at nuraghi rsquoAleri Longu Nastasi and Barisoni were able to acquire metal and basalt to progressively impose their leadership on other groups and increase their control of labour refl ected in the ability to enlarge their nuraghi further enhancing their regional primacy

The suggested link between access to metal basalt and social diff erentiation is supported by the fact that the same stone is also used in the sacred wells the new ritual catalysts It has been observed over the whole island that ritual sites such as wells springs and more formalized temples (Webster 1996 146ndash149) reach their peak in the FBA and mostly EIA when megalithic tombs and nuraghi lose their monopoly as foci of community life The evidence in Ogliastra connects some known wells (Sa Bregravecca Cuccuddagravedas Pegraverda rsquoe Frograveris SrsquoArcu rsquoe is Fograverros) to access to basalt as they have some in their stonework and also to fi nds of ox-hide ingots (Lo Schiavo 1998) These diff erent elements coincide with the phase of concentration of surplus labour identifi able in building activity at a limited number of nuraghi

If the diff erence between Sagraverrala and most documented areas in Sardinia concerning the proportion of complex

sites refl ects Bronze Age landscapes and not biased preservation this indicates specific organizational developments in diff erent areas Possibly in the other areas (Webster 1996 131) nucleation into complex sites followed more rapidly the phase of fi ssion In Sagraverrala instead concentration of power did not reach the same degree and several communities kept enough control of their own labour as to enlarge their own nuraghi before yielding to emerging groups possibly aft er the 12th century BC something similar to Colin Renfrewrsquos peer-polity interaction (Renfrew 1986) for a longer period of time

Was there a Nuragic active role in the transportation of basalt and possibly metal Taken generally this is a complex question beyond the scope of this paper From an island-wide perspective some clues indicate that some groups at some point had the necessary navigation technology and probably engaged in long-distance seafaring the bronze ship miniatures (Guerrero Ayuso 2004 Depalmas 2005) some of which date from the FBA but most to the EIA and the possible identifi cation of the Sherden cited in Egyptian texts dating to the 12th and 11th century BC as Nuragic groups (Tykot 1994) However despite the fi nds of Nuragic pott ery on Crete and Lipari between LBA and FBA and of bronze ship fi gurines at several Villanovan-Etruscan sites there are no clear signs of a stable presence of Nuragic traders outside of the island Nothing from Sagraverrala helps in identifying any active role of local sailors in this trade The evidence described above at the moment seems compatible with long-distance trade specialized in other kinds of merchandise where actors were not based locally and traded stone as a secondary incidental activity a by-product of trading with a diff erent focus Eastern Sardinia may either represent a regional diff erence within the larger Nuragic society or provide clues to understand more generalized phenomena In other words authentic Nuragic fl eets could possibly only date to the EIA (aft er 850 BC) during the renewed intensifi cation of external contacts that has been identifi ed aft er the turmoil of the FBA (Usai 2009 263ndash264) Otherwise navigation would only pertain to selected Nuragic communities in other areas and long-distance trade could have been limited to a few groups Therefore both non-Sardinian homelands or centres from elsewhere on the island could be the base for these traders

Conclusions and future directionsIn this paper the presence of different building phases in the area of Sagraverrala helped outline the probable evolution of settlement patterns which

Luca Lai100

generally confi rms previous reconstructions of social developments on the island in a sequence that involves from the initial appearance in the MBA on any given area fi rst demographic expansion the fi lling of agricultural land with small sett lements and the subsequent increase in complexity of some settlements with the creation of a three-layered sett lement hierarchy over the course of the LBA and FBA (Webster 1996 Perra 1997) The use of basalt in the stonework has been identifi ed in the last building phase of a few habitation sites likely to be placed aft er the 12th century BC In the wider eastern Sardinian area basalt appears to be associated with sacred wells possibly later and metal imports Moreover this material is distributed along the coast only to the south of the geological source It is argued that this patt ern is compatible with counter-clockwise long-distance southward seafaring rather than down-the-line trading which leads to the identifi cation of basalt as a new item traded on maritime routes

From a broader perspective these data fit the evidence for contacts with outsiders that cannot be considered as intense until the 13thndash12th century and aft er when they are likely linked to the import of metal especially copper Bronze was then manufactured and used within types of political-ritual arenas that were fully indigenous and was selectively identifi ed as sociallyritually signifi cant as was the rare Mycenaean pott ery in previous centuries Access to metal was probably important to strengthen the authority of emerging elites but was given meaning within an indigenous cultural framework aft er transformation into various kinds of items

There seems to be no signs of structural changes directly stimulated by contacts with outsiders especially through ideological infl uence Elites if and where they existed as such had been unable until then to institutionalize their authority and break the traditional egalitarian ideology in a way that is archaeologically visible as shown by the burial in collective tombs without any class markers (Blake 2002 121ndash122) access to external trade may have proven one of the instruments used to increase their prestige yet within social contexts that appear fully determined by internal dynamics Outsiders engaging in long-distance trade whether their homeland was in the eastern Mediterranean or elsewhere in Sardinia provided metal for display ritual and warfare and also in the study area basalt for architectural use in the nuraghi and sacred wells that they controlled

The next steps of the research presented here will include the spatial extension of fi eldwork in order to record basalt distribution patt erns beyond the study area using published (Ledda 1989 Manunza

1995) and unpublished theses (Piroddi 1964 Melis 1975 Floreddu 1999 Vargiu 2000) and survey for uninvestigated areas The study of excavation records for the unpublished sites will provide indications on contexts and chronology Ways are also being explored to quantitatively estimate the volume and weight of imported stone which will contribute to assess the technology and labour needed for its transport

Notes1 Circumscription is here used in Robert Carneirorsquos meaning

the existence of limits to the freedom of migration determined by geographic and environmental borders but also within an environmentally bounded unit by political borders (Carneiro 1988) It also assumes population pressure and warfare as factors although warfare is not considered here as fundamental

2 The name itself has been connected back to Roman writer Ptolemaeus who placed in the area the urban center of Sarala (Cannas 1964 29ndash32)

3 Nuraghi Orrutt u Lionagi su Concali sa Cannera Longu rsquoAleri Nuragegraveddus su Tetiograveni Erbegraveis Crabiegraveli and possibly others among the disappeared unlikely to have been complex structures (Fig 72)

4 Nuraghi Orrutt u Lionagi su Concali sa Cannegravera Longu rsquoAleri Nuragegraveddus Marosini

AcknowledgementsMy thanks to all those involved in this study from my MA thesisrsquo advisors Enrico Atzeni and Giuseppa Tanda to the friends and relatives who collaborated and helped in many ways especially my friend Stefano Crispu my sister Alessandra Lai my mother Marina Melis and my wife Sharon Watson

ReferencesArcheosystem (ed) 1990 Progetto I Nuraghi ricognizione

archeologica in Ogliastra Barbagia Sarcidano Vols 2 I reperti Milano

Basoli P 1980 lsquoLrsquoarchitett ura e i materiali del Nuraghe Nastasi di Tertenia (Nuoro)rsquo Att i della XXII riunione scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Sardegna centro-sett entrionale 1978 Firenze 429ndash438

Bass G F 1997 lsquoProlegomena to a Study of Maritime Traffi c in Raw Materials to the Aegean during the Fourteenth and Thirteenth Centuries BCrsquo In Laffi neur R and Betancourt P P (eds) TEXNH Craft smen Craft swomen and Craft smanship in the Aegean Bronze Age (Aegaeum 16) Liegravege and Austin 153ndash170


Begemann F Schmitt -Strecker S Pernicka E and Lo Schiavo F 2001 lsquoChemical Composition and Lead Isotopy of Copper and Bronze from Nuragic Sardiniarsquo European Journal of Archaeology 4 43ndash85

Blake E 1999 lsquoIdentity mapping in the Sardinian Bronze Agersquo European Journal of Archaeology 2 35ndash55

Blake E 2002 lsquoSituating Sardiniarsquos giantsrsquo tombs in their spatial social and temporal contextsrsquo Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 11 119ndash127

Cannas V M 1964 Tertenia e dintorni nella storia e nella tradizione Cagliari

Cannas V M 1972 I nuraghi Aleri e Nastasi e le nuove scoperte archeologiche nel territorio di Tertenia Cagliari

Cannas V M 1989 Carta archeologica del comune di Tertenia (con relativa Guida) Cagliari

Carneiro R L 1988 rsquoThe Circumscription Theory Challenge and Responsersquo American Behavioral Scientist 31 497ndash511

Contu E 1968 lsquoNotiziario Nuraghe Nastasi (Tertenia)rsquo Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 23 422ndash423

Contu E 1981 lsquoLrsquoarchitett ura nuragica in Pugliese Carratelli G (ed) Ichnussa La Sardegna dalle origini allrsquoetagrave classica Milano 3ndash175

Depalmas A 2005 Le navicelle di bronzo della Sardegna nuragica Cagliari

Ferrarese Ceruti M L 1983 lsquoAntigori la torre F del complesso nuragico di Antigori (Sarroch-Cagliari) nota preliminarersquo In Magna Grecia e mondo miceneo att i del XXII convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia Taranto 1982 Taranto 187ndash206

Floreddu S R 1999 La preistoria e la protostoria del territorio di Villagrande Strisaili (Contributo al catalogo archeologico dei Fogli IGM n 516 sez II n 517 sez III n 530 sez I n 531 sez I e IV) Unpublished BA thesis University of Cagliari Cagliari

Gale N 2001 lsquoArchaeology Science-based Archaeology and the Mediterranean Bronze Age Metals Trade a Contribution to the Debatersquo European Journal of Archaeology 4 113ndash130

Guerrero Ayuso V M 2004 lsquoLa marina de la Cerdentildea nuraacutegicarsquo Pyrenae 35 59ndash97

Jones M R 2007 Oxhide Ingots Copper Production and the Mediterranean Trade in Copper and Other Metals in the Bronze Age MA thesis Texas AandM University College Station TX

Lai L 2001 Le strutture difensive di etagrave nuragica nellrsquoarea meridionale di Sarrala (Tertenia-Nuoro) Cagliari

Ledda R 1989 Censimento archeologico nel territorio del comune di Villaputzu Cagliari

Lilliu G 1988 La civiltagrave dei Sardi TorinoLo Schiavo F 1978 rsquoLingott i egei da rsquoPerda lsquoe Florisrsquo (Lanusei

Nuoro)rsquo In Sardegna centro-orientale dal neolitico alla fi ne del mondo antico Catalogo della mostra in occasione della XXII Riunione scientifi ca dellrsquoIstituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria Sassari 81ndash83

Lo Schiavo F 1995 lsquoCyprus and Sardinia in the Mediterranean Trades Routes toward the Westrsquo In Karageorghis V and Michaeolides D (eds) Proceedings of the International Symposium Cyprus and the Sea Nicosia Cyprus 1993 Nicosia 45ndash60

Lo Schiavo F 1998 lsquoSardinian Oxhide Ingots 1998rsquo In Metallurgica Antiqua In Honour of Hans-Gert Bachmann and Robert Maddin Bochum 99ndash112

Lo Schiavo F 2003 lsquoSardinia between East and West Interconnections in the Mediterraneanrsquo In Stampolidis N C and Karageroghis V (eds) Sea routeshellipfrom Sidon to Huelva interconnections in the Mediterranean 16th to 6th c BC Athens 152ndash161

Manunza M R 1995 Dorgali Monumenti antichi OristanoMelis P 2002 lsquoLocalitagrave Sagraverrala (Tertenia Nuoro)rsquo Nuovo

Bullett ino Archeologico Sardo 5 (1993ndash1995) 348ndash350Melis T 1975 Saggio di catalogo archeologico sul foglio 208 della

carta drsquoItalia quadrante III tavolett a S-E (Baunei) e quadrante II tavolett a S-O (Baunei) Unpublished BA thesis University of Cagliari Cagliari

Perra M 1997 lsquoFrom Deserted Ruins an Interpretation of Nuragic Sardiniarsquo Europaea 49ndash76

Piroddi G 1964 Saggio di Catalogo Archeologico sul foglio 219 della carta drsquoItalia Quadrante III Tav NO-SO Unpublished BA thesis University of Cagliari Cagliari

Renfrew C 1986 lsquoPeer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Changersquo In Renfrew C and Cherry J F (eds) Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-political Change Cambridge 1ndash18

Shelmerdine C W 1997 lsquoReview of Aegean Prehistory VI the Palatial Bronze Age of the Southern and Central Greek mainlandrsquo American Journal of Archaeology 101 537ndash585

Tanda G 2002 lsquoAlle origini della civiltagrave nuragicarsquo in Architett ura arte e artigianato nel Mediterraneo dalla preistoria allrsquoalto Medioevo Att i della tavola rotonda internazionale in memoria di Giovanni Tore Associazione Filippo Nissardi Oristano 63ndash75

Tykot R H 1994 lsquoSea Peoples in Etruria Italian Contacts with the Eastern Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Agersquo Etruscan Studies 1 59ndash83

Ugas G 1999 Architett ura e cultura materiale nuragica il tempo dei protonuraghi Cagliari

Usai A 2009 lsquoRifl essioni sul problema delle relazioni tra i Nuragici e i Fenicirsquo Sardinia Corsica et Baleares Antiquae International Journal of Archaeology 5 249ndash271

Vargiu L 2000 Catalogo dei monumenti preistorici del territorio comunale di Ulassai ndash Nuoro (IGM F 531 ndash SEZ II e III F 541 ndash SEZ I II III IV) Unpublished BA thesis University of Cagliari Cagliari

Webster G S 1990 lsquoLabor Control and Emergent Stratifi cation in Prehistoric Europersquo Current Anthropology 31 337ndash366

Webster G S 1996 A Prehistory of Sardinia 2300ndash500 BC Sheffi eld

8

Metalwork rituals and the making of elite identity in central Italy at the Bronze AgendashIron Age transition

Cristiano Iaia

IntroductionRecent research on Early Iron Age South Etruria has focused on the relevant topic of the emergence during the 9th century BC of a totally new kind of sett lement system and socio-political organization A recurrent debate among Italian scholars (eg Guidi 1985 Peroni and di Gennaro 1986 Pacciarelli 1991 2001) is the defi ning of a deep change process the formation of proto-urban centres At fi rst this involved the sudden abandonment of many sett lements of relatively small size (about 5ndash10 hectares) located on the top of hills or naturally defended positions and the subsequent transfer of their inhabitants on a handful of overwhelmingly larger plateaux (of more than 100 hectares) characterized by a close vicinitydirect access to essential resources and communication routes They later became the future Etruscan cities Much debate took place on the reconstruction of the beginning of such a phenomenon during the transitional horizon between the Late Bronze Age (Final Bronze Age in Italian tradition henceforth FBA 12thndash10th centuries BC) and the beginning of Early Iron Age (10thndash9th centuries BC henceforth EIA 1) in culture-historical terms between the Protovillanovan and Villanovan cultural complexes

Many scholars stress the dramatic change in territorial organization accompanied by a general depopulation of most ecological zones and a con-centration of people on very restricted stretches of agricultural land a phenomenon which might have introduced new economic and institutional relationships between residential communities and surrounding areas These proto-urban processes have been viewed as a revolutionary change involving

the transformation of the overall socio-political and economic picture of Middle Tyrrhenian Italy (eg Peroni 1989 426ndash517 Pacciarelli 2001) with a subsequent lsquodomino eff ectrsquo on the socio-political situations of the Peninsula and Europe at large Recently this period has received a further rec-ognition as the fundamental introduction to the urbanization proper of the area that took place during the late 8th and 7th centuries BC or Orientalising Period (eg Riva 2010)

This article1 is concerned with a particular aspect of this phenomenon the ideological dimension of male burials and sheet bronze armours a domain which is strictly related to prestige and power symbolism South Etruria became in the EIA one of the leading European areas in this highly specialized craft mainly due to factors such as the formation of new elites and the emergence of a communication network which might have conveyed new skills and formal models from central Europe where a sophisticated production of hammered bronze fl ourished since the beginnings of the Late Bronze Age In considering the corpus of that specifi c craft category I have been increasingly aware that it needed to be linked to a more general framework of rituals and cosmological thoughts Those to some extent contributed to the building of identity patt erns for prominent social groups of EIA South Etruria as well as for the related lsquocommonersrsquo I wish also to suggest that the temporal perspective for understanding this scenario should encompass the time-span 1200ndash800 BC during which the most radical transformations took place Comparisons with another contemporary local situation of central Italy (ie Latium vetus) will help us to bett er understand the

8 Metalwork rituals and the making of elite identity in central Italy 103

ideological att itude of the social groups that were the protagonists of the lsquoproto-urban revolutionrsquo

The Final Bronze Age in Latium vetusIn 11thndash10th century BC burial practices of South Etruria and ancient Latium two regions located to the north and south of the Tiber river respectively (see Fig 86) shared many elements among which the most signifi cant from a conceptual point of view is the use of hut urns for the ashes in crematory rite (far more att ested in FBA Latium than in Etruria see Biett i Sestieri 1976 1992 Bartoloni et al 1987) (Fig 81A) and the related use of covering funerary urns with lids in the shape of house roofs (eg Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2004) This iconic characteristic which is often accompanied by the presence of ceramic anthropomorphic fi gurines (Fig 81A) possibly representing the dead himselfherself has been linked by some scholars to concepts such as the burial re-enacting of the living context of houses from the architectural and social point of view (ie Colonna 1988 Biett i Sestieri 1992) I believe that its meaning has fundamentally to do with a conception of the aft erworld as a mirror-like refl ection of the living social order the house (probably meant as lsquofamilyrsquo or lsquohouseholdrsquo) as start and end of life Nevertheless the question is complicated by the fact that as we shall see below house representations are one of the main components of Middle Tyrrhenian imagery between the 11th and 9th centuries BC Analyzing the similar and nearly coeval northern European phenomenon of lsquohouse urnsrsquo with its substantial heterogeneity of formal manifestations Serena Sabatini (Sabatini 2007) pointed out that lsquohousersquo might be intended more as an abstract concept (a paradigm) than as a signifi er connected to a specifi c meaning

Perhaps in somewhat relation to the general idea of the grave in continuity with the house of the living and very typical of both Etruria and Latium is the great development of vessel assemblages (eg Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2003) showing a sharp diff erence with classical lsquoUrnfi eldrsquo burial rite Among them there are many pott ery vessels that have been interpreted as miniature representations of presumed domestic furnishings (eg Colonna 1988 Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2003) oft en constituting sets of objects linked to rituals of commensality (Fig 81AndashB) This picture suggests an increasing emphasis on burials as focus of ritual activity

Relevant questions rise from some recent burial discoveries in ancient Latium especially as far as the symbolic representations of military rank and

political authority are concerned At funerary sites encompassing the centre of Rome (Foro di Cesare) and some localities south and east of it Pratica di Mare-Lavinium Quadrato di Torre Spaccata Santa Palomba (see Fig 86) a number of FBA and EIA male cremation burials have come to light with a typical association of metal items reproducing a complex array of weapons andor cultic tools in miniaturized form (Fig 81B) These include as a norm a complete spear a sword two double shields (sometimes with a possible breast-plate) two greaves a knife a razor Anna Maria Biett i Sestieri and Anna De Santis (Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2000 2003 De Santis 2005) argued that such co-occurrence of military insignia and implements of presumably cultic function (knives ancilia-type shields) might have represented social personae who held the main political and sacred functions of their communities (warrior and priests) and have paralleled these fi gures with chiefs

In a seminal paper published in 1991 Giovanni Colonna (1991) suggested that the miniature shields of ancient Latium were imitations of the double shields of Aegean Late Bronze Age iconography so called lsquofi gure-of-eight shieldsrsquo The same model was recognized by him in a monumental bronze version from 8th century South Etruria particularly from the tomb Casale del Fosso 1036 at Veio These and others Iron Age fi nds (similar shields come from Norchia see Colonna 1991) signal the longevity of this particular emblem due to ritual conservativeness even explaining the maintenance of the model in roman tradition in the form of the ancilia shields used by the Salii priests during the performance of ritual dancing

The lsquofi gure-of-eight shieldrsquo an item probably made of organic materials (leather wood etc) since the initial phases of Late Helladic had a great importance in Mycenaean depictions (Fig 81C) Although for a long period it functioned as actual weapon in war combats at least from the 15th century onwards it assumed the meaning of pure decorative element or cult implement no more employed in real fi ghting (eg Cagravessola Guida 1973) According to some authors (the topic is summarized in Bett elli 2002 158ndash164) its fortune in Aegean iconography could be att ributed to a religious signifi cance as a material symbol of a deity (Fig 81C 2ndash3) even though it has to be stressed that documents about a real usage in war are still known for later periods (for instance the ivory plaque from Delos with a warrior image at Fig 81C1 see Cagravessola Guida 1973 tab XXVIII) The transmission of the model might have had a somewhat relation to the interaction with Cyprus that we see also in the circulation throughout FBA Middle Tyrrhenian Italy of ceremonial bronze items imported from the

Cristiano Iaia104

Figure 81 A San Lorenzo Vecchio (Rocca di Papa Rome) burial of Final Bronze Age 3 (aft er Biett i Sestieri 1976) B Pratica di Mare (ancient Lavinium) tomb 21 Final Bronze Age 3 (aft er Biett i Sestieri 1985 and Colonna 1991) C depictions of double-shields from the Late Helladic Aegean 1 Delos (aft er Cagravessola Guida 1973) 2 Chania seal 3 Mycenae painted tablet (aft er Bett elli 2002)


island (maybe via Sardinia) such as tripod-stands and cauldrons (eg Macnamara 2002)

The adoption of this specifi c prototype raises some important points On the one hand the remarkable antiquity and long duration of the model (about 4ndash5 centuries) suggests a function of the double-shield as power insignia with cultic implications (although the latt er feature is common to nearly all the armours used for display) On the other hand we note that these miniature imitations of weapons are not the outcome of sophisticated workshops or particularly specialized craft smanship They could be a sort of ritual fi ction to the point that there seem to be a total disconnection between the intentional strength of the visual message and the modest level manufacture These remarks could lead to question whether we deal with powerful individuals invested with sacred power or simply with a ritual mise en scegravene of idealized fi gures

In any case this is a relevant innovation in the general context of Italian Late Bronze Age ritual practices the emergence of a stereotyped image of a specialist in war and religion who can act as a mediator between the human beings and the deities In doing so prominent groups from ancient Latium acted in a way that has been frequently observed in diff erent situations that is choosing foreign and exotic models in order to reinforce their authority in a regional context (in the sense of Kristiansen and Larsson 2005)

Although there are many indications of a formation process of ethnic (tribal) identity between FBA 3 and EIA 1 (eg Biett i Sestieri 1992 Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2000) ancient Latium for this period yields limited evidence of political and economic integration of a level higher than that of alliances between local communities partly reinforced by the elaboration of a common symbolism of political power In fact as far as it regards the sett lement system ancient Latium saw a change towards proto-urbanism substantially more gradual than in South Etruria (ie Pacciarelli 2001 120 ff ) Also in the metallurgy domain evidence of highly skilled manufactures linked to prestige and display seems scarce in this region before the advanced EIA (ie Biett i Sestieri 1976 1985)

South Etruria during the FBAA more puzzling picture appears when considering the archaeological record of FBA phase 3 in South Etruria In order to improve our comprehension of such a crucial period I shall try to show how the interplay between diff erent archaeological categories and contextual levels could be of great usefulness

During the FBA the so called Tolfa-Allumiere culture group was fl ourishing through a well structured system of small communities located on naturally (and perhaps artifi cially) fortifi ed positions substantially equal in their territorial domains (ie di Gennaro 2000 Pacciarelli 2001 98ff ) Towards the end of the period this picture changes due to the emergence of more dense demographic concentrations like Tarquinia and Vulci (Pacciarelli 1991 2001) Some of them acquire an increasing control on good agricultural land and metal-rich areas (Monti della Tolfa district and Fiora river valley) and only during the 9th century BC witness a massive growth in terms of population and territorial dominance

FBA funerary data in this region are very sparse and insuffi cient for a coherent picture However burial rites only characterized by cremation resemble those of ancient Latium although at a careful look many diff erences with it are detectable such as the unusual frequency of complex female grave sets with weaving and spinning implements (eg Pacciarelli 2001 210ff ) that speak in favour of a more dynamic social system

Indeed a more revealing insight into social developments is provided by metalwork especially documented by hoards Among the latt er the most impressive is that of Coste del Marano (Tolfa Rome) dating about the late 12th and 11th century BC (ie Peroni 1961 Biett i Sestieri 1981 231) This complex which could be interpreted as a cult deposition is only constituted by sophisticated prestige items such as really big fi bulae pendants decorated implements and three sheet bronze cups two of which with handles surmounted by a cast bull-head (Fig 82A) Most of these objects have scarce or no parallels in contemporary graves although similarities with central Europe are present in the vessels and with Greece in the fi bulae Some of the fi bulae which hold an embossed and engraved decoration with the Vogel-Sonnen-Barke (Sun-ship bird) motif the wheel-shaped pendants and the bull-heads suggest connection with religious iconographies The Sun-ship bird iconography whose distribution includes large parts of continental Europe (Wirth 2006 with previous references) and north central Italy (ie Damiani 2004 Dolfi ni 2004) is usually referred to the natural cycles of the sun Some authors att empted to recognize narrative and mythological contents behind it (eg Bouzek 1985 178 Kaul 1998 Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 294ff ) such as the stories of journeys of Indo-European deities (Apollo EosAurora etc) on chariots drawn by swans or horses A connection between the symbols of the sun and the boat was also emphasized (eg Kaul 1998) The Coste del Marano hoard belongs

Cristiano Iaia106

to a chronological horizon (encompassing 12th and 11th centuries) in which Bird and Sun elements are especially present in Italy on objects related to cult functions and to the dimension of male social prestige (eg Bett elli 2002 155ff Dolfi ni 2004)

As I shall try to show in the following pages this iconic complex of the Sun-ship with its intercultural character due to long distance connection (especially with continental Europe) was an important constituent for the imagery of EIA South Etruria specifi cally when embedded in ritual practices and in the dimension of political power This is also one of the aspects that marked the formation of a supra-regional identity of the Villanovan cultural complex (for the lsquoVillanovan stylersquo in pott ery decoration see eg De Angelis 2001) in contrast to ancient Latium where there is no comparable development of such stylized iconography This can be seen for example in the pervasive presence in EIA South Etruria of the sun disc and water birds decorative motives both in the local metalworking and in some ceramic items connected to the burial ritual (eg Damiani 2004 Iaia 2005) So it raises the crucial point on whether in this region one should think about some kind of continuity between the FBA and the EIA material culture connected to prestige and cosmologies despite the fact that territorial and socio-economic systems underwent radical changes

Villanovan South Etruria at the beginning of the Early Iron AgeAt the onset of the proto-urban phenomenon during the 10th and 9th centuries BC one of the epicentres of productive and socio-political developments in Central Italy can be recognized in the northern part of South Etruria with special regard to the centre of Tarquinia and secondarily of Vulci (Pacciarelli 2001) In particular surveys carried out in the 1990s illustrate Tarquiniarsquos increasing development as a very large centre surrounded by a nearly unbroken chain of cemeteries (Mandolesi 1999)

At Tarquinia ritual practices of early Villanovan period can be illustrated by hundreds of cremation burials excavated between the 19th and 20th centuries (ie Hencken 1968 Buranelli 1983) unfortunately lacking for the most part of anthropological data More complete data come from the recently excavated cemetery of Villa Bruschi Falgari (Trucco et al 2001 2005)

The burial ritual at Villanovan Tarquinia exhibits many novelties but also a kind of continuity with the cosmological conceptions of FBA indeed characterized by a re-contextualization of diff erent ritual forms

and materials This is suggested among various manifestations by some small ceramic objects such as miniature imitations of chariots drawn by horses in pott ery and sometimes perishable materials and by ceramic boats (eg Iaia 1999a 24ff 2002) which are especially present in burials of eminent males (Fig 82B) A link to the Sun-ship patt ern is apparent from the shape of the boats usually furnished with a plastic bird head (Fig 82B 1ndash3) As suggested by at least a boat specimen carrying a human fi gurine inside (Fig 82B1) I think it is likely an interpretation of these items as off erings to deities that would have helped the deadrsquos journey into the aft erworld or hisher accession to a heroic condition

Considering the normative elements of the cremation rite the urn and its covering at Tarquinia male burials can be divided in three large funerary categories (Iaia 1999a) (a) male with a cover-bowl (b) male with a pott ery helmet-lid (c) male with a hut urn The male burials with a cover-bowl a ritual trait that they shared with female burials received a very simple ritual treatment the personal set did not include any weapons and was oft en confi ned to a razor (sometimes with fi bulae) In contrast the funerary treatment of individuals with a pott erybronze helmet an element exclusively belonging to male individuals was far more varied and usually more complex The same can be said of the few burials with a hut urn all pertaining to males of special social standing (eg Iaia 1999a 34ff ) Those grave sets show very similar associations to those with pott ery helmets a patt ern that beside other data that we shall analyze now allows us to recognize a sort of conceptual affi nity between the two ritual symbols of the helmet and the house

The socio-ritual significance of these funerary categories (with exception of those with hut urns) has become clear both on the basis of a systematic analysis of the associations from old excavations (Iaia 1999a) and from the data of a recently excavated cemetery Villa Bruschi Falgari (Trucco et al 2001 2005) known only in preliminary form In the latt er burials furnished with ritual objects and symbols of authority and prestige (pott ery imitations of helmets miniature boats and chariots wealthy sets of ornaments for females etc) tended to cluster in a restricted area Thus on the basis of spatial patt erns it has been suggested the existence of family groups who for a short period (presumably not more than 2ndash3 generations) might have concentrated in their hands a number of important socio-political and ritual functions (Trucco et al 2005)

The picture cannot be complete unless we consider another necropolis located in the close vicinity of the Villa Bruschi Falgari cemetery in the site of Le Arcatelle unfortunately only known from badly


Figure 82 A Coste del Marano (Tolfa Rome) selected objects from the hoard (aft er Peroni 1961) B pott ery ritual items from Early Iron Age 1 Villanovan graves 1 unknown provenance (hypothetically Tarquinia) 2ndash4 Tarquinia (aft er Iaia 1999a 2002)

Cristiano Iaia108

documented 19th century excavations (ie Hencken 1968 Iaia 1999a 1999b) Here within some dense funerary plots whose time-span extended from the very beginning to the late phase of EIA six sheet bronze helmets were recovered (Iaia 2005 47ndash63) four of which dating to the full EIA 1 the others of slightly later date (EIA 2a) This spatial concentration of metal helmets has no parallel in any other burial contexts in Italy prior to the 8th century BC and allows us to defi ne the emergence of a top-level role in the socio-political structure Although most of the grave assemblages were dismembered from the original excavation reports we possess evidences of the unusual features of those burials such as the deposition into stone receptacles the presence of other authority and prestige indicators (horse-bits vessels made of bronze and alabaster many fi bulae) and ritual paraphernalia (Iaia 1999a 41) This high social level is mirrored by the association ndash of unknown provenance from the illegal market ndash between a bronze bell-helmet and a bronze biconical urn with Sun-ship decoration both of Villanovan manufacture kept in the Karlsruhe Museum (Iaia 2005 50 and 153) (Fig 83A left bott om)

Two so-called Bell Helmets from the Arcatelle necropolis (Fig 83A left top) and another example of hemispherical shape (Cap-helmet with socketed apex) (Fig 83A right centre) are of particular importance due to their strict technical and stylistic relationships to central Europe (Iaia 2005 47ff ) The former are akin to the helmets class known as Glockenhelme or glockenfoumlrmige Helme mit gegossenem Scheitelknauf (lsquoBell-shaped helmets with cast knobsrsquo) (Fig 83A right top) whose major concentration is in the Carpathian Basin and the middle Danube (east-northern Hungary Romania and other areas of east-central Europe see distribution in Fig 86) They correspond to von Merhartrsquos type B2 and Henckenrsquos lsquoRounded Bell Helmetsrsquo (ie von Merhart 1941 Hencken 1971 Schauer 1988 Clausing 2003) Major resemblances are evident in the general shape and more particularly in some technological characteristics for instance the gradual thickening of the sheet from the rim to the top of the cap due to imperfect control on the hammering and the application of the so-called Uumlberfangguss a sophisticated technique well known in central and northern Europe that consisted of att aching a bronze socketed knob on the helmet casting it directly on the sheet

Many points arise from the Bell-helmets of Villanovan Etruria A fi rst important point is chronology The discrepancy between the dating of the Bell-helmets north of the Alps mainly to the juumlngere Bronzezeit or Hajduacuteboumlszoumlrmeacuteny horizon (eg Patay 1969 Schauer 1988 181) which means in absolute terms to the

11thndash10th centuries BC and that of the Villanovan examples to the end of 10th and initial 9th century could be solved considering the existence of pott ery lids in the shape of cap- or Bell-helmets with knobs during the FBA 3 of South Etruria (eg Pacciarelli 2001 205 Iaia 2005 107) (Fig 84B) As a consequence one should argue that in South Etruria Glockenhelme were already in fashion prior to the EIA and add some elements to the existence of a kind of continuity in funerary ideology beyond the lsquogreat dividersquo between Bronze and Iron Ages

Taking into account the great distance in Italy and nearby areas between the sites where the bronze Bell-helmets were found (see Fig 83B and Fig 86) it is diffi cult to avoid the impression of a sudden introduction of new techniques and forms through some kind of directional exchange The Northern Adriatic might have functioned as an intermediate area similar embossed decoration occurs for instance in the various fragmented examples of Glockenhelme from the cult site of Mušja Jama-Grott a delle Mosche at San Canziano-Škocjan near Trieste (ie Hencken 1971 Borgna 1999 Iaia 2005) (Fig 83A) which on the other hand strictly resemble the Carpathian examples due to the shape of the knobs

The idea of a strong interconnection with Central Europe in hammered bronze production is also strengthened by the examination of other contemporary or later artefacts of EIA Etruria especially the rich series of sheet bronze items comprising helmets and vessels that are characterized by decorative patt erns of the Vogel-Sonnen-Barke or Protomen Styl (eg von Merhart 1952 40ff Jockenhoumlvel 1974 Iaia 2005 224ff ) The most striking manifestation of the latt er phenomenon though later than the Bell-helmets (decades around 800 BC) is represented by the bronze burial urns of the so-called Veio-Gevelinghausen-Seddin group (Jockenhoumlvel 1974) whose distribution is shown in Fig 86 The latt er comprises in particular a bronze amphora from Veio (tomb AA1) almost identical to the specimen from Gevelinghausen in NW Germany that shows resemblances with many other pieces from central and northern Europe (eg von Merhart 1952 von Hase 1989) This raises important issues of interconnections of South Etruria specifi cally with north European routes (Kristiansen 1993) which are beyond the scope of this article and allows to highlight a particular openness of this region to long distance exchange with continental Europe

Returning to the above mentioned data on Bell-helmets I would suggest that since the transition between FBA and EIA sheet bronze specialists were travelling from central Europe to South Etruria in an earlier moment maybe from areas such as


Figure 83 A Bronze Bell and Cap Helmets with knobs from Early Iron Age Italy and central Europe (aft er Iaia 2005 and Patay 1969) bott om left bronze urn and helmet of unknown provenance (Karlsruhe Badisches Landesmuseum aft er Iaia 2005) B distribution map of the bronze helmets with knobs and related pott ery imitations in Italy (aft er Iaia 2005)

Cristiano Iaia110

Figure 84 A Sala Consilina (Salerno) warrior grave (aft er Kilian 1970) B pott ery helmet-lids from Final Bronze Age burials of South Etruria (aft er Iaia 2005) C pott ery helmet-lids from Early Iron Age 1 burials of South Etruria and Campania (aft er Buranelli 1983 Gastaldi 1998 Kilian 1970)


the Carpathians and the Danube-Tisza plain They might have introduced new skills in metalworking presumably improving the capacity of the local elites to control esoteric wisdom and sophisticated craft s linked to prestige and display purposes (see many comparable situations in Bronze Age Europe Kristiansen and Larsson 2005)

The impact deriving from the introduction of the helmet with knob from the point of view of power symbolism and ritual practices was really deep Many communities of the vast Villanovan complex adopted the pott ery replicas of this element (Figs 83B and 84C) Beyond the core region of South Etruria a great importance of the pott ery replicas of Bell-helmets throughout a long period encompassing also part of EIA 2 emerged in the Villanovan centres of southern Campania Pontecagnano Sala Consilina and Capodifi ume (eg Kilian 1970 DrsquoAgostino and De Natale 1996 Gastaldi 1998) Here since the very beginning of EIA thus almost simultaneously with South Etruria some burials appeared with pott ery lids in the shape of Bell-helmets and high status indicators such as swords or horse-gears (Fig 84A)

A ritual and iconic phenomenon typical of this pottery category perhaps since the FBA is the hybridization of the helmet image with that of the house very frequently in the form of an apex with a schematic or naturalistic roof on the top (Fig 851) In considering this phenomenon Bruno DrsquoAgostino talked about lsquopolysemic itemsrsquo (DrsquoAgostino and De Natale 1996 111) In Campania towards the end of EIA 1 the occurrence of pott ery helmet-lids with designs located on the front imitating doors (Gastaldi 1998) (Fig 852) suggests that the assimilation between dwellings (or cult buildings) and helmets is inherently linked to funerary and power symbolism In South Etruria the house representation is also pervasive in many aspects of material culture related to funerary rituals such as stelae burial stone receptacles and hut urns (ie Iaia 1999a Riva 2006 121ndash126) Thus there is the possibility that lsquohousersquo was synonymous with lsquoaft erworldrsquo but in a sense that was charged with other meanings linked to socio-political dominance

During the advanced EIA 1 in some examples of prestige metalworking the above illustrated iconic elements seem to intermingle Heraldic emblems of Bird heads surmount the top of the roofs in the hut urns of Villanovan Etruria (Fig 853) ndash a characteristic absent in Latium ndash and in an exceptional example in sheet bronze from Vulci a series of bird protomes (in the so-called Protomen Styl by Jockenhoumlvel 1974) also present on the walls seem to look aft er the closed door of the building (Fig 855) A similar convergence of diff erent iconic traditions can be observed in a singular

object a bronze cap helmet recovered at Populonia (Fig 853) in a wealthy collective tomb of EIA 1 (Fedeli 1985 47 Iaia 2005 59) where a geometric panel apparently representing a closed door is the focus of a frieze comprising bird protomes and sun discs In this case the sun is probably meant as a reference to the warrior as charismatic individual and lsquoherorsquo and the door could be seen as a symbolic passage from the (world) outside to the (aft er-world) inside (Sabatini 2007 95)

In similar way to that postulated for the interpretation of the so-called north European house urns phenomenon (Sabatini 2007) the people of the Villanovan cultural koinegrave reinterpreted the lsquotranscultural paradigmrsquo of house and the Sun-bird iconographic complex as metaphors of (real) power In this respect the political core of the proto-urban Villanovan centres mainly made up of warriors who identifi ed themselves through the use of Bell-helmets marked a great diff erence with the neighbouring communities of Latium

ConclusionsIn conclusion I have tried to illustrate a case in which material symbols deriving from a complex blending of traditional heritage and new ideas and skills of foreign origin contributed to the formation of new identities of specific social categories Identity is an enormous topic which has increasingly become the focus of current sociological thought from the perspective of globalization (eg Bauman 2003) The postmodern conception of identity as a fl uid process typical of an age experiencing the loss of traditional reference points is a tool that can improve the comprehension of contexts of rapid socio-cultural change like FBAndashEIA central Italy In those instances lsquoidentityrsquo (or more appropriately lsquomembershiprsquo or lsquosocial affi liationrsquo) was a dynamic construction which was achieved through negotiation and social dialectics also involving confl icts and the creation of symbolic boundaries (eg Hodder 1992)

Especially in regard to issues of gendered identities and social affiliation the analysis of the visual appearance of ancient people has resulted as one of the most promising areas (eg Soslashrensen 1997) Even the construction of warrior identity and its bodily appearance can be considered under this respect (eg Treherne 1995) Another classical topic in prehistoric archaeology is the privileged access by some social groups to specifi c exchange networks (in a wide sense) that enhances their capacity to build up an autonomous stylistic and cultural entity including

Cristiano Iaia112

Figure 85 1 Tarquinia Villa Bruschi Falgari pott ery helmet with roof-shaped knob (aft er Trucco et al 2001) 2 Pontecagnano (Salerno) pott ery helmet with door depiction (aft er Gastaldi 1998) 3 Populonia Poggio del Molino tomb 1 bronze helmet (aft er Iaia 2005) 4 Tarquinia pott ery hut urn (aft er Iaia 1999) 5 Vulci bronze hut urn (aft er Bartoloni et al 1987)


Figure 86 Distribution map of the main sites and of the main categories of items mentioned in the text

Cristiano Iaia114

prestige items rituals and lifestyles Recent studies on European Bronze Age have been focusing on the sword-bearer fi gures favouring a global perspective that emphasizes the transcultural transmission of formal models as well as of value systems connected to a warrior hierarchical ideology (eg Peroni 2004 Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 Harding 2007)

In central Italy during the FBA and EIA prestige metalworking had a pivotal role in bearing meanings of power and cosmological notions transmitt ed through long-distance exchange Although some att empts to create such a kind of highly elaborated material culture can be seen since the initial FBA (see the Coste del Marano hoard) only the restricted warrior elites of the emerging centralized sites in Villanovan South Etruria were able to acquire a set of new models and craft skills that triggered a wide-ranging change in the way social membership was expressed in rituals On one hand they adopted a highly specialized craft model from Central Europe the bronze bell-helmet with an over-cast apex which was locally transformed in a standard ritual element the pott ery lid shaped as a helmet The latt er was not only widespread in rich male burials but became also a symbol of warrior-hood (whose presence is documented in a wide area from Tuscany to southern Campania Fig 83B) hence being identifi ed as a whole with a social condition or social category

On the other hand from the point of view of visual imagery the same groups reinterpreted older traditions particularly the motives connected to the sun journey inherited from the Late Bronze Age cosmologies as well as the house-centred iconographies All this elements gave way to lsquopolysemicrsquo expressions of material culture such as some hut urns and some bronze and pott ery helmets in which religious iconographies (bird protomes solar motives) burial conceptions and warfare symbolism seem to intermingle in a complicated fashion

Similar processes but diff erent trajectories were in action in contemporary Latium where Eastern models in material culture in particular the double-shield of Aegean origin but just in the restricted ritual domain of male burials with miniature panoplies of weapons were assimilated in the late FBA with continuity into the EIA1 (eg Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2003) I would like to stress that in this case there is no evidence that the normal sized prototype shields were made of metal (actual bronze shields are known in Italy only for the advanced EIA) so we cannot generalize the role of metalworking in all situations

Lacking any evidence of a real trade of exotica the precise mechanisms through which these models were acquired remain unclear although I suggest that

in the case of Villanovan sheet bronze production they have mainly to do with patronage relationships between foreign smiths (maybe from central Europe) and local elites

In a long-term perspective this diversification between the warrior elites of South Etruria and Latium seems at the roots of the ethnic formation process of the Etruscan and Latin peoples (Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2000 2003) around 900ndash800 BC still in a embryonic state

A last remark is necessary At the onset of the Villanovan urbanization process war-related elements seem actually to have a prominent role in structuring the symbolic dimension of power in material culture (for a general overview of this topics see eg Iaia 1999a Pacciarelli 2001 Riva 2010) even though the picture that we can gain from this evidence is ideologically biased and to a certain extent a distorted one especially as far as the comparisons between male and female burials are concerned In fact the latt er do not include elements provided with comparable material and symbolic elaboration (such as armour and weapons) although further research on this topic is needed In any case this bias has an eff ective historical signifi cance especially when looking at the exceptionally more diversified picture of the subsequent EIA 2 (late 9th and 8th century BC) In South Etruria the latt er phase saw a proliferation in female graves of parade metal jewellery (exceptional belt plates) banquet furnishings and symbols of political dominance (horse-gears) that suggest an increasing integration of the female component in social hierarchy and in the lsquopublicrsquo sphere of power (eg Iaia 1999a 126ff 2005 216ff Riva 2010 95ff ) In my opinion this is a strong indication that the traditional Bronze Age lsquowarriorrsquo society was giving way to a more articulated and nuanced picture that of Iron Age proper

Note1 It originates from some refl ections about the subjects of

my Graduation thesis (revisited in Iaia 1999a) and PhD dissertation (published as Iaia 2005)

Acknowledgments I am particularly grateful to Serena Sabatini and Maria Emanuela Alberti for their precious remarks and comments that allowed me to improve the text both from the points of view of form and content


References Bartoloni G Buranelli F DrsquoAtri V and De Santis A 1987

Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia FirenzeBauman Z 2003 Intervista sullrsquoidentitagrave a cura di Benedett o

Vecchi BariBett elli M 2002 Italia meridionale e mondo miceneo Ricerche su

dinamiche di acculturazione e aspett i archeologici con particolare riferimento ai versanti adriatico e ionico della penisola italiana (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 5) Firenze

Biett i Sestieri A M 1976 lsquoIl gruppo dei Colli Albanirsquo In Civiltagrave del Lazio Primitivo Exhibition Catalogue (Roma 1976) Roma 68ndash85

Biett i Sestieri A M 1981 lsquoProduzione e scambio nellrsquoItalia protostorica Alcune ipotesi sul ruolo dellrsquoindustria metallurgica nellrsquoEtruria mineraria alla fi ne dellrsquoetagrave del bronzorsquo In LrsquoEtruria mineraria Att i XII Convegno Studi Etruschi e Italici (1979) Firenze 223ndash264

Biett i Sestieri A M 1985 lsquoLa tarda etagrave del bronzo e gli inizi della cultura lazialersquo In Anzidei A P Biett i Sestieri A M and De Santis A (eds) Roma e il Lazio dallrsquoetagrave della pietra alla formazione della citt agrave I dati archeologici Roma 129ndash148

Biett i Sestieri A M 1992 The Iron Age Community of Osteria dellrsquoOsa A Study of Sociopolitical Development in Central Tyrrhenian Italy Cambridge

Biett i Sestieri A M and De Santis A 2000 Protostoria dei Popoli Latini Museo Nazionale Romano Terme di Diocleziano Venezia

Biett i Sestieri A M and De Santis A 2003 lsquoIl processo formativo della cultura lazialersquo In Le comunitagrave della preistoria italiana Studi e ricerche sul neolitico e le etagrave dei metalli In memoria di Luigi Bernabograve Brea Att i della XXXV Riunione Scientifi ca IIPP (Lipari 2000) Firenze 745ndash763

Biett i Sestieri A M and De Santis A 2004 lsquoAnalisi delle decorazioni dei contenitori delle ceneri dalle sepolture a cremazione dellrsquoetagrave del bronzo fi nale nellrsquoarea centrale tirrenicarsquo In Negroni Catacchio 2004 vol I 165ndash192

Borgna E 1999 lsquoThe North Adriatic Regions between Europe and the Aegean World (12thndash8th CA) Social Strategies and Symbols of Power in the Long-distance Exchangersquo In Eliten in der Bronzezeit Att i dei Colloqui (Mainz-Atene) (Monograph Zentral Museum Mainz 43 1) Mainz-Bonn 151ndash183

Bouzek J 1985 The Aegean Anatolia and Europe Cultural Interrelations in the Second Millennium B C (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 29) Goumlteborg

Buranelli F 1983 La necropoli villanoviana rsquoLe Rosersquo di Tarquinia Roma

Cagravessola Guida P 1973 Le armi difensive dei Micenei nelle fi gurazioni Roma

Clausing C 2003 lsquoSpaumltbronze- und eisenzeitliche Helme mit einteiliger Kalott ersquo Jarbuch des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 48 (2001) 199ndash225

Colonna G 1988 lsquoI Latini e gli altri popoli del Laziorsquo In Italia Omnium Terrarum Alumna Milano 411ndash528

Colonna G 1991 lsquoGli scudi bilobati dellrsquoItalia centrale e lrsquoancile dei Saliirsquo Archeologia Classica XLIII 57ndash122

DrsquoAgostino B and De Natale S 1996 lsquoLrsquoetagrave del Ferro in Campaniarsquo In Proceedings XIII International Congress UISPP (Forligrave 1996) Coll XXIII 107ndash112

Damiani I 2004 lsquoElementi di continuitagrave nelle raffi gurazioni a caratt ere simbolico-religioso tra Etagrave del Bronzo e Primo

Ferro nella Penisola italianarsquo In Negroni Catacchio 2004 vol I 261ndash275

De Angelis D 2001 La ceramica decorata di stile lsquovillanovianorsquo in Etruria meridionale Soveria Mannelli (CZ)

De Santis A 2005 lsquoA Research Project on the Earliest Phases of the Latial Culturersquo In Att ema P Nĳ boer A and Ziff erero A (eds) Papers in Italian Archaeology VI (British Archaeological Report International Series 1452 I) Oxford 156ndash163

di Gennaro F 2000 lsquolsquoPaesaggi di poterersquo lrsquoEtruria meridionale in etagrave protostoricarsquo In Paesaggi di potere Problemi e prospett ive (Quaderni di Eutopia 2) Roma 95ndash119

Dolfi ni A 2004 lsquoLe simbologie ornitomorfe in Italia durante il Bronzo Finale prospett ive di analisirsquo In Negroni Catacchio 2004 vol I 279ndash305

Fedeli F 1985 lsquoPopulonia Poggio del Molino o del Telegraforsquo In Camporeale G A (ed) LrsquoEtruria mineraria Exhibition Catalogue (Portoferraio-Massa Marittima-Populonia 1985) Milano 47ndash51

Gastaldi P 1998 Pontecagnano II4 La necropoli del Pagliarone Napoli

Guidi A 1985 lsquoAn Application of the Rank-Size Rule to Protohistoric Sett lements in the Middle Tyrrhenian Arearsquo In Malone C and Stoddart S (eds) Papers in Italian Archaeology IV The Cambridge Conference Part III Patt erns in Protohistory Oxford 217ndash242

Harding A 2007 Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe (Archaeolingua 25) Budapest

Hase F W von 1989 lsquoEtrurien und das Gebiet nordwaumlrts der Alpenrsquo In Att i del II Congresso Internazionale Etrusco (Firenze 1985) Roma 1031ndash1061

Hencken H 1968 Tarquinia Villanovans and Early Etruscans Cambridge (Mass)

Hencken H 1971 The Earliest European Helmets Harvard Hodder I 1992 Theory and Practice in Archaeology London Iaia C 1999a Simbolismo funerario e ideologia alle origini di

una civiltagrave urbana Forme rituali nelle sepolture lsquovillanovianersquo a Tarquinia e Vulci e nel loro entroterra (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 3) Firenze

Iaia C 1999b lsquoLe Arcatelle di Tarquinia dati e ipotesi sullrsquoorganizzazione planimetrica della necropoli protostoricarsquo Bollett ino della Societagrave Tarquiniense di Arte e Storia XXVIII 5ndash21

Iaia C 2002 lsquoOggett i di uso rituale nelle necropoli lsquovillanovianersquo di Tarquiniarsquo In Negroni Catacchio N (ed) Att i V Incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria (Pitigliano Farnese 2000) Milano 729ndash738

Iaia C 2005 Produzioni toreutiche della prima etagrave del ferro in Italia centro-sett entrionale Stili decorativi circolazione signifi cato (Biblioteca di Studi Etruschi 40) Pisa-Roma

Jockenhoumlvel A 1974 lsquoEine Bronzeamphore des 8 Jahrunderts v Chr von Gevelinghausen Kr Meschede (Sauerland)rsquo Germania 52 16ndash54

Kaul F 1998 Ships on bronzes A study in Bronze Age religion and iconography Copenhagen

Kilian K 1970 Fruumlheisenzeitliche Funde aus der Suumldostnekropole von Sala Consilina (Provinz Salerno) Heidelberg

Kristiansen K 1993 lsquoFrom Villanova to Seddin The Reconstruction of an Elite Exchange Network during the Eighth Century BCrsquo In Scare C and Healy F (eds) Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe Oxford 143ndash151

Kristiansen K and Larsson T B 2005 The Rise of Bronze Age Society Travels Transmissions and Transformations Cambridge

Cristiano Iaia116

Macnamara E 2002 lsquoSome Bronze Typologies in Sardinia and Italy from 1200 to 700 BC Their Origin and Developmentrsquo In Etruria e Sardegna centro-sett entrionale tra lrsquoetagrave del Bronzo fi nale e lrsquoArcaismo Att i del XXI Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici (Sassari-Alghero-Oristano-Torralba 1998) Pisa-Roma 151ndash174

Mandolesi A 1999 La lsquoprimarsquo Tarquinia Lrsquoinsediamento protostorico sulla Civita e nel territorio circostante (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 1) Firenze

von Merhart G 1941 lsquoZu den ersten Metallhelmen Europasrsquo Bericht der Roumlmisch-Germanischen Kommission 1940 4ndash42

von Merhart G 1952 lsquoStudien uumlber einige Gattungen von Bronzegefaumlssenrsquo Festschrift des Roumlm-Germanische Zentralmuseums Mainz Bd 2 (1952) 1ndash71

Negroni Catacchio N (ed) 2004 Att i del VI Incontro di Studi di Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria (Pitigliano ndash Valentano 2002) Milano

Pacciarelli M 1991 lsquoTerritorio insediamento comunitagrave in Etruria meridionale agli esordi del processo di urbanizzazionersquo Scienze dellrsquoAntichitagrave 5 163ndash208

Pacciarelli M 2001 Dal villaggio alla citt agrave La svolta proto-urbana del 1000 aC nellrsquoItalia tirrenica (Grandi contesti e problemi della Protostoria italiana 4) Firenze

Patay P 1969 lsquoDer Bronzefund von Mezoumlkoumlvesdrsquo Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae XXI 174ndash216

Peroni R 1961 Ripostigli dellrsquoetagrave dei metalli 1 Ripostigli del massiccio della Tolfa (Inventaria Archaeologica fasc 1 I 1ndashI 3) Firenze

Peroni R 1989 Protostoria dellrsquoItalia continentale La penisola italiana nelle etagrave del bronzo e del ferro (Popoli e Civiltagrave dellrsquoItalia antica 9) Roma

Peroni R 2004 lsquoCulti comunitagrave tribali e gentilizie caste guerriere e fi gure di eroi e principi nel secondo millennio in Italia tra Europa centrale ed Egeorsquo In Marzatico F and Gleirscher P (eds) Guerrieri Principi ed Eroi fra il Danubio e il Po dalla Preistoria allrsquoAlto Medioevo Exhibition Catalogue (Trento 2004) 161ndash173

Peroni R and di Gennaro F 1986 lsquoAspett i regionali dello sviluppo dellrsquoinsediamento protostorico nellrsquoItalia centro-meridionale alla luce dei dati archeologici e ambientalirsquo Dialoghi di Archeologia 2 193ndash200

Riva C 2006 lsquoThe Orientalizing Period in Etruria Sophisticated Communitiesrsquo In Riva C and Vella N (eds) Debating Orientalization Multidisciplinary Approaches to Change in the Ancient Mediterranean (Monographs in Mediterranean Archaeology 10) London 110ndash134

Riva C 2010 The Urbanisation of Etruria Funerary Practices and Social Change 700ndash600 BC Cambridge

Sabatini S 2007 House Urns A European Late Bronze Age Trans-cultural Phenomenon (Gotarc series B Gothenburg Archaeological Theses nr 47) Goumlteborg

Schauer P 1988 lsquoDie Kegel- und Glockenfoumlrmigen Helmersquo In Antike Helme Sammlung Lipperheide und andere Bestaumlnde des Antikenmuseums Berlin Mainz 181ndash194

Soslashrensen Stig M L 1997 lsquoReading Dress the Construction of Social Categories and Identities in Bronze Age Europersquo Journal of European Archaeology 5 1 93ndash114

Treherne P 1995 lsquoThe Warriorrsquos Beauty the masculine body and self-identity in Bronze Age Europersquo Journal of European Archaeology 3 1 105ndash144

Trucco F De Angelis D and Iaia C 2001 lsquoVilla Bruschi Falgari il sepolcreto villanovianorsquo In Morett i Sgubini A M (ed) Tarquinia etrusca una nuova storia Exhibition catalogue (Tarquinia 2001) Roma 81ndash 93

Trucco F De Angelis D Iaia C and Vargiu R 2005 lsquoNuovi dati sul rituale funerario di Tarquinia nella prima etagrave del ferrorsquo In Dinamiche di sviluppo delle citt agrave nellrsquoEtruria meridionale Att i XXIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici (Roma Cerveteri Tarquinia Montalto di Castro Viterbo 2001) PisandashRoma 359ndash369

Wirth S 2006 lsquoVogel-Sonnen-Barkersquo Reallexicon der Germanischen Altertumskunde Band 32 Berlin and New York 552ndash563

9

Indigenous political dynamics and identity from a compartive perspective Etruria and Latium Vetus

Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart

IntroductionlsquoThe Formation of the City in Latiumrsquo (La formazione della citt agrave nel Lazio) congress held in Rome in the late 1970s (Ampolo et al 1980) sparked a huge debate on urbanisation and state formation in middle Tyrrhenian Italy This debate could be seen as polarised between two main schools of thought lsquoOrientalistsrsquo and lsquoOccidentalistsrsquo

In order to simplify the complex and long-running arguments let us state that Orientalists emphasise the role of external infl uences (Ampolo et al 1980 Harris 1989 Pallott ino 1984 213 and 307 1991 55ndash56 Damgaard Andersen 1997 Rasmussen 2005 72ff and 82ndash83 Sherratt 1993 93) while Occidentalists identify and defi ne sett lement and funerary patt erns toward higher complexity which originated from local impulses at least from the end of the Bronze Age if not earlier (Peroni 1979 1989 1996 2000 di Gennaro and Peroni 1986 di Gennaro 1986 2000 Stoddart and Spivey 1990 40ndash61 Guidi 1992 Barker and Rasmussen 1998 84 di Gennaro and Guidi 2000 Pacciarelli 2001)

While the Orientalist perspective (lsquoex Oriente luxrsquo) dominated in the 1970s and the 1980s the Occidentalist point of view emerged and was reinforced during the 1980s and 1990s Andrea Carandini has even recently suggested that the beginning of the city-state model (generally associated with the origin of the Greek Polis) possibly took place prior in the Western Mediterranean as demonstrated by the early origin and development of the city of Rome (Carandini 2007 13ndash14)

Another dominant theme in the debate on urbanisation in central Italy was the supposed priority of this process in Etruria (eg Peroni 1989 Pacciarelli 2001 127) when compared with nearby regions such as Latium vetus the Sabine region the Faliscan and the Capenate areas (Stoddart 1989 Biett i Sestieri 1992a) By focusing on sett lement organization and social transformations as mirrored in the funerary evidence this paper will compare and contrast political and social developments in Etruria and Latium vetus (Fig 91)

And it will place those trajectories within the wider context of socio-political transformations and connectivity in the entire Mediterranean region during the 1st Millennium BC In doing so this paper will show that neither a pure externalist nor an internalist explanation of urbanization in central Italy is fully explanatory whereas a combination of both internal and external catalyzing interactions suits the evidence more precisely and can help to bett er understand this dynamic process

In contrast with the traditional view Etruria and Latium vetus should not to be considered as monolithic blocks but rather as linked societies with diff erent contrasting dynamics and specifi c developments which can be identifi ed internally at a local level A network model will allow the identifi cation of these interactions at diff erent scales of analysis and this paper will suggest it as the most promising approach to give account of local trajectories within a wider regional and global Mediterranean framework

Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart118

Urbanisation in middle Tyrrhenian Italy principal issues of the debate

Ex Oriente LuxSimplifying a complex question the key issues of the debate on urban formation in central Italy have always been when did the city begin in central Italy 6th 7th or even 8th century BC and what was there before the city

On the fi rst question scholars generally agree that urbanization was largely completed in central Italy between the late Orientalizing Age and the end of the Archaic Period (from the late 7th to the end of the 6th century BC) By that time Rome had been monumentalised and most of its civic and political foci were built or even restored in stone the Regia (Brown 1935 1967 1974ndash5) the Temple of Mater Matuta in the sacred area of SantrsquoOmobono (Pisani Sartorio 1990) the temple of the Magna Mater at the south-west corner of the Palatine Hill (Pensabene 2000 2002 Pensabene and Falzone 2001) the House of the Vestals and the

so called House of the Kings at the foot of the Palatine Hills toward the Forum (Carandini and Carafa 2000 Carandini 2004)

By the late Orientalizing AgeEarly Archaic Period the Forum itself with the Comitium had been equipped with a tuff pavement and with the Cloaca Maxima while during the Archaic Period the so-called Servian wall possibly the Circus Maximus and fi nally the Capitoline Temple were being built this last dedicated in the fi rst year of the Republic ndash509 BC (Carafa and Terrenato 1996 Carafa 1997 Cifani 1997a and 1997b Smith 2000) Similarly by that point most of the other fi rst order centres in Latium vetus and Etruria had defensive stone walls (Guaitoli 1984 371ndash372 Cifani 1997a 363ndash364 2008 255ndash264) and stone temples (Colonna 1985 67ndash97 1986 432ndash434 and 2006 Cifani 2008 287ndash298)

When considering the origin of the city in middle Tyrrhenian Italy and the nature of settlements in the region the debate over the last 40 years polarized as explained in the introduction between the two opposite schools of thought Orientalists

Figure 91 The geographical context Pre-Roman populations in central Italy (by F Fulminante)

9 Indigenous political dynamics and identity from a compartive perspective 119

and Occidentalists Orientalists (mainly historians classicists and etruscologists) highlight the role of external infl uences namely from the Near East via Greek and Phoenician colonists in the birth and development of cities and urban aristocracies (see bibliography above in the Introduction)

On the other hand Occidentalists (mainly pre-historians and a minority of etruscologists and classical archaeologists) emphasise autochthonous impulses and local developments toward higher complexity These local trajectories towards higher complexity can be detected in the sett lement patt ern and in social developments (as demonstrated by the funerary evidence) prior to Greek colonisation in southern Italy by the end of the Final Bronze Agebeginning of the Early Iron Age (10ndash9th centuries BC) if not earlier (see bibliography above in the Introduction)

While the Orientalist point of view seemed to prevail during the 1970s and 1980s recent research has revealed that the formation of cities in middle Tyrrhenian Italy and in Southern Italy (Magna Graecia) seems to pre-date similar developments in mainland and insular Greece

(Malkin 1994 2003) suggesting that the traditional idea of a passive transmission of the city-state model from the east to the west along with goods such as the Phoenician bowls (Fig 92) which inspired and catalysed the so-called Orientalizing phenomenon has to be revised (eg Riva and Vella 2006)

In fact recent research conducted in Southern Italy (Whitehouse and Wilkins 1989) Southern Spain (Cunliff e and Fernandez Castro 1995) and Sardinia (Van Dommelen 1997) has demonstrated that similarly to middle Tyrrhenian Italy colonisation was only a marginal or at least a partial factor in regional processes that led indigenous communities toward urbanisation from the end of the Bronze Age to the 7thndash6th century BC

Therefore within the wider Mediterranean perspective this paper suggests the adoption of the network model as a theoretical framework to further develop the understanding of urbanisation in the 1st millennium BC As suggested by recent scholarship during the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (if not earlier) the Mediterranean has to be seen as a net of

Figure 92 Phoenician bowl from the Bernardini lsquoprincelyrsquo tomb in Palestrina second quarter of the 7th century BC (Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia courtesy ICCD Photographic Archive Ndeg F3 686)


reciprocal connections and exchanges between east and west and even from and to continental Europe (Cunliff e 2008)

Within this framework there were probably more and less advanced areas but their interconnection and dynamic relationships contributed to the global changes which led to the formation of the city in the Mediterranean during the 1st millennium BC

The Supposed Priority of the Proto-urban Process in Southern Etruria when compared to nearby regions with a particular reference to Latium vetus As already mentioned in the introduction the other dominant perspective in the debate on urbanisation in central Italy was the supposed priority of this process in southern Etruria (Peroni 1989 Pacciarelli 2001 127) where the model of the city-state was believed to have developed according to the principle of the lsquopeer polityrsquo interaction (Renfrew and Cherry 1986 Renfrew 1986) Only then was the idea of the city-state transmitt ed to northern Etruria Latium vetus and the other surrounding regions (Faliscan Capenate and the Sabine area) and in this instance only as a propagation of the original Etruscan prototype (Biett i Sestieri 1992a Stoddart 1989)

In the following section political and social developments in Etruria and Latium vetus will be compared by analysing settlement patterns and funerary evidence New funerary and settlement evidence made available by recent excavations and existing evidence reconsidered in the light of traditional theoretical models and new ideas will show that the conventional model has to be revised The traditional view which contrasts a sudden and revolutionary proto-urban formation in southern Etruria with the later and gradual process in Latium vetus has to be reframed in the light of this new evidence As will be shown a closer consideration of singular cases reveals more complex and richer internal dynamics than previously thought

At the same time it will be shown that an updated application of the rank-size rule pioneered for central Italy by Sheldon Judson and Pamela Hemphill (Judson and Hemphill 1981) and subsequently adopted by other scholars such as Alessandro Guidi (Guidi 1985) and Simon Stoddart (Stoddart 1987 forthcoming) seems to suggest that the main diff erences in the process of formation of proto-urban centres in Etruria and Latium vetus does not consist in the chronological gap (which seems to have to be reduced) or the

modality of the large plateaux occupation (closer consideration reveals exceptions to the dominant patt erns in both regions supposedly revolutionary sudden and earlier in southern Etruria and gradual and later in Latium vetus) but are to be found in the interaction territorial dynamics and political equilibrium between diff erent emerging city-states (Stoddart and Redhouse forthcoming)

Indigenous political and social dynamics from a comparative perspective Etruria and Latium vetus

Sett lement Patt ernsThe priority of the urbanisation process in southern Etruria as opposed to Latium vetus was generally assumed on the basis of the contrasting model of proto-urban centres formation found in the two nearby regions separated by the Tiber In fact surveys and research conducted in southern Etruria has shown that between the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Early Iron Age a sudden and revolutionary change took place in the sett lement organisation

By this time in fact Bronze Age villages in open positions or on small hill-tops (on average 5ndash6 ha and never more than 10ndash20 ha) were abandoned in favour of larger nucleated and centralised sett lements on the big plateaux (between 100 and 200 ha) later occupied by the cities of the Archaic period such as Veio Caere Tarquinia and Vulci (Pacciarelli 2001 but already di Gennaro 1986 Stoddart and Spivey 1990 Barker and Rasmussen 1998)

A few common features between these large nucleated sett lements have been observed (Pacciarelli 1994 229) large unitarian morphological units consisting of big fl at plateaux with steep slopes with an area ranging from 100120 ha to 180200 ha closeness to rivers of regional importance accessibility to the sea availability of a large territory with agricultural land around the sett lement

The consistency of these common features in all of the new sett lements the suddenness of the shift from dispersed to nucleated centralised sett lements and the continuity of occupation of these sites by later cities have induced scholars to believe that those communities acted on the basis of original and thoroughly thought-out planning According to this view the re-location of the old communities and the choice of the location for the new sett lements had been chosen according to well defi ned and conscious long-term preparation (Pacciarelli 1994 229ndash230 with previous references)


On the opposite side the formation of proto-urban centres in Latium vetus seemed to follow a more gradual patt ern slightly later and on a smaller scale when considering the major sett lements In fact in this region the occupation of the large plateaux later occupied by the cities of the Archaic period (with a maximum extension of 50ndash80 ha) seemed only to start at an advanced stage of the Early Iron Age (Latial period IIAndashIIB) generally following an earlier occupation (mostly from the Middle or the Recent Bronze Age) of defended positions (Acropoleis) connected to these plateaux (Pacciarelli 2001 120ndash127)

Ardea Lavinium and Satricum are clear examples of this model Similar developments are also found in Fidenae Ficulea and possibly Gabii (although here the situation is unclear due to the presence of quarries which have completely destroyed the original elevated region to the east of the Castiglione basin Pacciarelli 2001 122)

Within this general framework the uniqueness and much earlier development of Rome has already been emphasized by several scholars Two quite large sett lements already seem to have been present on the Capitoline and the Palatine Hills by the EarlyMiddle Bronze Age and the Recent Bronze Age1 By the beginning of the Early Iron Age possibly from a very early stage (Latial period IIA) or more probably slightly later (Latial period IIB) the two sett lements seemed to have merged into one big centre

This is demonstrated by the abandonment of the cemetery in the Forum and the beginning of the use of the cemetery of the Esquiline and other funerary areas around the seven hills which from that point were only used for habitation purposes (Carandini 1997 but already Muumlller-Karpe 1962 and Guidi 1982 see also Bett elli 1997) At this stage Rome had reached the remarkable size of ca 202 ha2 which diff erentiates this centre from all of the other primary order sett lements in Latium vetus (which are never larger than 50ndash80 ha) and makes it similar to the major sett lements of southern Etruria

In addition an early development of the proto-urban centre of Lavinium by the end of the Final Bronze Age or the very beginning of the Early Iron Age has been cautiously suggested in a recent paper by Alessandro Guidi This scholar noticed that the funerary use of the central area of the plateaux of Lavinium seems to stop at the end of Final Bronze Age when all funerary areas seem to have been moved away and to be located in the areas surrounding the plateaux This seems to suggest a greater use of the area of the plateaux for residential use no longer limited to the Acropolis (Guidi 2000a)

Similarly recent surveys and research conducted in Etruria have revealed signifi cant exceptions to the dominant model For example in the more remote and inland part of southern Etruria where the major centres of Orvieto and Bolsena are located several hilltop Bronze Age sites such as Montepiombone Montefi ascone Sermugnano Civita di Turona and Castellonchio show a continuity of occupation well into the Early Iron Age (Pacciarelli 1991 171ndash172) In addition Final Bronze Age archaeological evidence known from the sites later occupied by big proto-urban centres and subsequent cities appear to be more abundant than previously believed indicating that earlier sett lements in those sites might have been more signifi cant than previously assumed (Pacciarelli 1991 173ndash179)

In this sense the case of Tarquinia seems to be particularly emblematic The recent topographical surveys and re-evaluation of the human occupation in the area of Tarquinia and its territory during the Bronze and the Early Iron Age has shown a continuous occupation of the Civita di Castellina from the Early Bronze Age until the Orientalizing Period (Mandolesi 1999 in particular 203 with summary table) In particular during the course of the Final Bronze Age human groups seem to have spread out from this well defended hill-top (Acropolis) to occupy sites on the nearby Pian della Civita inducing Alessandro Mandolesi to att ribute a specifi c leading role of the Civita di Castellina in the occupation of the large plateaux (Mandolesi 1999 138ndash140)

The examples presented above from southern Etruria and from Latium vetus have shown that the traditional view of a dramatic contraposition between the two areas probably has to be reconsidered and that local variability should be taken into account When applying a theoretical model such as the rank-size rule (Johnson 1977 1980 1981) further similarities and diff erences can be detected For example the calculation of the rank size index (Johnson 1981 154ndash156) from the Final Bronze Age to the Archaic period shows a similar trend toward higher complexity and a more hierarchical sett lement organisation for both regions (Fig 93)

When analysing and comparing the rank-size curves in detail slightly diff erent trajectories can be detected During the Final Bronze Age both regions present a concave curve which indicates a low level of sett lement integration and hierarchy (Fig 94) But diff erent patt erns can be observed at the beginning of the Early Iron Age Southern Etruria shows a primo-convex curve (that is a curve with a mixed concave and convex trend) at an early stage of the Early Iron Age 1 (Fig 95) while the graph still presents a concave


curve for Latium vetus (Figs 96 and 97) But at a more advanced stage of the Early Iron Age 1 and in Early Iron Age 2 while Etruria maintains a primo-convex curve (Fig 98) Latium vetus has clearly developed a log-normal curve which implies a very high level of sett lement integration and hierarchical organisation generally found in regions with a state-level society (Figs 96 97 and 99)

This model predicted by the application of the rank-size rule on the one hand showed that a similar grade of complexity can be detected in both regions by the Final Bronze Age (calculation of the rank size index) and that a general trend toward higher complexity (eventually aiming towards the development of a state-level hierarchy) can be detected in both regions at a similar pace However the model also reveals an important diff erence between the two regions which might explain from a sub-structural point of view the fi nal success and dominance of Rome

While southern Etruria is a wider region dominated by a few very large proto-urban centres ranging in size between 100 and 200 ha (and possibly therefore the primo-convex curve) with more or less equal power and territorial infl uence (Fig 910) Latium vetus is a smaller and more compact region with major sett lements which never exceed the size of 50ndash80 ha But from a later stage of the Early Iron Age the dramatic growth of Rome (att ested by the relocation of funerary areas from the Forum to the Esquiline and Quirinal hills which implies a sett lement size of about

Figure 93 Rank-size index Etruria (Calculations by S Stoddart) and Latium vetus (Calculations by F Fulminante)

200ndash210 ha) led this sett lement to dominate Latium vetus (Fig 911) and thereby favourably compete with the more numerous but smaller Etruscan city-states

From this point on the Roman polity dominating the whole Latium vetus and from the Archaic Period also dominating directly or by alliances the Latium adiectum probably at least down to Circei and Terracina (see for example Capanna 2005 or Musti 1990 and Coarelli 1990 with a more nuanced view diff erently Cornell 1995 according to whom the tradition on Roman conquests outside Latium vetus can be considered reliable only since the Early Republican Period) would have been much bigger and more powerful than any individual Etruscan city-state Another advantage contributing to the success of Rome can be detected in the centralised authority of the Roman monarchy as compared to the more decentralised and heterarchical power of the Etruscan aristocracies

Funerary EvidenceThe supposed delay in the development of proto-urban centres in Latium vetus is even more challenged if the focus is moved from sett lement analysis to the funerary dimension A contextual analysis of all available evidence from Early Iron Age cemeteries and burial areas in Latium vetus has suggested that the supposed egalitarian tribal organization hypothesized on the analysis of Osteria dellrsquoOsa necropolis evidence


Figure 94 b Rank-size rule Final Bronze Age Latium vetus (Calculations by F Fulminante)

Figure 94 a Rank-size rule Final Bronze Age Etruria (Calculations by S Stoddart)


Figure 95 Rank-size rule Early Iron Age 1 Etruria (Calculations by S Stoddart)

Figure 96 Rank-size rule Early Iron Age 1 Early Latium vetus (Calculations by F Fulminante)


Figure 97 Rank-size rule Early Iron Age 1 Late Latium vetus (Calculations by F Fulminante)



by Biett i Sestieri (Biett i Sestieri 1992a) may have to be revised or at least reframed in the light of recent discussion

It has been suggested that the apparent lack of wealth diff erentiation and consequently social stratifi cation revealed by the analysis of the cemetery of Osteria dellrsquoOsa might be interpreted as a case of ideological manipulation and masking of a more hierarchical social organization (Guidi 2000b Pacciarelli 2001 Fulminante 2003) This interpretation is supported by the recent discovery of a few emerging burials dated to the end of the Final Bronze Agevery beginning of the Early Iron Age In fact a few important male burials from the Latial Period IndashII A recently discovered in Rome and the surrounding territory show clear indicators of religious and political power (Biett i Sestieri and De Santis 2003 De Santis 2005 2007) (Figs 912ndash914) while a rich female child burial from Latial Period I excavated a few years ago near Tivoli has also been interpreted as a possible indication of the existence of hereditary status at this early phase (Le Caprine Tomb 2) (Guidi 2000b Pacciarelli 2001 Fulminante 2003)

To conclude new evidence and recent studies have challenged the traditional model of the gradual continuous and late proto-urban formation of the Latin proto-urban sett lements as opposed to sudden

and revolutionary early sett lement nucleation and centralization in southern Etruria While in general terms the difference is still valid a much greater variability and local specifi city seems to emerge In order to take into consideration this variability and reciprocal interactions both at the local regional and supra-regional levels a new model focused on the idea of networks and identity formation will be suggested in the following section as a novel perspective from which to study urbanisation in central Italy specifi cally and in the Mediterranean more generally

Interactions in central Italy the Mediterranean and Europe and the network modelAs mentioned in the previous sections it is now a commonly held belief that 8th century BC Etruscan and Latin cities represent only the fi nal stage of a long process of sett lement nucleation centralization and territorial hierarchy defi nition initiated by the end of the Bronze Age if not earlier This picture has been developed by a series of studies started by the Roman School of Proto-history which has the merit of having emphasised local impulses toward sett lement centralization and social higher complexity well before

Figure 99 Rank-size rule Early Iron Age 2 Latium vetus (Calculations by F Fulminante)


the appearance of the fi rst colonies in southern Italy (see eg di Gennaro and Stoddart 1982 di Gennaro and Peroni 1986 Peroni 1996 Guidi 2000b Pacciarelli 2001) Therefore the traditional idea of the formation of the city in middle Tyrrhenian Italy as merely a triggered phenomenon imported along with products

styles and ideas from the east Mediterranean has been greatly challenged by this tradition of studies

In addition recent research has suggested that the model of the city-state seen as a community of citizens ruled by a centralized power and sharing a common political identity can be dated in Rome as

Figure 910 Orientalizing Age polities in central Italy X-Tent in Etruria (by S Stoddart and D Redhouse)


early as the middle of the 8th century BC Therefore it seems to pre-date similar Greek city-state foundations both on the mainland and in the colonial contexts (Carandini 2007 12ndash15) In fact excavations conducted in the very centre of Rome have uncovered two signifi cant monuments that appear to date from a similar period an earthen wall around the Palatine which seems to have more ideological religious and political signifi cance than defensive purposes and an exceptionally large rectangular building with benches around the walls very likely to have been used for ceremonial occasions such as meetings and ritual meals (for a synthetic presentation and interpretation of this evidence see Carandini 2007 44ndash77)

The connection of these works with the wall built by Romulus and the House of the Kings mentioned by the literary sources suggested by Andrea Carandini is suggestive but not conclusive However the public importance of these monuments and their political signifi cance together with the earliest phase of the Forum for civic assemblies (possibly dated to the last quarter of the 8th century and more certainly to the fi rst quarter of the 7th by Ammerman (1990) and Filippi (2005)) is undeniable and suggests the existence of a community of citizens sharing a common political identity hence of the beginning of the city-state model from at least this time

Figure 911 Orientalizing Age polities in central Italy Multiplicatively Weighted Voronoi Diagrams (or MW Thiessen Polygons) in Latium vetus (in MWVD the dominant centre is left without a lsquopolygonrsquo) (by F Fulminante)


Figure 912 Emerging burials of Latial Period IIA Santa Palomba Tenuta Palazzo Tomb 1 tenth century BC c Cardiophylakes (heart protectors) double shields greaves sword spears (from De Santis A 2007 p 493ndash494 II1003ndash1009 II1011ndash1016 II1017-1023 su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Att ivitagrave Culturali-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma ndash lsquoby kind permission of the Council for Cultural Heritage and Activities ndash Special Superintendence for the Archaeological Heritage of Romersquo)

Figure 913 Emerging burials of Latial Period IIA Santa Palomba Tenuta Palazzo Tomb 1 tenth century BC c Three fibulae (brooches) razor standincense burner boat-shaped object and chain (from De Santis A 2007 p 493ndash494 II1003-1009 II1011ndash1016 II1017-1023 su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Att ivitagrave Culturali-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma ndash lsquoby kind permission of the Council for Cultural Heritage and Activities ndash Special Superintendence for the Archaeological Heritage of Romersquo)

Figure 914 Emerging burials of Latial Period IIA Santa Palomba Tenuta Palazzo Tomb 1 tenth century BC c Pott ery (from De Santis A 2007 p 493ndash494 II1003ndash1009 II1011ndash1016 II1017-1023 su concessione del Ministero per i Beni e le Att ivitagrave Culturali-Soprintendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Roma ndash lsquoby kind permission of the Council for Cultural Heritage and Activities ndash Special Superintendence for the Archaeological Heritage of Romersquo)


However early contact between Latin and Etruscan communities and Greek and Near Eastern people attested by imported products and later by the introduction of Greek customs such as the symposium (Rathje 1995) cannot be denied Some of the clearest examples being the famous Greek inscription of Osteria dellrsquoOsa found on a local impasto jug related to a female cremation burial (tomb 482 Biett i Sestieri 1992b 686)

This tomb is dated by Anna Maria Biett i Sestieri (1992) to the Latial Period IIB2 that is between 800 and 770 BC c according the traditional chronology (Colonna 1976 or Ampolo et al 1980) or between 875 and 850825 BC c according to new absolute chronologies which take into account dendrocronology and radiocarbon dating (Pacciarelli 2001 Nĳ boer 2005) However Marco Bett elli (1997) suggests even an earlier date and att ributes Osteria dellrsquoOsa tomb 482 to the Latial Period IIB1 which would be between 830 and 800 BC c in the traditional chronology or between 900 and 875 BC c in the new chronology

Of the same chronological horizon as the inscription of Osteria dellrsquoOsa is a proto-Corinthian cup with concentric semicircles found at Veii in the Necropolis of Quatt ro Fontanili where a few later examples are also known As shown by Gilda Bartoloni contacts seem to increase with the appearance of the fi rst colonies in the West while a bit later local imitations and painted local pott ery start to be produced (Bartoloni 2005 347ndash348) On the other hand a study by Alessandro Naso on Etruscan off erings found in Greek sanctuaries in the Eastern Mediterranean has demonstrated that there was a reciprocity in the contacts and that the movement of goods and ideas was not limited from the East to the West but was also active in the opposite direction (Naso 2000 and 2006 for Western elements in the Eastern Mediterranean during previous phases ndash from the 13th to the 11th centuries BC ndash see Francesco Iacono in this volume with previous references)

In addition it has been suggested that the so-called Orientalizing phenomenon has to be seen as an expression of common ideology rather than a passive imitation of the East by the West In this perspective the presence from the end of the 8th century BC and during the whole 7th century of imported materials and works (exotica) or imitated objects from the Near East in rich burials and more rarely in sanctuaries or sett lements of Etruria and Latium vetus should be interpreted as an indicator of common customs and rituals among Mediterranean elites during the 8th and 7th centuries BC (Fulminante 2003 Riva 2006 Guidi and Santoro 2008)

Finally recent research by Serena Sabatini has demonstrated that the same conception of cinerary

urns in the shape of a hut was common to Late Bronze AgendashEarly Iron Age central Italy and Late Bronze Age northern Europe (Scandinavia north and eastern Germany and north Poland) In fact a very similar object was used for the same purpose in the two regions but the models show completely different styles suggesting a common conceptualization rather than a simple imitation or derivation (Sabatini 2006)

It is always possible to interpret the two cases as parallel independent developments but the striking similarities in the conception of the objects in the two regions seem to suggest a relationship between the two phenomena This study seems to confi rm that during the Early Iron Age and probably the Bronze Age the Mediterranean was connected with a network of reciprocal communications trades and relationships and this network also included or was involved with continental Europe

This paper suggests therefore the adoption of the network model in order to study and understand the important transformations which occurred in Europe during the 1st Millennium BC This model in fact allows the study of systems as a unity but can also investigate reciprocal relationships and identify central or peripheral nodes of the system As demonstrated in this paper both Orientalist and Occidentalist approaches to the study of urbanisation in the Mediterranean during the 1st Millennium BC appear to fail as impartial and biased perspectives While a network approach which emphasises interconnections and reciprocal catalyzing interactions seems less rigid and more promising

ConclusionsBy comparing two geographically related but contrasting regions in middle Tyrrhenian Italy Etruria and Latium vetus this paper confi rmed the model already proposed by the Roman School of proto-history which emphasises local developments and impulses toward urbanisation in this area which had already begun well before the fi rst contact with Greek colonists

However it has also shown that the traditional opposition between Etruria (earlier and more marked processes) in comparison to Latium vetus (secondary urbanisation and more gradual process) has to be revised or at least att enuated In fact the sudden abandonment of small hilltops sites by the Final Bronze Age and the convergence of domestic sites on the plateaux later occupied by the cities of the Archaic Period cannot be denied

But an early occupation of dominant positions connected with these plateaux (for example the


case of Castellina di Civita for Tarquinia) seems to suggest that the communities living on these Acropoleis might have had some sort of leadership in the management of the process Similarly the supposed delay of the proto-urban phenomenon in Latium vetus is challenged when funerary evidence is taken into account especially when considering the case of Rome and its territory

Finally the consideration of the local trajectories of sett lement nucleation and centralization toward urbanization in the wider context of the Mediterranean and continental contacts seems to suggest that the network model off ers the best approach to study the major transformations which occurred in the Mediterranean during the 1st Millennium BC In fact both Orientalists and Occidentalists views on urbanisation in middle Tyrrhenian Italy seem to be incomplete and unsatisfactory while the assumption of reciprocal contacts and catalysing interactions seems to more closely fi t the evidence and off er more promising research perspectives

Notes1 The morphological units of the Capitoline Hill (including

both the Capitolium and the Arx) and of the Palatine Hill (including the Cermalus) are respectively calculated in about 14 ha and 23 ha

2 Excluding the Caelian Hill

AcknowledgementWe would like to thank Serena Sabatini and Maria Emanuela Alberti for accepting this paper for publication and for their feedbacks and comments on the draft The paper was originally presented by Simon Stoddart and Francesca Fulminante at the 14th Annual Conference of the European Archaeologistsrsquo Association Malta 16ndash21 September 2008 within the session Connectivity and Indigenous Dynamics Transformation in the Mediterranean (Time) (1200ndash500 BC) organised by Manfred Bietak (University of Vienna Austria) Hartmut Matt haus (University of Erlangen Germany) James Whitley (University of Cardiff Wales) Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart (University of Cambridge England) This session with many points in common with the one organised by Sabatini and Alberti remained unpublished

The article presents a common view by the two authors the original initiative was taken by Francesca Fulminante (the senior author) who conducted the analyses on Latium vetus whereas Simon Stoddart

has contributed towards the analyses on Etruscan sett lements The paper has been revised and elaborated for publication by Francesca Fulminante during a fellowship at the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities (NIAS) in Wassenaar the Netherlands which provided a perfect environment to feed thoughts and ideas on Social Network Analysis in archaeology Here we introduce that model as a metaphor and an interpretative framework while another paper which applies this techniquetool experimentally will appear elsewhere (Fulminante forthcoming) The deepest gratitude goes to Serena and Emanuela to NIAS fellow fellows and staff for all the stimulating interactions while any responsibility for mistakes or errors remains with the two authors

ReferencesAmmerman A J 1990 lsquoOn the origins of the Forum Romanumrsquo

American Journal of Archaeology 94 627ndash45Ampolo C et al 1980 La formazione della citt agrave nel Lazio Seminario

tenuto a Roma 24ndash26 giugno 1977 (Dialoghi di Archaeologia ns 2) Roma

Barker G and Rasmussen T 1998 The Etruscans OxfordBartoloni G 2005 lsquoInizio della colonizzazione nel centro Italiarsquo

In Sett is S and Parra M C (eds) Magna Grecia archeologia di un sapere Milano 345ndash9

Bett elli M 1997 Roma La citt agrave prima della citt agrave i tempi di una nascita La cronologia delle sepolture ad inumazione di Roma e del Lazio nella prima etagrave del Ferro Roma

Biett i Sestieri A M 1992a The Iron Age Necropolis of Osteria dellrsquoOsa Cambridge

Biett i Sestieri A M (ed) 1992b La necropoli Laziale di Osteria dellrsquoOsa Rome

Biett i Sestieri A M and De Santis A 2003 lsquoIl processo formativo della cultura Lazialersquo In Att i della XXXV riunione scientifi ca Le comunitagrave della preistoria italiana studi e ricerche sul neolitico e le etagrave dei metalli Castello di Lipari 2000 in memoria di Luigi Bernabograve Brea Firenze 745ndash63

Brown F E 1935 lsquoThe Regiarsquo Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 12 15ndash36

Brown F E 1967 lsquoNew Soundings in the Regia the evidence for the early republicrsquo In Les origines de la reacutepublique romaine (Fondation Hardt Entretiens sur lrsquoantiquiteacute classique 13) Geacutenegraveve 45ndash64

Brown F E 1974ndash5 lsquoProtostoria della Regiarsquo Att i della Pontifi cia Accademia Romana di Archeologia Rendiconti 47 15ndash36

Camassa G De Guio A and Veronese F (eds) Paesaggi di potere Problemi e prospett ive Att i del Seminario Udine 1996 Roma

Capanna M C 2005 lsquoDallrsquoager Antiquus alle espansioni di Roma in etagrave regiarsquo Workshop di Archeologia classica paesaggi costruzioni reperti 2 173ndash88

Carafa P 1997 lsquoLa lsquogrande Roma dei Tarquinirsquo e la citt agrave romuleo-numanarsquo Bullett ino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 97 7ndash34

Carafa P and Terrenato N 1996 lsquoRoma III Lrsquoetagrave Regia e alto-repubblicanarsquo Enciclopedia dellrsquoArte Antica Classica e Orientale 2deg Supplement 4 Roma 801ndash24


Carandini A 1997 La nascita di Roma Dei Lari eroi e uomini allrsquoalba di una civiltagrave Torino

Carandini A 2004 Palatino Velia e Sacra Via Paesaggi urbani attraverso il tempo (Workshop di Archeologia classica-Quaderni 1) Roma

Carandini A 2007 Roma il primo giorno Roma-BariCarandini A and Carafa P (eds) 2000 Palatium e Sacra Via I

(Bollett ino di Archeologia 31ndash4) RomeChampion T C (ed) 1989 Centre and Periphery Comparative

Studies in Archaeology London Cifani G 1997a lsquoLa documentazione archeologica relativa alle

mura di etagrave arcaica a Roma con appendice di S Fogagnolo Nuove Indagini a Porta Collinarsquo Mitt eilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts Roumlmische Abteilung 105 359ndash89

Cifani G 1997b lsquoLe mura arcaiche di Romarsquo In Carandini 1997 623ndash8

Cifani G 2008 Lrsquoarchitett ura romana arcaica Edilizia e societagrave tra Monarchia e Repubblica Roma

Coarelli F 1990 lsquoRoma I Volsci e il Lazio anticorsquo In Crise et trasformation des socieacuteteacutes archaiumlques de lrsquoItalie antique au Ve siegravecle av JC Actes de la table ronde Rome 1987 Rome 135ndash54

Colonna G (ed) 1976 Civiltagrave del Lazio Primitivo Palazzo delle Esposizioni Roma 1976 (exhibition catalogue) Rome

Colonna G (ed) 1985 Santuari drsquoEtruria MilanoCornell T J 1995 The beginnings of Rome Italy and Rome from

the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (1000ndash264 BC) London-New York

Cunliff e B 2008 Europe Between the Oceans 9000 BCndashAD 1000 London

Cunliffe B and Fernandez Castro M (eds) 1995 Social Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia From the Copper Age to the Second Century AD Oxford

Damgaard Andersen H 1997 lsquoThe Archaeological Evidence for the Origin and Development of the Etruscan City in the 7th to 6th Centuries BCrsquo In Damgaard Andersen et al 1997 343ndash82

Damgaard Andersen H Horsnaeligs H W and Houby-Nielsen S (eds) 1997 Urbanization in the Mediterraenan in the 9th to 6th Centuries BC (Acta Hyperborea 7) Copenhagen

De Santis A 2005 lsquoDa capi guerrieri a principi la strutt urazione del potere politico nellrsquoEtruria protourbanarsquo In Paolett i O and Camporeale G (eds) Dinamiche di sviluppo delle citt agrave nellrsquoEtruria Meridionale Veio Caere Tarquinia Vulci Att i del XXIII Convegno di Studi Etruschi ed Italici Roma Veio CerveteriPyrgi Tarquinia Tuscania Vulci Viterbo 2001 Pisa-Roma 615ndash31

De Santis A 2007 lsquoSanta Palomba localitagrave Palazzo (municipio XII est) Incinerazione in pozzett o con corredo miniaturizzato I periodo Laziale-fase II A1(ca X secolo aC)rsquo In Tomei M A (ed) Memorie dal sott osuolo Ritrovamenti archeologici 1980ndash2006 Milano 492ndash4

di Gennaro F 1986 Forme di insediamento fra Tevere e Fiora dal Bronzo Finale al principio dellrsquoetagrave del Ferro Firenze Firenze

di Gennaro F 2000 lsquolsquoPaesaggi di Poterersquo lrsquoEtruria meridionale in etagrave protostoricarsquo In Camassa et al 2000 95ndash119

di Gennaro F and Guidi A 2000 lsquoIl bronzo fi nale dellrsquoItalia centrale Considerazioni e prospett ive di indaginersquo In Harari M and Pearce M (eds) Il protovillanoviano al di qua e al di lagrave dellrsquoAppennino att i della giornata di studio Como 2000 (Biblioteca di Athenaeum 18) Como 99ndash132

di Gennaro F and Peroni R 1986 lsquoAspett i regionali dello sviluppo dellrsquoinsediamento protostorico nellrsquoItalia centro-

meridionale alla luce dei dati archeologici e ambientalirsquo Dialoghi di Archeologia 3 193ndash200

di Gennaro F and Stoddart S 1982 lsquoA Review of the evidence for Prehistoric Activity in Part of South Etruriarsquo Papers of the British School at Rome 50 1ndash21

Filippi D 2005 lsquoIl Velabro e le origini del Fororsquo Workshop di Archeologia classica paesaggi costruzioni reperti 2 93ndash115

Fulminante F 2003 Le sepolture principesche nel Latium Vetus fra la fi ne della prima etarsquo del Ferro e lrsquoinizio dellrsquoetagrave Orientalizzante Roma

Fulminante F forthcoming lsquoSocial Network Analysis and the Emergence of Central Places A Case Study from Bronze and Early Iron Age Central Italyrsquo BaBesch (Bulletin Antieke Beschaving)

Guaitoli M 1984 lsquoUrbanisticarsquo Archeologia Laziale 6 (Quaderni del centro di studi per lrsquoArcheologia Etrusco-Italica 8) 364ndash81

Guidi A 1982 lsquoSulle prime fasi dellrsquourbanizzazione nel Lazio protostoricorsquo Opus 1 2 279ndash89

Guidi A 1985 lsquoAn application of the Rank-Size rule to proto-historic sett lement in the middle Tyrrhenian arearsquo In Stoddart S and Malone C (eds) Papers in Italian Archaeology 4 3 Patt ern in proto-history Oxford 217ndash42

Guidi A 1992 lsquoLrsquoetagrave dei metalli in Italia centrale e in Sardegnarsquo In Guidi A and Piperno M (eds) Italia Preistorica Roma-Bari 420ndash35

Guidi A 2000a lsquoIl Lazio e la Sabina tra la tarda etagrave del Bronzo e lrsquoetagrave del Ferrorsquo In Camassa et al 2000 85ndash94

Guidi A 2000b Preistoria della complessitagrave sociale BariGuidi A and Santoro P 2008 lsquoThe Role of the Greeks in

the Formation of the New Urban Aristocratic Ideologyrsquo In Fulminante F and Guidi A (eds) Urbanization and State Formation in Italy during the 1st Millennium BC htt p151125875archeologiabao_documentarticoli5_GUIDI_SANTOROpdf

Harris W V 1989 lsquoInvisible cities the beginnings of Etruscan urbanisationrsquo In Att i del Secondo Congresso Internazionale Etrusco Rome 285ndash92

Johnson G A 1977 lsquoAspects of Regional Analysis in Archaeologyrsquo Annual Review of Anthropology 6 479ndash508

Johnson G A 1980 lsquoRank-size convexity and system integration a view from archaeologyrsquo Economic geography 56 234ndash47

Johnson G A 1981 lsquoMonitoring complex system integration and boundary phenomena with sett lement size datarsquo In Van Der Leeuw S E (ed) Archaeological approaches to the study of complexity Amsterdam 144ndash88

Judson S and Hemphill P 1981 lsquoSize of Sett lements in Southern Etruria 6thndash5th Centuries BCrsquo Studi Etruschi 49 193ndash202

Malkin I 1994 lsquoInside and Outside Colonization and the Formation of the Mother Cityrsquo Annali dellrsquoIstituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli Seminario di studi del mondo classico Sezione di archeologia e storia antica 1994(1) 1ndash9

Malkin I 2003 lsquoNetworks and the Emergence of Greek Identityrsquo Mediterranean Historical Review 18(2) 56ndash74

Mandolesi A 1999 La prima Tarquinia Lrsquoinsediamento protostorico sulla civita e nel territorio circostante Firenze

Muumlller-Karpe H 1962 Zur Stadtwerdung Roms HeidelbergMusti D 1990 lsquoLa tradizione storica sullo sviluppo di Roma

fi no allrsquoetaacute dei Tarquinii lsquo In Cristofani M (ed) La Grande Roma dei Tarquini Roma Palazzo delle Esposizioni 12 Giugnondash30 Sett embre 1990 (Exhibition catalogue) Rome 9ndash15

Naso A 2000 lsquoEtruscan and Italic Artefacts from the Aegeanrsquo In Ridgway D Serra Ridgway F R Pearce M Herring


E Whitehouse R and Wilkins J (eds) Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean Sett ing Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara London 193ndash207

Naso A 2006 lsquoAnathema etruschi nel Mediterraneo Orientalersquo In Della Fina M (ed) Gli Etruschi e il Mediterraneo Commerci e Politica Att i del XIII Convegno Internazionale di studi sulla Storia e lrsquoArcheologia dellrsquoEtruria Roma 351ndash416

Nĳ boer A J 2005 lsquoLa cronologia assoluta dellrsquoetagrave del Ferro nel Mediterraneo dibatt ito sui metodi e sui risultatirsquo In Bartoloni G and Delpino F (eds) Oriente e Occidente Metodi e discipline a confronto Rifl essioni sulla cronologia dellrsquoetagrave del Ferro in Italia (Att i dellrsquoIncontro di Studi Roma 30ndash31 Ott obre 2003) (Mediterranea 1) Pisa-Roma 527ndash556


Pacciarelli M 1994 lsquoSviluppi verso lrsquourbanizzazione nellrsquoItalia tirrenica protostoricarsquo In Gastaldi P and Maetzke G (eds) La presenza etrusca in Campania Meridionale Att i delle giornate di studio Salerno-Pontecagnano 1990 Firenze 227ndash53

Pacciarelli M 2001 Dal villaggio alla citt arsquo La svolta proto-urbana del 1000 aC nellrsquoItalia tirrenica Firenze

Pallott ino M 1984 Etruscologia (7th Edn) MilanoPensabene P 2000 lsquoLe reliquie dellrsquoetagrave Romulea e i culti del

Palatinorsquo In Carandini A and Cappelli R (eds) Roma Romolo Remo e la fondazione della citt agrave (exhibition catalogue) Milano 74ndash82

Pensabene P 2002 lsquoVenticinque anni di ricerche sul Palatino i santuari e il sistema sostruttivo dellrsquoarea sud ovestrsquo Archeologia Classica 53 65ndash163

Pensabene P and Falzone S (eds) 2001 Scavi del Palatino I Lrsquoarea sud-occidentale del Palatino tra lrsquoetagrave protostorica e il IV secolo aC Scavi e materiali della strutt ura ipogea sott o la cella del Tempio della Vitt oria (Studi Miscellanei 31) Roma

Peroni R 1979 lsquoFrom Bronze Age to Iron Age Economic Historical and Social Considerations (Translation into english of lsquoPer uno studio dellrsquoeconomia di scambio in Italia nel quadro dellrsquoambiente culturale dei secoli intorno al Mille aCrsquo originally published in La Parola del Passato 24 1969 134ndash160)rsquo In Ridgway D and Ridgway F (eds) Italy before the Romans The Iron Age Orientalizing and Etruscan Periods London-New York-San Francisco 17ndash30

Peroni R 1989 Protostoria dellrsquoItalia continentale La penisola Italiana nelle etagrave del Bronzo e del Ferro (Popoli e civiltagrave dellrsquoItalia antica 9) Roma

Peroni R 1996 LrsquoItalia alle soglie della storia BariPeroni R 2000 lsquoFormazione e sviluppi dei centri protourbani

medio-tirrenicirsquo In Carandini A and Cappelli R (eds) Roma

Romolo Remo e la fondazione della citt agrave (exhibition catalogue) Milano 26ndash30

Pisani Sartorio G 1990 lsquoLa successione cronologica delle fasi dellrsquoarea sacra in base alla stratigrafi a dello scavorsquo In Cristofani M (ed) La grande Roma dei Tarquini (exhibition catalogue) Roma 114

Rasmussen T 2005 lsquoUrbanization in Etruriarsquo In Osborne R and Cunliff e B (eds) Mediterranean Urbanization (800ndash600 BC) Oxford 91ndash113

Rathje A 1995 lsquoIl banchett o in Italia centrale quale stile di vitarsquo In Murray O and Tecusan M (eds) In vino veritas London 167ndash75

Renfrew C 1986 lsquoInterazione fra comunitagrave paritarie e formazione dello statorsquo Dialoghi di Archeologia 27ndash33

Renfrew C and Cherry J F (eds) 1986 Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-Political Change Cambridge

Riva C 2006 lsquoThe Orientalizing Period in Etruria Sophisticated Communitiesrsquo In Riva C and Vella C N (eds) Debating Orientalization Multidischiplinary Approaches to Change in the Ancient Mediterranean London and Oakville 110ndash34

Sabatini S 2006 lsquoThe house urns of the lsquoSammlung Ur- und Fruumlhgeschichtlichenrsquo at the University of Leipzigrsquo Leipziger online Beitraumlge zur Ur und Fruumlhgeschichtlichen Archaumleologie 18 httpwwwuni-leipzigde~ufgreihefilesl18pdf (4 January 2010)

Sherratt A 1993 lsquoWhat Would a Bronze Age World System look like Relations between temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in later prehistoryrsquo Journal of European Archaeology 1 2 1ndash58

Smith C 2000 lsquoEarly and Archaic Romersquo In Coulston J and Dodge H (eds) Ancient Rome the Archaeology of the Ethernal City Oxford 16ndash41

Stoddart S and Redhouse D I forthcoming Mapping Etruscan State formation

Stoddart S K 1987 Complex Polity Formation in Central Italy in the 1st Millennium BC Cambridge

Stoddart S K 1989 lsquoDivergent trajectories in central Italy 1200ndash500 BCrsquo In Champion 1988 88ndash101

Stoddart S K forthcoming Power and Place in Etruria The spatial dynamics of a Mediterranean civilisation 1200ndash500 BC

Stoddart S K and Spivey N 1990 Etruscan Italy An Archaeological History London

Van Dommelen P 1997 lsquoSome Refl ections on Urbanization in a Colonial Context West Central Sardinia in the 7th to 5th Centuries BCrsquo In Damgaard Andersen et al 1997 243ndash78

Whitehouse R D and Wilkins J B 1989 lsquoGreeks and Natives in South-East Italy Approaches to the Archaeological Evidencersquo In Champion 1988 102ndash26

10

Local and transcultural burial practices in Northern Europe in the Late Bronze Age

Face house and facedoor urns

Serena Sabatini

IntroductionThis paper explores the evidence of negotiation incorporation and refusal of external material culture in Late Bronze Age (LBA) Northern Europe It also examines phenomena of hybridizations between practices with diff erent origins briefl y touching upon issues of cultural identity Such discussions stem from a comparative analysis of the origin and characteristics of face house and facedoor urns The distribution of the three burial practices covers a large portion of northern Europe encompassing Scandinavia central Germany and Poland (Fig 101) although in most cases not contemporaneously They seem to coexist however at the end of northern European LBA period V or by the beginning of the 8th century BC (see eg Haumlnsel and Haumlnsel 1997 102ndash103) The burial practices appear to have been related to each other in diff erent ways and enable the themes of this paper to be approached through multiple perspectives

In order to provide as complete a picture as possible of these phenomena and their signifi cance for the study of LBA northern European societies the following text is organized into two parts the fi rst focuses on face and house urns and long distance exchange systems and serves as an introduction to the second part which addresses facedoor urns hybridization in material culture and issues of cultural identity

Faces vs houses comparable narratives and diff erent meaningsThere are two specifi c classes of funerary urns that co-existed among others around the south-western part of

the Baltic Sea and its surrounding hinterland (including the Jutland peninsula and southern Norway) between the end of period IV and the beginning of period VI face urns and house urns The archaeological names directly mirror the most well-known interpretations of their respective symbolic meanings one bearing a face and the other representing a house or parts of it (see eg Behn 1924 Stjernquist 1961 La Baume 1963 Muumlller 1999 Kneisel 2002 2012 Sabatini 2007)

With the exception of house and face urns LBA Northern European funerary urns do not seem to have comparably specifi c forms Contemporary burial urns belong to a range of shapes from bowls to variously sized containers with decorated or plain surfaces (eg Stjernquist 1961 Kobernstein 1964 Jensen 1997 Putt kammer 2008 Hoff man 2009) but they do not normally bear fi gurative symbolism comparable to that of the face or house urns In such a scenario face and house urns appear to have been exceptional not only for their exclusive fi gurative features but also for being a signifi cant variation within the local burial-scapes

The respective general distribution areas of face and house urns include largely the same territories (Fig 101) However at the local level they seem to mutually exclude each other That is single communities would normally choose either one or the other practice (eg Sabatini 2007 Kneisel 2012) On the other hand both coexist everywhere with the other burial urns without fi gurative characteristics To date the most interesting exception to this general situation is represented by Wulfen cemetery in Saxony-Anhalt (Koberstein 1964 Sabatini 2007 136ndash138) Wulfen appears to have belonged to an open community capable of negotiating

10 Local and transcultural burial practices in Northern Europe in the Late Bronze Age 135

and using several burial practices at the same time Wulfenrsquos community buried its dead in house face and facedoor urns in addition to all the other regular burial containers (Koberstein 1964)

Face and house urns have been interpreted as the product of a similar creative process although diff erent in substance (Sabatini 2007 164ndash166) Both practices

are proposed to have stemmed from a paradigm (or idea behind the realization of similar objects see Sabatini 2007 42) which is specifi c for each of the two phenomena (see also below) Such paradigms are here considered as an expression of values and meanings connected to the sphere of the human body (keeping in mind that as a rule only its upper part is represented)

Figure 101 House (black dots) and face (grey diamonds) urns distribution The three columns illustrate the proportion between the numbers of known house and face urns in modern Norway and Denmark (1) Sweden and Germany (2) and Poland (3)

Serena Sabatini136

in the case of face urns and of the house (intended as a construction in general andor as a housedwelling) in the case of house urns Archaeological evidence (eg Behn 1924 von Brunn 1939 Broholm 1949 Stjernquist 1961 Kwapinski 1999 2007 Sabatini 2007 Kneisel 2012) invites considering both paradigms as having had a conceptual rather than normative value The lack of strict normativity is suggested by the large variation of forms and expressions characterising both classes

Despite their supposedly similar originating processes and comparable narratives (eg Muumlller 2002) the two classes are here considered as two chronologically and geographically diff erent albeit overlapping and partly parallel traditions

Face urns Face urns are generally biconical vases characterised by the iconographical att empt to reproduce human and mostly face-related features on their upper part (Fig 102) Both urn shapes and anthropomorphic features may be made in a wide variety of ways (eg Kneisel 2002 Kwapinski 1999 2007 LaBaume 1963 Łuka 1966) Face urns are considered in this work (see above) as stemming out of a body paradigm supposedly inspiring their specifi c fi gurative characteristics

Face urns can also have various decorations aside from their anthropomorphic features In particular on the later examples from Poland we fi nd a large number of pictograms representing objects such as personal belongings like pins or necklaces (eg Kneisel 2012 fi g 140) or even complex motives with wagons (eg LaBaume 1963 n265) or hunting scenes (eg Kneisel 2012 fi g 192) and so on

The fi rst face urns date to the LBA period IV (c 12thndash10th century BC) According to a recent thorough study of the class (Kneisel 2012 see also Kneisel in this volume with further bibliography) the fi rst specimens appear in burials from the Jutland and the Scandinavian peninsulas The phenomenon spread and remained in use until the La Teacutene A (c 7thndash5th century BC see Jensen 1997 Trachsel 2004) reaching its height of popularity during its latest phases in north and western modern Poland (eg Stjernquist 1961 58ndash59 LaBaume 1963 Łuka 1966 Kwapinski 1999 2007 see also Kneisel in this volume with previous bibliography)

More than 2000 face urns are known today (eg Kwapinski 1999 2007 see also Kneisel 2012 and in this volume) In addition not only could several individuals from the same community be buried in such containers but large graves with several face urns in the same stone cist are not uncommon particularly in the Polish part of their distribution area (see La Baume 1963 Łuka

1966 pl lxxxiii Kwapinski 1999 2007 Kneisel 2002 fi g 5) Modern osteological analyses of the cremated remains from face urns also show that they could be used for the deposition of more than one individual (Kneisel 2002 fi g 3)

The distribution patt ern of face urns (Fig 101) shows clear concentrations along some of the main rivers on the continent or in close vicinity to the sea Hence a close relationship between the practice and exchange networks is suggested as is demonstrated by Kneiselrsquos study in this volume

Face urns do not seem to have been initiated under the infl uence of any contemporary or similar foreign phenomenon rather they seem to have local North European origins (La Baume 1963 Łuka 1966

Figure 102 Two examples of Pomeranian face urns (from La Baume 1963 pl 5 201 and pl 7 265 courtesy of the Verlag des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz Germany)


van den Boom 198081 Kneisel 2012) It is worth remarking in this respect how people or just parts of human bodies (for example feet and hands) are well known in other forms of northern European LBA fi gurative expressions Interesting examples come from Scandinavian rock carvings on open air panels (eg Fredell 2003 Coles 2005 Ling 2008) from the so-called local ritual houses (eg Kaul 1985 2006 108) and from burial monuments (eg Goldhahn 1999) We may therefore postulate the existence at least to a certain extent of conceptual connections between face urns and other local ritual practices

To conclude face urns appear as a long-lasting and multifaceted Northern European phenomenon They also embody certain transcultural signifi cance in the sense that their symbolic core and ideological value could be shared through time by a large number of communities despite the diversity of local cultural identities

House urnsHouse urns are funerary urns decorated in the form of miniature buildings (Fig 103) or just with specifi c architectural details (ie biconical vases with a door on the belly of the vase andor roof ndashlike features on the top of it) They come in many shapes and forms but are considered a single coherent class due to the common symbolism of which each is assumed to be a peculiar expression (see Sabatini 2007 95ndash97)

House urns appear at the end of period IV (or by about the end of the 10th century BC) in the northernmost part of their distribution area latest examples are from central Germany and date to the beginning of period VI or around the middle of the 8th century BC (Sabatini 2007 116ndash122)

The distribution area of house urns includes north and eastern Germany between the Harz Mountain and the Baltic Sea part of Polish Pomerania the islands of Gotland and Bornholm in the Baltic Sea south-east Sweden the Jutland peninsula and the Danish islands of Falster Moslashn and Zealand (Fig 101) Despite their wide-ranging distribution the total number of known house urns is relatively small (c 140 pieces see Sabatini 2007 179ndash248) A limited number of people if not just one person were buried in such containers at each site As far as the burial ritual is concerned house urns appear to have been buried in compliance with the various local ritual practices alongside other kinds of urns (eg Stjernquist 1961 Kobernstein 1964 Stroumlmberg 1982 Sabatini 2007) Each house urn generally contains the remains of a single individual (eg Gejvall 1961 Sigvallius-Vilkancis 1982 Vretemark 2007) The only certain exception to that is represented by one of

the few and peculiarly shaped 1 items from Polish Pomerania which contained two diff erent individuals (Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1977) So far clear age or gender-related patt erns have not emerged in att empts to correlate the available osteological data with urn shapes or with their grave goods (see eg Sabatini 2007 124ndash135 Vretemark 2007 286)

There is lively debate regarding the origins of house urns (see eg Stjernquist 1961 45ndash57 Bartoloni et al 1987 5ndash15 Sabatini 2007 7ndash20) Throughout the history of their study two main arguments have been the focus of debate On the one hand the Villanova hut urns from central-western Italy (see eg Bartoloni et al 1987 and also Iaia in this volume) have been considered the trigger for the origin of the North European practice (eg Broholm 1949 152 von Hase 1992 238 Gedl 1994 286 Kristiansen 1998 166) Alternatively the emergence and development of house urns has been seen as a local phenomenon contemporary with the Villanovan hut urns only by accident or coincidence (eg Bartoloni et al 1987 207ndash225) The fi rst hypothesis fi nds support in the archaeological record (see Sabatini 2007 149ndash261) It seems possible to say that house urns emerged in Northern Europe under the infl uence of Villanovan hut urns in particular due to four factors Firstly Villanova hut urns represent the only contemporary practice whose resemblance to house urns appears undoubtedly remarkable (see eg fi gs 81 and 85 in Iaia in this volume) Villanova hut urns are also a solid locally spread and culturally well-rooted phenomenon (eg Muumlller-Karpe 1959 48ndash52 and 87ndash96 Bartoloni et al 1987 135ndash147 Peroni 1994 124 Leighton 2005 Barbaro 2006) which without entering the argument any further could be regarded as part of narratives from or about their area of origin Thirdly house urns are distributed close to the Baltic Sea or to main central European Rivers (see Fig 101) thus associated with communication ways and are therefore likely to have been related to exchange networks (eg Sabatini 2007 21ndash34) They also emerge at the end of period IV when contacts between Northern Europe and the Italian peninsula are well-att ested (see the discussion in the next paragraph) Finally with the exception of house urns houses constructions in general or architectural elements of some sort are otherwise absent in any other LBA north European form of fi gurative expression (see Sabatini 2007 34ndash36) Similarly such representations are absent from metal artefacts (eg Kaul 1998 2005) or on rock carvings (eg Goldhahn 2002 Fredell 2003 Coles 2005 Ling 2008 Bradley 2009 Fredell et al 2010)2

To conclude assuming Villanovan hut urns inspired the origin of house urns in Northern Europe house urns could also be defi ned as the concrete manifestation

Serena Sabatini138

locally elaborated of an intercultural dialogue between the two sides of the continent Going one step further the hypothesised foreignness (from the Villanova area) of the core symbolism of house urns might also be included among the possible causes as to why they appear not to have left a lasting trace (Muumlller 1999 Sabatini 2007) in later northern European material culture

LBA continental exchange networks From the end of Montelius period IV and in particular during period V (which in central European chrono-logical terms is during approximately the whole Hallstatt B period or around the 10th and the 9th century BC see Haumlnsel and Haumlnsel 1997 102ndash103) there is consistent evidence for exchange between the central Mediterranean and continentalnorthern Europe (eg von Hase 1992 Scarre and Healy 1993 Gedl 1994 Kristiansen 1998 Pydyn 1999 Pare 2000 Earle 2002 Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 Galanaki et al 2007) They also seem to have crossed the Italian Peninsula and not the CarpathianDanube basins as was evidently done in the Early Bronze Age (see eg Thrane 1975 204 Jensen 1982 163ndash167 Kristiansen 1998 161ff Pydyn 1999 55ff Vandkilde 2007 91ff )

Space does not allow a detailed discussion of LBA long distance exchange networks but one particular example might provide useful insights A category of artefacts well known among Bronze Age scholars is that comprising the exceptional bronze vessels known as the Gevelinghausen type (Fig 104) These diverse and highly ornamented items (eg Joumlckenhovel 1974 Iaia 2005 163ndash170) represent a class of prestige goods which probably circulated during the northern European LBA period V chiefl y by way of a gift exchange system (eg Kristiansen 1993) or according to what has also been defi ned as a wealth fi nance system based on control and distribution of symbolic objects in order to create and maintain networks and thereaft er ideologicalpolitical power (eg Earle 1997 2002 Kristiansen 2010) They have been found among other places (see the distribution map in Iaia this volume fi g 86) in a grave from Veio in the Villanova area (eg Iaia 2005 fi g 63) in the so-called Seddin royal tumulus in Brandenburg Germany (eg Metzner-Nebelsick 2003 May et al 2005) and in a bog from Rorbaeligk in northern Jutland (eg Joumlckenhovel 1974 pl 61) Remarkably enough for the aim of this study each of these fi nd-spots is also a site from which hut (the former) and house urns (the latt er two) come from as well (eg Behn 1924 10 and pl 2b Bornholm

1949 pl 43 Bartoloni et al 1987 177ndash180 Sabatini 2007 185 and 216 with previous references) Some of the Gevelinghausen vessels are also decorated with the so-called sun-ship bird motive which is a recurrent symbol all over Bronze Age Europe (eg Kaul 1998 2005 Kristiansen 1998 170ndash171 Pydyn 1999 55 Iaia 2005 223ndash243 and in this volume fi g 85 Wirth 2006) A sun-ship bird motive also appears on the walls of one exceptional bronze hut urn from Vulci (eg Bartoloni et al 1987 fi gs 31 and 33 Iaia this volume fi g 85) suggesting ideological closeness between these various artefacts and the groups producing and using them

This is not the place to question reasons and fashions beyond the distribution of Gevelinghausen vessels (for further reading on the issue see eg Joumlckenhoumlvel 1974 Kristiansen 1993 1998 169ndash170 Iaia 2005 207ndash219) However the demonstrated geographical overlapping between them and the huthouse urn phenomena cannot be ignored in any att empt to reconstruct the fl ow of items and ideas between the Mediterranean and northern European LBA Europe

House urns and face urns appear variously connected to exchange networks not only as far as their emergence is concerned but also in terms of their development and decline At the beginning of period VI (or by around the mid-8th century BC) house urns cease to exist (eg Sabatini 2007 116ndash122) while face urns enter what we could call their mature ndash and at least numerically most signifi cant ndash phase particularly in the territories east of the Oder River (eg Kwapinski 1999 2007 Kneisel 2012 and in this volume) At the beginning of period VI not only were Villanovan hut urns (whose infl uence is here considered a determining factor for the emergence of house urns) no longer in use (see Bartoloni et al 1987) but exchange fl ow between the two sides of the continent became less consistent as well The reasons behind these transformations appear complex (eg Vandkilde 2007 163ndash182 Kristiansen 2010 182ndash188) Considerable changes such as the sudden decrease in metal hoards across Northern Europe by the end of period V (Pydyn 2000 with previous bibliography) took place

All in all the evidence demonstrates the complex interplay between diff erently sized networks and local forms of expression It is clear that during the northern European LBA diff erent phenomena and networks overlapped and infl uenced each other They stretched all over northern Europe in some cases reaching as far as to the central Mediterranean In addition they appear to have played on several planes and reveal not only movement and exchange of goods andor skills but also of symbolic values or paradigms


Face house and facedoor urnsLooking at the distribution of house and face urns (Fig 101) we can easily single out their respective areas of major infl uence south-eastern Sweden and central Germany for the former and southern Norway the Jutland peninsula and western Poland in the case of the latt er At the same time it is also clear that they nevertheless experienced a signifi cant geographical closeness Based on local examples archaeological evidence demonstrates how single communities generally made clear choices to exclude one of the two practices in the act of choosing the other It seems therefore that the respective paradigms at the core of the two phenomena are generally not compatible within the same burial ground Facedoor urns therefore open up discussions not only about negotiation and incorporation of external material culture but also of hybridization and transcultural dialogue between contextually and culturally separated practices

By the end of period V or Ha C1 fruumlh or at approximately the beginning of the 8th century BC (see Haumlnsel and Haumlnsel 1997 102ndash103) face and house urns underwent a signifi cant process of hybridization with each other The outcome of this process despite the limited number of artefacts (13 items in total see in particular Sabatini 2008b) reveals that there were three diff erent kinds of possible hybridization resulting from the original paradigms (ie house and body) They have been classifi ed (Sabatini 2008b) as house urns with

face features (Fig 103) door urns with face features (Fig 109) and facedoor urns (Figs 105ndash107)

To date two house urns with face features are known They both come from the cemetery of Frose in SaxonyndashAnhalt (eg Behn 1924 14ndash15 Koumlnig 193233 102ndash103 106ndash107 Sabatini 2007 pls 9ndash10 and 2008b) One urn pertains to the second group and it is also the only example of hybridization between face and house urns which took place outside central Germany in south-eastern Scania (Sweden) at the cemetery of Simris (eg Stjernquist 1961 59ndash65) Simris 23 is a door urn with a conical lid (Sabatini 2007 83) which presents a very interesting permeability to the body paradigm since it shows face features on the opposite side to where the door is (Fig 109) In other words it appears that the original intention was to have a house urn or a face urn depending upon the angle from which you viewed it

Facedoor urns Facedoor urns are biconical burial urns which display face features in the upper part of the vase and a door opening below that (Figs 105ndash107) In other words these urns unite the two main features (face and door opening respectively) each characterising face and house urns

Facedoor urns come from Saxony-Anhalt and in particular from four burial grounds Eisldorf 3 (eg

Figure 103 The house urn Frose D Saxony-Anhlat Germany (courtesy of the Museum fuumlr Vor- und Fruumlgeschichte Berlin Germany)

Figure 104 The Gevelingshausen vessel (from Jockenhoumlvel 1974 fi g 2 courtesy of the Roumlmisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen Archaumlologischen Instituts Frankfuumlrt a M)

Serena Sabatini140

Voges 1894 Becker 1896 Wendorff 1981 Sabatini 2007 191ndash193 2008b fi g 3 Heske and Grefen-Peters 2008) Groβ-Quensted (eg von Brunn 1939 132 Sabatini 2007 197 2008b fi g 4) Rietzmeck (eg Hinze 1925 Koumlnig 1925 1928 Sabatini 2007 207ndash208 2008b fi g 6) and Wulfen (eg von Brunn 1939 136ndash137 Kobernstein 1964 Sabatini 2007 220ndash223 2008b fi g 5) They are a relatively uniform group of items (Figs 105ndash107) Face features might be represented in diff erent ways with a plastic nose (like Eilsdorf 1 or Wulfen 5 respectively in Figs 105 and 107) with plastic nose eyes and ears (like Eilsdorf 3 in Fig 106) or with impressed eyes (like Groβ-Quensted see von Brunn 1939 132 Sabatini 2007 197 2008b fi g 4) similar to those on Simris 23 urn (see Fig 109)

Few facedoor urns have been recovered or are preserved with datable grave goods Important in this respect is the association of a so-called Schaumllchenkopft pin (Laux 1976 122ndash124 Trachsel 2004 68) with Eilsdorf 2 (eg Sabatini 2007 192) The Eilsdorf 2 pin and the relatively wide distribution of the so-called Rippenkopf pins (Laux 1976 124ndash128) in central German cemeteries with house and facedoor urns (Sabatini 2007 108ndash111)

Figure 105 The facedoor urn Eilsdorf 1 Ldkr Harz Germany (courtesy of the Museum fuumlr Vor- und Fruumlgeschichte Berlin Germany)

Figure 106 The facedoor urn Eilsdorf 3 Ldkr Harz Germany (courtesy of the Braunschweigsches Landesmuseum Woumllfenbuumltt el Germany)

Figure 107 The face door urn from Wulfen 5 Ldkr Anhalt-Bitt erfeld Germany (courtesy of the Schloβmuseum Koumlthen Germany)


suggest a chronology for the phenomenon dating to the very end of the north European LBA period V or Hallstatt C1 fruumlh (Trachsel 2004 68ndash69) It corresponds to the later part of the Italian Early IA (see Carancini et al 1996 fi g 1) and in absolute terms to about the beginning of the 8th century BC (eg Haumlnsel and Haumlnsel 1997 102ndash103)

Not much information is preserved about the context and provenience of facedoor urns One context (grave 16) from Eilsdorf is however relatively well investigated (eg Heske and Grefen-Peters 2008)

It shows among other things that the size of facedoor urns was adapted to the age of the deceased The osteological analysis revealed that an adult (male) was buried in the bigger facedoor urn Eilsdorf 2 (which is comparable in size and shape to Eilsdorf 1 in Fig 105) while a small child (1ndash2 years old) was buried in the litt le urn Eilsdorf 3 (Fig 106) In the same grave with Eilsdorf 2 and 3 there was also a third biconical urn where an adult woman was buried A burial context as such is not unusual among house urns (see Sabatini 2007 131ndash133) and gives the opportunity to discuss the signifi cance of close family ties in relation for example to the chosen urns or burial practices

Archaeological evidence does not allow us to state whether house or face urns played a more signifi cant role in the emergence of facedoor urns However at least four factors should be taken into account when considering their origin In the fi rst place as mentioned above two house-shaped items from central Germany contemporary with facedoor urns are decorated with face features on the front wall (see Fig 103) and on the roof (eg Behn 1924 15 and pl 3f Koumlning 193233 102ndash103 and 107ndash109 von Brunn 1939 132 Sabatini 2007 pls 9ndash10) respectively Secondly facedoor urns are distributed in areas where the presence of house urns is dominant in comparison to that of face urns (see Fig 101) The elongated biconical shape of facedoor urns is common both to face urns (see Fig 102) and to non house-shaped house urns (see the example in Fig 108) or so-called door urns (Sabatini 2007 77ndash84) Finally facedoor urns are a geographically and chronologically limited phenomenon and disappear at the same time as the last manifestations of house urns (Sabatini 2007 85ndash87)

Figure 108 The door urn Ruuthsbo A Bjaumlresjouml par Sweden (courtesy of Lunds Universitets Historiska Museet Lund Sweden)

Figure 109 The door urn with face features Simris 23 Simris par Sweden (drawing from the author)

Serena Sabatini142

Symbolic meanings and identity strategiesFace and house urns provide the opportunity to discuss the multifaceted nature of contacts between diff erent cultures Facedoor urns allow us to move a step further beyond the existence of exchanges and negotiation of material culture or symbolic paradigms They reveal the capacity of LBA northern European communities to propose hybridised phenomena stemming out of practices with diff erent cultural origins and narratives

A previous work investigating house and facedoor urns (Sabatini 2007 166) tried to shed light on this episode of the European LBA adopting Arjun Appadurajrsquos (1996) theory on the dimensional nature of culture and Zigmund Baumanrsquos theory of identity as an objective or aim changing and developing through time (see the discussion in Bauman 2004) In Appadurajrsquos view cultural identity is treated as a dynamic concept spelling out the interplay between diff erent dimensions fulfi lling diff erent needs

The exclusive iconography of house face and facedoor urns appears to express a necessity of cultural differentiation from other local customs They could therefore be considered as embodying an identity dimension At the same time facedoor urns demonstrate that the border between these dimensions is not permanent and that different communities might att empt to create new possibilities for diff erentiation

Post-colonial theories have investigated how cultural encounters permit change in many different and unpredictable ways (eg Bhaba 1994 228 Rutherford 1999) Encounters create premises for new experiences paving the way to new dimensions whether continuous or sporadic over time On the other hand it also opens up discussions on cultural identity and adopting Baumanrsquos (2004) terminology its being a constant praxis of active choices regardless of the solidity of their outcomes

Facedoor urns could also fruitfully be discussed in terms of what post-colonial theory calls third space (eg Bhabha 1994 Rutherford 1999 211) Third space is a conceptual space generated by cultural encounters which nurses new andor hybridized cultural creations House and face urns have diff erent origins They develop partly contemporarily into transcultural phenomena negotiated and incorporated on a local basis by several communities across northern Europe Although their respective use seems to exclude each other scatt ered communities open up the core paradigm of these practices in order to initiate a process of hybridization The experiment had a brief and modest life and seems to have disappeared relatively quickly aft er its emergence (eg Sabatini 2007

122) Hence facedoor urns appear as an att empted combination which did not succeed in developing into a lasting tradition (see also the discussion in Sabatini 2008b 113) Despite their brief existence one thing can be argued about facedoor urns from a postcolonial perspective they are yet another example of the endless possibilities of intercultural dialogues

Concluding remarks House face and facedoor urns provide an opportunity to discuss the complex interplay between variously sized exchange networks and local cultural phenomena in LBA northern Europe Despite their diff erent origins and development to date they are the sole classes of Northern European LBA burial urns taking forms that are iconographically signifi cant They therefore appear to embody a necessity of diff erentiation and thus what has been discussed as an identity dimension for the communities using them At the same time the large number of communities involved suggests the existence of shared symbolic values and thus communication and exchanges between groups using them In this sense both face and house urns have here been defi ned as transcultural practices

Furthermore the house paradigm postulated to have been at the origin of house urns as stemming from the Villanovan hut urns from the Italian Peninsula reveals exchange between those same areas as well The existence of such long distance networking is substantiated by other archaeological evidence like the so-called Gevelingshausen bronze vessels

House and face urns coexist between the end of period IV and the beginning of period VI in largely the same territories (Fig 101) The various local communities do not generally use house and face urns together and on a local basis they are usually not found in the same burial grounds The subsequent introduction of facedoor urns is therefore an exceptional phenomenon

Archaeological evidence demonstrates that probably not before the end of period V or Hallstatt C1 fruumlh (at the beginning of about the 8th century BC) the core symbolism characterising house and face urns converged and underwent a phenomenon of hybridization Despite the demonstrated aversion individual communities had to embracing both practices simultaneously a dialogue between the conceptual paradigms occurred From this a third phenomenon negotiating both house and face urn core symbolism emerged taking on a new form of expression and supposedly embodying a new cultural dimension


The study of house face and facedoor urns provides interesting insights into the cultural complexity of the northern European LBA The development and characteristics of these phenomena illustrate the ability of northern European communities to negotiate and autonomously elaborate external and local stimuli into original forms of symbolic expression possibly embodying diff erent dimensions of identity All in all the evidence illustrates not only the existence of contacts between the various areas but also their multifaceted nature and their far-reaching capacity both geographically and culturally

Notes1 In contrast to all the other house urns the Polish examples

stand on pillars and therefore have an elevated fl oor (eg Podgorski 1997 Sabatini 2007 pls 30ndash32)

2 Other aspects of the northern European LBA might broaden our perspectives Several studies (eg Ulleacuten 1994 Carlie 2004 Kaliff 2006 Artursson 2009 242 Kristiansen 2010) suggest that ritual and ideological values characterise for example contemporary longhouses House symbolism appears also to have been embedded in the use of burying longhouses under local monumental aristocratic graves (eg Kristiansen 1998b 169ff Victor 2002 51ndash52 Svanberg 2005) Recent work on the local so-called ritual houses (eg Victor 2002 2006 Kaliff 2006) also sees the key for the interpretation of the practice in a house-linked symbolism None of these phenomena however is a creative eff ort to materially express house features in miniature dimensions However when we accept the hypothesis of the infl uence of Villanova hut urns at the origin of house urns they suggest that the local LBA cultural environment was a potentially fertile ground for the reception and negotiation of a house paradigm from the southern part of the continent

3 Two more items from Eilsdorf have been documented as facedoor urns but they are now lost in one case and only partially preserved in the second (see Sabatini 2008b 110 with previous bibliography)

AcknowledgementsI wish to thank my colleague and friend Maria Emanuela Alberti whose fruitful collaboration has not only brought about the realization of the volume as a whole but also resulted in improvements to the text and interesting discussions on the theme of this contribution I am also grateful to Madelaine Miller and Katarina Streiffert-Eikelund for their invaluable comments on the text I wish also to thank Kristin Bornholdt Collins for significantly improving the language of the article All mistakes

and ultimate inaccuracies that remain are of course the responsibility of the author

The realization of this article has been possible thanks to Goumlteborgs Universitet Jubileumsfond

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Globalization MinneapolisAnglert M Artursson M and Svanberg F (eds) Kulthus och

doumldshus StockholmBarbaro B 2006 lsquoLe urne a capanna di Montetosto Alto

(Cerveteri Roma)rsquo Studi di protostoria in onore di Renato Peroni 74ndash86

Bartoloni G Buranelli F DrsquoAtri V and De Santis A 1987 Le urne a capanna rinvenute in Italia Roma

Bauman Z 2004 Identity Conversations with Benedett o Vecchi Cambridge

Becker H 1896 lsquoDie Eilsdorfer Haus- und Gesichtsurnen und ihr Graumlberfeldrsquo Zeitschrift des Harzvereins fuumlr Geschichte und Altertumskunde 29 265ndash296

Behn F 1924 Hausurnen (Vorgeschichtliche Forschungen 1) Berlin

van den Boom H 198081 lsquoDie Pommerellische Gesichtsurnen-kulturrsquo Acta Praehistoria et Archaeologia 11ndash12 219ndash304

Bhabha H K 1994 The location of culture London and New York

Bradley R 2005 Ritual and Domestic Life in Prehistoric Europe London

Bradley R 2009 Image and Audience Rethinking Prehistoric Art Oxford

Broholm H C 1949 Danmarks Bronzealder IV Copenhagenvon Brunn W A 1939 Die Kultur der Hausurnen Graumlberfelder

in Mitt eldeutschland zur fruumlhen Eisenzeit (Jahresschrift fuumlr die Vorgeschichte der saumlchsisch-thuumlringischen Laumlnder XXX) Halle

Carancini G L Cardarelli A Pacciarelli M and Peroni R 1996 lsquoLrsquoItaliarsquo In Belardelli C Neugebauer J W and Peroni R (eds) The Bronze Age in Europe and the Mediterranean (XIII International congress of the prehistoric and protohistoric sciences Forligrave) 75ndash86

Coles J M 2005 Shadows of a Northern Past OxfordEarle T 1997 How Chiefs Come to Power The Political Economy

in Prehistory StanfordEarle T 2002 Bronze Age Economics The Beginnings of Political

Economies Boulder Fredell Aring 2003 Bildbroar (Gotarc Serie B Gothenburg

Archaeological Thesis nr 25) GoumlteborgFredell Aring Kristiansen K and Criado Boado F (eds) 2010

Representation and Communications Creating an Archaeological Matrix of Late Prehistoric Rock Art Oxford

Galanaki I Tomas H Galanakis Y and Laffi neur R (eds) 2007 Between the Aegean and Baltic Seas Prehistory across Borders Proceedings of the International Conference lsquoBronze and Early Iron Age Interconnections and Contemporary Developments between the Aegean and the Regions of the Balkan Peninsula Central and Northern Europersquo Zagreb 2005 (Aegaeum 27) Liegravege

Serena Sabatini144

Gejvall N L 1961 lsquoAnthropological and osteological analysis of the skeletal material and cremated bones from Simris 2 Simris parishrsquo in Stjernquist 1961 157ndash173

Gedl M 1994 lsquoArchaumlologische Untersuchungen zum Uumlbergang von der Bronze-zur Eisenzeit in Polenrsquo In Schauer P (ed) Archaumlologische Untersuchungen zum Uumlbergang von der Bronze- zur Eisenzeit zwischen Nordsee und Kaukasus Regensburg 263ndash292

Gładykowska-Rzeczycka J 1977 lsquoAntropologiczna analiza przepalonych szczątkow kostnych z Sychowa gm Luzinorsquo Pomorania Antiqua 7 391ndash401

Goldhahn J 1999 Sagaholm (Studia Archaeologica Universitatis Umensis 11) Umearing

Goldhahn J 2002 Bilder av bronsaringlder Stockholmvon Hase F 1992 lsquoEtrurien und Mitt eleuropa -zur Bedeutung

der ersten italienisch-etruskischen Funden der spaumlten Urnenfelder- und Fruumlhen-Hallstatt zeit in Zentraleuroparsquo In Agneti Foresti L (ed) Etrusker noumlrdlich von Etrurien (Acts of the Symposium 2ndash5101989) Wien

Heske I and Grefen-Peters S 2008 lsquoDer Leichenbrand aus den beiden Gesichtstuumlrurnen Grab 16 von 1894 aus Eilsdorf Kr Halberstadtrsquo Die Kunde N F 59 117ndash126

Hinze G 1925 lsquoDie anhaltischen Hausurnenrsquo Anhaltische Geschichtsblaumltt er 1 19ndash23

Hoff man K P 2009 Der rituelle Umgang mit dem Tod Untersuchungen zu bronze- und fruumlheisenzeitlichen Brandbestatt ungen im Elbe-Weser-Dreieck (Archaumlologische Berichte des Landkreises Rotenburg (Wuumlmme 14) Oldenburg

Haumlnsel A and Haumlnsel B 1997 Gaben an die Goumltt er BerlinIaia C 2005 Produzioni toreutiche della prima etagrave del ferro in Italia

centro-sett entrionale Stili decorativi circolazione signifi cato (Biblioteca di Studi Etruschi 40) Firenze

Jensen J 1982 The Prehistory of Denmark LondonJensen J 1997 Fra Bronze- til Jernalder Copenhagen Jockenhoumlvel A 1974 lsquoEine Bronzeamphore des 8 Jahrhunderts

v Chr von Gevelinghausen Kr Meschede (Sauerland)rsquo Germania 52 I 16ndash47

Kaliff A 2006 lsquoGravhus kulthus eller tempelrsquo In Anglert et al 2006 129ndash142

Kaul F 1985 lsquoSandagergaringrdrsquo Acta Archaeologica 56 Copenhagen 31ndash54

Kaul F 1998 Ship on Bronzes CopenhagenKaul F 2005 Bronzealderens religion (Nordiske fortidsminder

Serie B 22) Copenhagen Kaul F 2006 lsquoKulthuset ved Sandagergaringrd og andre kulthuse

ndash betydning og tolkningrsquo In Anglert et al 2006 99ndash112Kneisel J 2002 lsquoGedanken zur Sozialstruktur der eisenzeitlichen

Bevoumllkerung zwischen Warthe und Ostseersquo Mitt eilungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fuumlr Anthropologie Ethnologie und Urgeschichte 23 87ndash96

Kneisel J 2008 lsquoRechtecksymbole und Tuumlroumlff nungen waumlhrend der Eisenzeit in Nord- und Mitt eleuroparsquo Beitraumlge fuumlr Ur- och Fruumlgeschichte Mitt eleuropa 51 97ndash106

Kneisel J 2012 Anthropomorphe Gefaumlszlige in Nord- und Mitt eleuropa waumlhrend der Bronze- und Eisenzeit Studien zu den Gesichtsurnen ndash Kontaktzonen Chronologie und sozialer Kontext (Studien zur Archaumlologie in Ostmitt eleuropa 7) Bonn



Kristiansen K 2010 lsquoDecentralized Complexity The Case of Bronze Age Northern Europersquo In Price T D and Feinman G M (eds) Pathways to Power New Perspectives on the Emergence of Social Inequality (Fundamental Issues in Archaeology) New York 169ndash192


Koberstein H 1964 lsquoDas Hausurnengraumlberfeld von Wulfen Kreis Koumlthenrsquo Jahresschrift fuumlr Mitt eldeutsche Vorgeschichte 48 143ndash192

Koumlnig M 1925 lsquoEinige Bemerkenswerte Funde aus dem Zerbster Schlossmuseumrsquo Mannus Ergaumlnzungsband IV 170ndash176

Koumlnig M 1928 lsquoDie Gesichts- und Tuumlrurne von Rietzmeck in Anhaltrsquo Mannus Ergaumlnzungsband VI 118ndash120

Koumlnig M 193233 lsquoDas Hausurnenfeld Frose in Anhaltrsquo Anhaltische Geschichtsblaumltt er 89 99ndash130

Kwapiński M 1999 Korpus kanop pomorskich GdańskKwapiński M 2007 Polska środkowa i południowo-zachodnia

Korpus kanop pomorskich Gdańsk LaBaume W 1963 Die pommerellischen Gesichtsurnen MainzLaux F 1976 Die Nadel in Niedersachsen (Praumlhistorische

Bronzefunde Ab XIII 4) MuumlnchenLeighton R 2005 lsquoHouse urns and Etruscan tomb painting

tradition versus innovation in the ninthndashseventh centuries BCrsquo Oxford Journal of Archaeology 244 363ndash380

Ling J 2008 Elevated rock art (Gotarc Serie B Gothenburg Archaeological Theses nr 49) Goumlteborg

Łuka L J 1966 Kultura Wschodniopomorska na Pomorzu Gdańskim Wrocław

May J Hauptmann T and Metzner-Nebelsick C 2005 lsquoSeddinrsquo Reallexicon der germanischen Altertumskunde Band 28 Berlin-New York 1ndash14

Metzer-Nebelsick C 2003 lsquoDas lsquoKoumlnigsgrabrsquo von Seddin in seinem europaumlischen Kontextrsquo In Kunow J (ed) Das lsquoKoumlnigsgrabrsquo von Seddin in der Prignitz (Arbeitberichte zur Bodendenkmalpfl ege in Brandenburg 9) 35ndash60

Muumlller R 1999 lsquoHausurnenrsquo Reallexicon der Germanischen Altertumskunde Band 14 Berlin-New York 543ndash547

Muumlller R 2002 lsquoVon Balkan bis nach Skandinavien Fernkontakte bei Haus und Gesichtsurnen rsquo In Lang V and Salač A (eds) Fernkontakte in der Eisenzeit Prag 230ndash238

Muumlller Karpe H 1959 Vom Anfang Roms HeidelbergPare C F E (ed) 2000 Metals Make the World Go Round the supply

and circulation of metals in Bronze Age Europe OxfordPeroni R 1994 Introduzione alla protostoria italiana BariPodgorski J T 1997 lsquoForschungen zum Wohnbau und uumlber

Hausurnen der ausgehenden Bronze- und der Fruumlhen Eisenzeit in Pommerellenrsquo In Beck H and Steuer H (eds) Haus und Hof in ur- und fruumlhgeschichtlicher Zeit Goumltt ingen 193ndash220

Putt kammer T 2008 lsquoDas Graumlberfeld der Lausitzer Kultur von Niederkaina Stadt Bautzen ndash Stufengliederung und Entwicklungsetappen waumlhrend der Bronzezeitrsquo Beitraumlge fuumlr Ur- och Fruumlgeschichte Mitt eleuropa 51 61ndash78


Pydyn A 2000 lsquoValue and Exchange of Bronzes in the Baltic Area and in North-east Europersquo In Pare 2000

Rutherford J 1990 lsquoInterview with Homi Bhabharsquo In Rutherford J (ed) Identity community culture diff erence London 207ndash221


Sabatini S 2007 House Urns A European Late Bronze Age Trans-cultural Phenomenon (Gotarc Serie B Gothenburg Archaeological Theses nr 47) Goumlteborg

Sabatini S 2008a lsquoGerman House Urns National Geography of an International Phenomenonrsquo Beitraumlge fuumlr Ur- och Fruumlgeschichte Mitt eleuropa 51 105ndash113

Sabatini S 2008b lsquoMixing Traditions the Face-door Urns from Central Germany and other Exceptions rsquo Beitraumlge fuumlr Ur- och Fruumlgeschichte Mitt eleuropa 51 91ndash98

Scarre C and Healy F (eds) 1993 Trade and Exchange in Prehistoric Europe Oxford

Sigvallius-Vilkancis B 1982 lsquoGotland Rute socken Fornlaumlmning 77 Tjautstomt 11 och Fardume 157 Osteologisk rapport 1982 rsquo In Pett ersson A M (ed) Skeppssaumltt ningar i Rute en undersoumlkning av 6 gravar fraringn den yngre bronsaringldern (RAGU 2) Visby 125ndash133

Stjernquist B 1961 Simris II (Acta Archaeologica Lundensia 45) Lund

Stroumlmberg M 1982 Ingelstorp (Acta Archaeologica Ludensia 414) Lund

Svanberg F 2005 lsquoHouse Symbolism in Aristocratic Death Rituals of the Bronze Agersquo In Artelius T and Svanberg F (eds) Dealing with the Dead Archaeological Perspectives on Prehistoric Scandinavian Burial Ritual (Riksantikvarieaumlmbetet Arkeologiska undersoumlkningar skrift er 65) Stockholm


Trachsel M 2004 Untersuchungen zur relativen und absoluten Chronologie der Hallstatt zeit (Universitaumltsforschungen zur praumlhistorischen Archaumlologie 104) Bonn

Ulleacuten I 1994 The power of case studies Interpretation of a Late Bronze Age sett lement in central Sweden Journal of European Archaeology 22 249ndash262

Vandkilde H 2007 Culture and change in Central European prehistory 6th to 1st millenium BC Aarhus

Victor H 2002 Med graven som granne (AUN 30) Uppsala Victor H 2006 lsquoBronsaringlderns kulthus ndash ett dateringsproblem i

en komplex miljoumlrsquo In Anglert et al 2006 113ndash122Voges T 1894 lsquoDas Urnenfeld von Eilsdorfrsquo Nachrichten uumlber

deutsche Altertumsfunde 1894 52ndash58Vretemark M 2007 lsquoAppendix 1 Osteologisk analys av ben i

husurnor fraringn Sverige Danmark och Tysklandrsquo In Sabatini 2007 282ndash288

Wendorff C 1981 lsquoDie Graumlberfelder der Hausurnen Kultur von Beierstedt Kr Helmstedt und Eilsdorf Kr Halbertstadt im Harzvorlandrsquo Neue Ausgrabungen in Niedersachsen 14 115ndash219

Wirth S 2006 Vogel-Sonnen-Barke Reallexicon der Germanischen Altertumskunde Band 32 Berlin and New York 552ndash563

Wuumlstermann H 1974 lsquoZur Socialstruktur im Seddiner Kulturgebietrsquo Zeitschrift fuumlr Archaumlologie 8 67ndash107

11

Migration innovation and meaning Sword depositions on Lolland 1600ndash1100 BC

Sophie Bergerbrant

IntroductionThis article will consider the deposition of local and foreign swords on Lolland a Danish island between 1600ndash1100 BC (Period IB II and III) It focuses on the treatment of the earliest imported examples of Hajduacutesaacutemson-Apa swords (from the Carpathian Basin) and their local copies (Fig 111) The article also discusses the swords from subsequent periods Topics to be discussed include how the diff erent types of swords were accepted and used ie how and where they were deposited (hoards burials or stray fi nds) A closer consideration of the use and treatment of this material helps us understand how innovations were accepted into the local prehistoric society

Theoretical perspectives such as migration theory and concepts such as hybridity and third space will be used to shed light on the relationships between the meaning of an object in its area of origin and the transformation that occurs upon entering its new context as well as how objects were accepted copied and subsequently made into local types

The combination of a detailed study of the use and context of artefacts in a new area and theoretical discussions will give us a deeper understanding of phenomena relating to transculturation This study focuses on Lolland since it is an island with both imported and local copies of Apa-Hajduacutesaacutemson swords and this can therefore help us understand how a signifi cant innovation ndash the sword ndash was accepted into use in the South Scandinavian Bronze Age1

The Danish island of Lolland is 1243 km2 (see Fig 112) The island has the only two imported swords of Hajduacutesaacutemson-Apa type in Period IB that have been found in Denmark One dagger of this type has

also been found near Grenaring on the Jutland Peninsula Twelve local copies of the sword type have been found in Denmark one of which is from Lolland (Lomborg 1960 94 Vandkilde 1996 224ndash225 Wincentz Rasmussen and Boas 2006)

Migration and mobilityThe movement of things and ideas must have involved the movement of people Objects symbols and ideas simply cannot move on their own Despite the impression one sometimes gets while reading archaeological literature the movements of artefacts and ideas can only occur through the interaction of people which demands the physical movement of people Obviously the scale on which this happens can vary and it is up to archaeological research to discuss and analyse the data Below diff erent views and possibilities for movement and migration will be discussed All types of movement of objects no matt er how long or short will be considered (ie even down-the-line trade also involves movement and therefore some kind of migration long or short)

Migration has oft en been seen as involving hordes of people moving from one geographical area to another either fi lling an empty space or through military force that overwhelms the local inhabitants As shown below this is not the only kind of movement of people that can occur There are many diff erent types and levels of migration The large scale ones have oft en been seen as the prototype for migration For example this kind movement inspired the name for the Migration Period2 Such large-scale migrations are historically

11 Migration innovation and meaning Sword depositions on Lolland 1600ndash1100 BC 147

att ested but I would argue that they are actually the least common type of movement There is a need in archaeology to revise and expand our defi nition of migration and to study and discuss it on more levels than found in previous work on the subject

It has been pointed out that migration contains a number of processes mental cultural social and economic It is also two processes at the same time ie both emigration and immigration (Alsmark et al 2007 7ndash8) an impact is therefore felt not just on one society but on two However in Western Europe litt le work has been done on the topic over the last few decades even if a growing interest can be detected (eg Anthony 1990 2007 Chapman and Hamerow 1997b Cassel 2008) Migration is an important process that cannot be ignored in the archaeological record We need to study how both areas involved respond to this kind of change the eff ect and impact on both the receiving end and the starting point

The study of archaeological migration has long been out of fashion except in the case of hunter-gatherers or the spread of the Neolithic The topic of migration was brought to the forefront by eg David Antony (1990 1997 2007) and by the edited volume Migration and Invasions in Archaeological Explanations (Chapman and Hamerow 1997a) It is however only in the last few years that interest has really started to grow as exemplifi ed by this volume

There are many diff erent ways of defi ning migration The two most common are an lsquoinclusiversquo and an lsquoexclusiversquo defi nition (Chapman and Hamerow 1997b 1) In this article an inclusive approach will be used as adopted by Charles Tilly (1978) and used for example by Anthony (1997) Tilly argues that there are two diff erent types of movement of people The distance and the break with the area of origin decide which type of movement has occurred The most common type of movement is labelled lsquomobilityrsquo which comprises moves that lsquoinvolve too litt le distance andor too litt le break with the place of origin to count as migration at allrsquo (Tilly 1978 50) The other type of movement is migration Anthony (1997) discusses fi ve diff erent types of migration based on Tilly (1978) Local migration Circular migration Chain migration Career migration and Coerced migration (for defi nitions of these concepts see below)

Mobility generally applies to the shorter trips that we undertake on a daily basis movements of people that do not place them outside their social context for an extended time (Tilly 1978 50) In archaeology I would argue that the seasonal movements of many hunter-gatherers would also be counted in this category despite the fact that that they might move long distances since there is litt le break with

Figure 111 Sword 5 from the Dystrup hoard From Wincentz Rasmussen and Boas 2006 fig 14 Drawn by Malgorzata Hansen (published with kind permission from Lisbeth Wincentz Rasmussen)

Sophie Bergerbrant148

existing social ties Obviously each case needs to be studied individually before secure conclusions can be drawn

According to Tilly local migration refers to lsquoshift s an individual or household within a geographically contiguous marketrsquo (Tilly 1978 51) The break with onersquos place of origin is likely to be slight This is probably the most common type of migration (Anthony 1997 26) Anthony argues that pastoral nomads and northern hunters oft en fall into this type of migration (ibid) Within archaeology however I would argue that this is diffi cult to see in burial analyses for example but in some cases this might be visible in sett lement archaeology Movement of households sett ing up new households for a new generation etc might leave archaeological traces of this kind of migration

Circular migration lsquotakes a social unit to a destination through a set of arrangements which returns it to the origin aft er a well-defi ned intervalrsquo (Tilly 1978 52) Tilly puts movements such as seasonal work such as harvesting etc in this category (ibid) Anthony adds mercenary soldiers and points out that this is migration with the intention of return (Anthony 1997 26) If the migration completes its circle this could be diffi cult to catch archaeologically However it might be seen in remains of foreign artefacts ceramics etc at certain limited areas at sett lements or burials with small foreign objects or within an otherwise local jewelleryburial set

Chain migration moves socially-related people from one area to another Through the knowledge and oft en arrangements of socially related people who have conducted the journey before This can be seen as informed mobility It oft en refers to the movement of one category of people oft en people with a specifi c occupation An example of this mentioned by Tilly is the movement in the 16th century of Spanish women from Spain to Rome to work as courtesans (Tilly 1978 53ndash54) Anthony adds that this can oft en be the so-called leap-frog type of migration ie when certain areas are left out as this movement category has a specifi c aim and in-between areas are left untouched He continues that it can have an implication for the genetics of populations as he argues it is oft en kin-structured (Anthony 1997 26) This type of migration can probably be seen fairly easily in archaeological material as this should aff ect both the culture of origin and the culture already existing in the new area

Career migration occurs when lsquopersons or households making more or less defi nitive moves in response to opportunities to change position within or among large structures organized traders fi rms government mercantile networks armies and the likersquo (Tilly 1978 54) According to Tilly this type of migration is not based on social bonds at the emigrantrsquos area of origin but on the larger social structure (ibid) Anthony adds that this includes any prehistoric specialist in a hierarchical profession such as soldiers and artisans

Figure 112 Distribution of swords on the island of Lolland The black lines defi ne the diff erent parishes on Lolland Period IB swords (stars) Period II swords (triangles) Period III swords (circles) Middle Bronze Age date (squares)


(Anthony 1997 27) This category of migration is probably archaeologically visible in some cases for example in Roman burials

Coerced migration is a term defi ned by Anthony Tilly writes of great fl ows of migration where some were due to force but he has not classifi ed them as coerced migration (Tilly 1978 57ndash63) According to Anthony this relates to lsquodisplaced persons refugees slaves and social pariahs who migrate not because they choose to but because they are forced from their home ranges or regionsrsquo (Anthony 1997 27) He continues that people do not move randomly even in distress (ibid) This should be a visible trait in the archaeological material

Interestingly Tilly argues that the diff erent types of migration have diff erent gender patt erns where local and career migration does not show any major sex selection circular migration especially has a tendency to concern just one of the sexes Which gender it concerns depends on which occupation it concerns at the destination whereas in chain migration the sex-selection oft en changes over time (Tilly 1978 50) This can be an important clue when we discuss prehistoric migration Are we talking about single sex migration or migration of both sexes Tilly continues that a high proportion of individual migration before the twentieth century AD consisted of transfer of labour among households Further on he writes that the marriage and the termination of marriage were probably the lsquothe most signifi cant demographic spurs to migrationrsquo (Tilly 1978 66)

Many of these patt erns of movement should be archaeologically visible and the diff erent categories of migration probably have diff erent material traces and leave their mark in the archaeological record in diff erent ways This however is something that needs to be studied more in future before fi rm conclusions can be drawn

With the just mentioned diff erent kinds of migration in mind this article will examine peoplersquos movement and the consequent cultural implications beyond the adoption of a particular innovation the sword in an area in southern Scandinavia An overview of how the sword was introduced and treated in other areas will also be presented in order to make comparisons and gain a deeper understanding of the fl ow of ideas through the movement of people

The development of the swordThe introduction and use of the sword in Europe has been debated and discussed at length elsewhere (eg

Kristiansen 1998 361 2002 Engedal 2005 Harding 2007 71ndash77) Therefore only a brief introduction to Bronze Age swords will be presented below How to distinguish swords from non-swords is somewhat contentious and varying defi nitions are found in the literature (see for example Fontĳ n 2002 100) In the study below I have followed Harding whose main criterion for separating a sword from a dagger is based on the length of the blade ie a blade of 30cm or longer is classifi ed as a sword (Harding 2007 71) The earliest swords appear in Anatolia and the Caucasus around 3000 BC (Engedal 2005 603ndash05 Schulz 2005 215ndash17) This type of weapon seems to appear around 1700 BC in central Europe Daggers have a long history both in bronze and in other materials for example fl int It seems that swords developed in more than one place in Europe at the same time There were simultaneous developments of swords in Spain and the Carpathian basin but sword manufacturing in Spain was short-lived (Harding 2007 74) The Hajduacutesaacutemson-Apa 3 swords are the oldest full metal hilted swords in Hungary (Kemenczei 1991 3) The Hajduacutesaacutemsung-Apa sword is also likely to have been the oldest sword in Scandinavia as the Soumlgel and Valsoslashmagle types of swords were infl uenced in various ways by this sword type or other continental swords that belong to the same phase as the Hajduacutesaacutemsung-Apa sword The early Scandinavian types are the Soumlgel the Wohlde and the Valsoslashmagle types of swords The Wohlde type is contemporary with Soumlgel and Valsoslashmagle sword but might be slightly later since they were infl uenced by the early Tumulus Culture swords (Vandkilde 1996 236ndash237 239 for more detailed discussion about Period I chronology see Bergerbrant 2007 chapter 2)

According to Henrik Thrane (2005 621) there are only a few swords from southern Scandinavia dating to Montelius Period I (c 1700ndash1500 BC) and most of them have been found in hoards from Period II (c 1500ndash1300 BC) however there are a larger number of swords Most of these swords have been found in burials in contrast to many other European areas where swords are mainly found in diff erent circumstances such as in hoards or rivers (Thrane 2005 621ndash22) Kristian Kristiansen argues that the lsquoBronze Age weapons especially the sword represents the emergence of a system of martial arts that defi ned the warrior as an institutionrsquo (Kristiansen 2008 42) In the study which follows I will consider how an innovation ndash the sword ndash was treated when it came to Scandinavia compared with its use (and how it was deposited) in the Carpathian Basin


Depositions of swords on Lolland

The fi rst swords on Lolland and in Denmark generallyOn the Island Lolland all the earliest swords are found deposited in wetlands (Fig 113) There are four swords belonging to Period IB (1600ndash1700 BC) Three of them originate outside the local area Two are original HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa type of swords one a Wohlde blade and the last is a locally made (ie in southern Scandinavia) copy of a HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa sword (Vandkilde 1996 catalogue nr 707 711 721 and 722) The determination of an original versus a local copy is based on a number of deviations in shape decoration or casting technique in the local copies that make them unlikely to have been made in the Carpathian Basin (Vandklide 1996 225)

Both HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords were found in wetlands One (Stensgaard Stokkemarke parish) was found while ploughing an almost dried out bog and was found with the tip placed downwards Unfortunately the other one (Torupgaarde Bregninge parish) has less detailed information but was found while digging for peat in a bog (Aner and Kersten 1977 86ndash89 Det Kulturhistoriske Centralregister 070511ndash04 Internet source 20080319)

The information about the Wohlde sword (identifi ed by Vandkilde 1996 catalogue nr 711) is lacking and there is no secure fi nd spot however it is likely to have come from wetlands since it has the dark brown patina that is typical for bog fi nds (Aner and Kersten 1977 93 Vandkilde 1996 catalogue nr 711)

The locally made copy (Boslashgeskov Engestoft e) of a HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa sword is also lacking direct information about its fi nd spot and as the Wohlde sword the original deposition in wetlands is indicated by the so called bog patina (Aner and Kersten 1977 88)

As far as modern Denmark is concerned three of the local copies of a HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa sword were single fi nds and have a patina that indicates that they had also been deposited in wetlands (Vandkilde 1996

catalogue nr 692 707 884) One derives from a burial on the island Funen (Vandkilde 1996 catalogue nr 720) The remaining eight Danish swords were part of an assemblage known as the Dystrup hoard (140119ndash248 Det Kulturhistoriske Centralregister webpage) Jutland (Winzent Rasmussen and Boas 2006) Most stray fi nds and hoards are occasional fi nds that have litt le or no information about the fi nd circumstances this hoard however was excavated The swords were deposited on a roughly fl at elevated part of the terrain not far from a series of mounds ndash at least some which are from the Bronze Age ndash which dot the landscape near to Dystrup Lake (Winzent Rasmussen and Boas 2006 88 see also Det Kulturhistoriske Centralregister webpage) The swords were found relatively near the surface and had been placed close to each other as if they had been bound together It seems based on the imprint in the soil that they had been placed under a stone Prior to the fi nd of the swords a large and unusually fl at stone had been removed by the farmer (Winzent Rasmussen and Boas 2006 88ndash89) There are sett lement remains from the Bronze Age in the surrounding vicinity however there are only a few remains that date to the early Middle Bronze Age4 and most remains seem to belong to the Late Bronze Age (1100ndash500 BC) (Winzent Rasmussen and Boas 2006 89)

The later swordsOnly fi ve swords on the island of Lolland from the Middle Bronze Age are full metal hilted four of these are discussed above and one belongs to Period II (Roslashgboslashlle soslash Ke 1684 5) This was deposited in a lake where it was found stuck into the lakebed The sword found in Roslashgboslashlle soslash was found within the same water system as the local copy of a HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa sword in Boslashveskov (from Period IB) This may indicate a continuation of ritual practise

The swords in burials are found in clusters ie in smaller regions (see Fig 112) This distribution is probably due in part to modern archaeological

Find context Period IB Period II Period III MBA TotalUnknown or mixed fi nds 4 4Burials 2 8 10Probable burials 2 1 1 4Hoards (Wetlands) 4 1 5Total 4 5 9 5 23

Figure 113 Contexts with swords from Lolland and respective chronology based on Aner and Kersten 1977 One of the Period II burials only contains a pommel but it is here used as an indication of the original existence of a sword


excavation practices However there are other areas with excavated mounds on Lolland where burial fi nds do not include swords ie the burials found in the excavated mounds in Ravnsby (Ke 1654ndash1659) It is therefore likely that these clusters are due to prehistoric structures This means that swords were not widespread across the island but existed just in isolated parts of it

There is a clear increase in the number of swords during Period III (1300ndash1100 BC) and these are found in burials (Fig 113) None of these swords are full-metal hilted instead they are all organic hilted swordssword blades The full-metal hilted swords on Lolland seems to have been deposited in a diff erent kinds of rituals in wetlands in contrast to the organic-hilted swords that seem to have been regarded as an individualrsquos personal property thus were deposited with the deceased at the time of burial

The question lsquoWhat is a sword without a warrior and what is a warrior without a swordrsquo was asked by Kristiansen (2008 42) It is clear that on Lolland in the early phases there is no clear connection between the sword and the warrior however by Period III swords seems to have become closely connected with individual warriors

Lolland and the larger Bronze Age world

The earlier swordsIn order to understand how this innovation the sword came to be accepted on Lolland one must consider comparable depositional practices in other areas of Europe

The distribution of the HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords and their copies which is mainly limited to eastern Denmark is in accordance with the geographical distribution of Period IB bronze artefacts from the Carpathian Basin (Vandkilde 1996 225) The HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords derive from the eastern Carpathian Basin and there are four finds from Hungary the three with known fi nd circumstances are found in eastern Hungary (Kemenczei 1991 7 pl 80) These were found in hoards or probable hoards alongside other objects There are three swords known from two hoards in present day Romania (Bader 1991 38ndash39) There are c 32 HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords from Europe all of which were found in hoards or as stray fi nds except for one from a sett lement 6 (Bader 1991 40 Vogt 2004 26ndash27) The distribution ranges from Macedonia to Sweden and from western Germany to Transylvania (Kemenczei 1991 10) There are other types of metal-hilted swords in the Carpathian

Basin during this early phase eg Au-swords most of which seem to have been found in hoards with other types of artefacts or as stray fi nds and none of them appear to have a connection with burials (Kemenczei 1991 10ndash13)

It is evident that the deposition of the earliest swords in the region does not follow the depositional character observed in their area of origin In the Carpathian Basin the full metal-hilted swords were generally deposited in larger hoards while the Scandinavian imports or locally made copies were deposited as single fi nds in wetlands It has not been possible from the literature to determine if the Carpathian Basin hoards were found in wetlands or former wetlands The fact that the Apa hoard was found by railroad workers while constructing railways and the Hajduacutesaacutemson hoard while ploughing probably indicates that these were dry areas (Bader 1991 38 Mozsolics 1967 128 139)

It appears that one of the South Scandinavian types of full-metal hilted swords the Valsoslashmagle type7 was deposited in a similar way to its Carpathian forerunners The Valsoslashmagle sword is considered to have been influenced by a number of central European swords such as the swords from Au Zaita and Spatzenhausen (Lomborg 1969 102 Vandkilde 1996 238) The two hoards from Valsoslashmagle Zealand contain a number of diff erent objects ie they are multi-type hoards8 (Vandkilde 1996 catalogue nr 511 676) These can be compared with the Hajduacutesaacutemson Apa and Zajta hoards (Kemenczei 1991 8ndash12) However fi ve of the twelve Valsoslashmagle type swords found in Denmark are single fi nds six are from rich burials and one is from a multi-type hoard (Vandkilde 1996 236 238) Therefore from an early stage these full-metal hilted swords were accepted as part of the burial tradition In eastern Denmark however only locally developed sword types seem to have this function The foreign swords either originated from a long distance away such as the HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords and have travelled with one or many people to reach southern Scandinavia or local sword types from areas other than eastern Denmark in Period IB such as the Soumlgel and Wohlde type swords seem to have been deposited in wetlands as single fi nds

Kristiansen (2008 42ndash43) describes the deposition of swords in hoards during the Bronze Age as a strategy of lsquokeeping while givingrsquo In this way the sword was given to the gods at the same time as it was kept in the landscape and its power was retained among the living In many myths the hero retrieves a mythical sword from a lake9 It is tempting to view the early deposition of full metal-hilted swords on Lolland with these concepts in mind There are indications that at least two were deposited with the tip down


and the handle standing up as if to facilitate retrieval when it was needed again This patt ern of deposition clearly diff ers from the multi-type hoards and the large sword hoard from Dystrup which seems to have other purposes and meaning It also clearly separates it from the area of origin The foreign full metal-hilted sword has a mythical communal meaning in contrast to the later Period III swords which appear to have been more utilitarian having been regarded as a part of onersquos personal equipment These early full-metal hilted swords do not seem to have come with a migrating group of people as the form of depositional practice changed to something very diff erent It is more likely that they are the result of a temporary movement by a very small group of people Whether they were exchanged through long distance movement or shorter lsquodown-the-linersquo exchange is diffi cult to say As the skill to make local copies and local sword types accompanied the material it seems likely that a few people were involved in some kind of career migration in order to gain knowledge either of diff erent culture traits or new artisan skills

The later swordsIn Scandinavia swords are most oft en found in burials during the Middle Bronze Age (1600ndash1300 BC) 83 burials 15 single fi nds 2 hoards (Thrane 2006 498) According to Harding (2006 and 2007 97ndash103) there is much variation in the density of sword fi nds from area to area in Europe and how they were deposited varies too Southern Scandinavia has the highest density of swords during the Bronze Age Due to recovery history and in many cases the lack of information about the fi nd circumstances Harding (2007 126) cautions that these numbers can only be regarded as a guidelines In Britain the way the swords are deposited also varies between diff erent periods In both pre-Wilburton (c 1100ndash1100 BC) and Hallstatt phases (600 BCndash0) depositions in wetlands dominate while in between these phases in the Carps Tongue era (800ndash600 BC) most swords were deposited in hoards The other Bronze Age phases have more consistent depositional practices between the hoards wetlands and burials (Harding 2007 127) Unfortunately the depositions for central Europe are classifi ed only very generally in a single Middle and Late Bronze Age grouping and have not yet been categorised according to specifi c periods As shown for Lolland the material does change from one period to the next and in the Late Bronze Age depositions are more evenly divided across the categories 285 burials 267 water 207 single fi nds 139 unknown 63 hoards and 39 sett lements (Harding 2006 510)

It seems clear then that swords were not accepted in the same manner in diff erent parts of Europe It cannot therefore be claimed that this innovation came with large scale migration with a group of people or that one idea was spread by travelers all over Europe

We can here see that swords in the early phases were accepted into society but in the depositional moment were not treated in the same manner as they were in their area of origin As there are two swords from the same area and a number of locally made copies of this sword type some form of chain or career migration is indicated The reason for this is that a long journey was made for which one would have needed in-depth knowledge Based on this it is diffi cult to say whether the purpose of the trip was to trade work or get an education The two swords could have been brought to the area on one occasion but this does not explain the relationship between the Hajduacutesaacutemson-Apa swords and all the other bronze objects in Period IB from the Carpathian Basin They have a similar distribution patt ern which indicates that there was some kind of travel or exchange route from the Carpathian to southern Scandinavia

Therefore it seems likely that the journey had been arranged through the knowledge of socially related people who had conducted the journey before which is common in chain and career migration (see above) Aft er the initial introduction the sword was accepted into the society and then took on its own function and use One can say that it is transculturation in the full meaning as described above although it appears that full metal-hilted swords maintained their mainly ritual function in society as for example advocated by Kristiansen (eg 2008) Kristiansen has interpreted the diff erence based on use-wear analysis He argues that the full-metal hilted swords show less wear and were re-sharpened less frequently than the organic-hilted swords revealing important clues as to their role or function He connects this with a dual leadership model where there is a ritual leader and a warrior chief (Kristiansen 1983) The distinction in sword types in burials observed by Kristiansen cannot be seen on Lolland however the point adopted here is that the full-metal hilted sword probably had a slightly diff erent and more ritually signifi cant meaning than the organic-hilted sword Evidently there are local variations in the role and functions of swords within the Scandinavian Bronze Age society but clearly the full-metal hilted swords at times served a ritual function and were at some level imbued with more symbolic meaning than the organic-hilted counterparts

The later dominance of sword depositions in burials as seen on Lolland and in the Nordic Bronze Age


in general demonstrates that the people who lived in southern Scandinavia were able to retain their own cultural identity despite adopting a foreign innovation The large number of swords and later (Period II and III) the emphasis on sword deposition in burials which contrasts with most other parts of Europe shows that the sword-owners of Lolland had a distinctive and fl ourishing cultural identity even while maintaining close ties with other European areas They modifi ed the new commodities swords in particular but also bronze in general to fi t conditions in local society

In the later Periods II and III the depositional practice relating to the sword is restricted to burial and the meaning of the sword seems to go from a communal ritualmythical object to an object of personal prestige that seems to be limited to a few areas possibly kin structures or other stable social institutions In both these cases the early mythical connection and the later personal status a clear transculturation of the use of the sword has occurred Through contact between diff erent groups possibly through chain or career migration of people from Lolland to the Carpathian Basin (or the other way around) a new idea and object was accepted into the local society but it was given a diff erent meaning from the start Aft er its introduction it evolved along its own trajectory

One can see that the influences went in two directions the fi rst sword types in the Carpathian basin such as the HajduacutesaacutemsonndashApa swords seem to have been deposited in multi-type hoards on dry land (see above) However in later Bronze Age phases (13thndash12th century BC) in Hungary many swords were deposited in rivers (Szathmaacuteri 2005 62) This means that the meaning and deposition of the sword changed and here too acquired a ritual connection with water of diff erent kinds The River Thames is famous for its many depositions of Bronze Age swords (Bradley 1998 108ndash109) So in the late Middle and Late Bronze Ages there seems to have been change and a lot of exchange of ideas regarding the use of the sword and the placing of swords in rivers which became common in many areas of Europe (Bradley 1998 99ndash109) This shows that many diff erent types of migration probably occurred during the Bronze Age despite the lack of indications for full group movements such as we have from later periods for example that of the Angles and Saxons to Britain This suggests that we are talking about other kinds of migration such as chain career and circular migration rather than coerced or full scale migration

ConclusionsIn this article it has been shown that when studying large pan-European phenomena such as the introduct-ion of the sword we need to conduct analyses of the depositional structures in both the area of origin and in the new areas Without this we will never understand how the movement of people and meeting of diff erent cultures in prehistory worked nor will we understand the local or the larger structures in prehistoric societies

Here it has been shown that the early swords on Lolland were given their own meaning as evidenced by the depositional practices which are diff erent from those in the Carpathian Basin Also from the start in eastern Denmark it seems that locally made swords and foreign sword types were used diff erently Only the locally made type ie Valsoslashmagle was used as a personal prestige object The other kinds of sword seem to have had a communal importance This changes as shown by Kristiansen (2008) in the later periods (from Period II and III) when foreign swords are also deposited in burials This shows that the Middle Bronze Age South Scandinavian society was not a static society but a vibrant one where meanings and structures shift ed over time sometimes this change occurred through contact with other cultures but change was also possible within its own framework

Notes1 I will discuss southern Scandinavia (defi ned here as

modern Denmark parts of northern Germany and parts of southern Sweden) in general while the primary focus of the investigation is the Danish island Lolland The article treats the entire Early Bronze Age in Scandinavia ie 1700ndash1100 BC but it should be noted that there are no swords dating to Period IA (1700ndash1600 BC) from this region

2 Migration period is the archaeological name for a period of north European prehistory the exact chronological dates of which vary from region to region but it generally dates to between AD 300 and 700 It is the name of a period in which many researchers have identifi ed diff erent Germanic tribes moving across large parts of north and central Europe

3 This sword type can be found in Greece Romania former Yugoslavia Hungary Poland Germany Denmark and Sweden (Vogt 2004 26ndash27)

4 Vandkilde (1996 11) renames the Danish Early Bronze Age to the Danish Older Bronze Age She does this in order to distinguish it from the central and western European Early Bronze Age which is generally earlier than the Scandinavian In order not to confuse the reader when comparisons are made the periods in this study are


mainly contemporary with the central European Middle Bronze Age the time period between 1600 and 1300 BC which is described as the Middle Bronze Age regardless of which area is being discussed This may be justifi ed by the fact that so many traits and structures are similar around Europe during the time in question and many changes happen more or less simultaneously in diff erent regions For a discussion of when the Bronze Age starts in Scandinavia and what diff erent terminological criteria we should use see Bergerbrant 2009

5 Reference to Ke XXXX (Ke followed by 4 diff erent digits) are the number they have in the catalogue of Aner E and Kersten K diff erent volumes

6 Bader mentions the short swords found in a burial in Rastorf Schleswig-Holstein but according to Bokelmann and Vandkilde it is a sword of Rastorf-Roum type (Bokelmann 1977 96 Vandkilde 1996 226) The fi nd from the sett lement is from Donja Dolina in present day Bosnia (Vogt 2004 26)

7 In Valsoslashmagle Zealand two hoards have been found These two hoards contain a specifi c type of style and the hoards have given its name to specifi c type of objects carrying a specifi c type of ornamentation The dating of the Valsoslashmagle type objects has long been debated however Vandkilde (1997 159) has shown conclusively that that these types of objects belong to period IB

8 The term lsquomulti-type hoardrsquo refers to an assemblage containing more than one artefact category (cf Vandkilde 1997 33)

9 For examples see Kristiansen 2008 or read about the Lady of the Lake (eg in Bradley 1998 1ndash3)

AcknowledgementsI would like to thank the editors for inviting me to contribute to this volume and for their insightful comments which undoubtedly improved the text I would also like to thank Dr Kristin Bornholdt Collins for her invaluable assistance in improving the language of the article

ReferencesAlsmark G Kallehave T and Moldenhawer B 2007

lsquoMigration og tilhoslashrsforholdrsquo In Alsmark G Kallehave T and Moldenhawer B (eds) Migration och Tillhoumlrighet Inklusions- och exklusionsprocesser i Skandinavien (Centrum foumlr Danmarksstudier 15) Makadam Goumlteborg 7ndash22

Aner E and Kersten K 1977 Die Funde der aumllteren Bronzezeit des nordischen Kreises in Daumlnemark Schleswig-Holstein und Niedersachsen Volume 3 Neumuumlnster

Anthony D W 1990 lsquoMigration in Archaeology The Baby and the Bathwaterrsquo American Anthropologist New Series 92(4) 895ndash914

Anthony D W 1997 lsquoPrehistoric Migration as social processrsquoIn Chapman and Hamerow 1997a 21ndash32

Anthony D W 2007 The Horse the Wheel and Language How Bronze-Age Riders From The Eurasian Steppes Shaped The Modern World Princeton

Bader T 1991 Die Schwerter in Rumaumlnien (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Ab IV Band 8) Stutt gart

Bergerbrant S 2007 Bronze Age identity Costume confl ict and contact in Northern Europe 1600ndash1300 BC (Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 43) Lindome

Bergerbrant S 2009 lsquoGenus identitet och kulturtillhoumlrighet under aumlldre bronsaringldern i Sydskandinavien Ett diskussionsinlaumlgg om hur vi ser paring bronsaringlderns boumlrjanrsquo In Bratt eli T (ed) Det 10e Nordiska bronsaringldersymposiet Trondheim 5ndash8 2006 (Vitark Acta Archeaologica Niedrosiensia)Trondheim 116ndash 123

Bokelmann K 1977 lsquoEin Grabhuumlgel deer Stein- und Bronzezeit bei Rastorf Kreis Ploumlnrsquo Off a 34 90ndash99

Bradley R 1998 (2nd edition) The Passage of Arms An archaeological analysis of prehistoric hoards and votive deposits Oxford

Cassel K 2008 Det gemensamma rummet Migrationer myter och moumlten (Soumldertoumlrn Archaeological Studies 5) Stockholm

Chapman J and Hamerow H (eds) 1997a Migration and Invasions in Archaeological Explanation (British Archaeological Reports International Series 664) Oxford

Chapman J and Hamerow H 1997b rsquoIntroduction on the move again ndash migrations and invasions in archaeological explanationsrsquo In Chapman and Hamerow 1997a 1ndash9

Engedal Oslash 2005 lsquoBlindheimsverdet ndash eit bidrag til det europiske sverdets historiersquo In Goldhahn 2005 601ndash619

Fontĳ n D R 2002 lsquoSacrifi cal landscapes Cultural biographies of persons objects and lsquonaturalrsquo places in the Bronze Age of Southern Netherlands c 2300ndash600 BCrsquo Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 3334 1ndash392

Goldhahn J (ed) 2005 Mellan sten och jaumlrn Rapport fraringn det 9e nordiska bronsaringlderssymposiet Goumlteborg 2003ndash10ndash0912 (Gotarc Serie C Arkeologiska Skrift er 59) Goumlteborg

Harding A 2006 lsquoWhat does the Context of Deposition and Frequency of Bronze Age Weaponry Tell Us about the Function of Weaponsrsquo In Ott o et al 2006 505ndash513

Harding A 2007 Warriors and Weapons in Bronze Age Europe (Archaeolingua Series Minor 25) Budapest

Kemenczei T 1991 Die Schwerter in Ungarn II (Praumlhistorische Bronzefunde Ab IV Band 9) Stutt gart

Kristiansen K 1983 lsquoKriger og hoslashvdinger i Danmarks Bronzealder Et bidrag til bronzealderssvaeligrdets kulturhistoriersquo In Stjernquist B (ed) Struktur och foumlraumlndring i bronsaringlderns samhaumllle Rapport fraringn det tredje nordiska symposiet fraringn bronsaringldersforskning i Lund 23ndash25 maj 1982 (University of Lund Institute of Archaeology Report Series 17) Lund 63ndash87

Kristiansen K 1998 Europe Before History (New Studies in Archaeology) Cambridge

Kristiansen K 2002 lsquoThe tale of the Sword ndash Swords and Swordfi ghters in Bronze Age Europersquo Oxford Journal of Archaeology 21(4) 319ndash332

Kristiansen K 2008 lsquoFrom memory to monument the construction of time in the Bronze Agersquo In Lehoeumlrff A (ed) Construire le temps Histoire et meacutethodes des chronologies et calendriers des derniers milleacutenaires avant notre egravere en Europe occidentale Actes du XXXe colloque international de Halma-Ipel UMR 8164 2006 (Collection Bibracte 16) Glux-en-Glenn 41ndash50

Lomborg E 1960 lsquoDonaulaumlndische Kulturbeziehungen und die relative Chronologie der Fruumlhen Nordischen Bronzezitrsquo Acta Archaeologica 1959 51ndash146


Lomborg E 1969 lsquoDen tidlige bronzealders kronologi Et forsoslashg paring at fastlaeliggge graelignsen mellem perioderne I og IIrsquo Aarboslashger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie 1968 91ndash152

Mozsolics A 1967 Bronzefunde des Karpatenbeckens Depotfundhorizonte von Hajduacutesaacutemson und Kosiderplaacutes Budapest

Ott o T Thrane H and Vandkilde H (eds) 2006 Warfare and Society Archaeological and Social Anthropological Perspectives Aarhus

Schultz C E 2005 lsquoZum Aufk ommen des Schwertesrsquo In Novotnaacute M Jobst W Dufk ovaacute M Kuzmovaacute K and Hinla P (eds) Anodos Studies of the Ancient World 4ndash52004ndash2005 Nitra 215ndash229

Szathmaacuteri I 2005 lsquoThe Bronze Age (2800ndash800 BC)rsquo In Kovaacutec T (ed) Guide to the Archaeological Exihibition of the Hungarian National Museum 400000 BCndash804 AD Budapest 47ndash66

Thrane H 2005 lsquoSvaeligrd i tal og tolkningrsquo In Goldhahn 2005 621ndash626

Thrane H 2006 lsquoSwords and other Weapons in the Nordic Bronze Age Technology Treatment and Contextsrsquo In Ott o et al 2006 491ndash504

Tilly C 1978 lsquoMigration in Modern European Historyrsquo In McNeill W H and Adams R (eds) Migration Patt erns and Policies Bloomington and London 48ndash72

Vandkilde H 1996 From Stone to Bronze The Metalwork of the Late Neolithic and Earliest Bronze Age in Denmark (Jutland Archaeological Society XXXII) Aarhus

Vogt I 2009 Der Uumlbergang von der fruumlhen zur mitt leren Bronzezeit in Mitt le- und Nordeuropa unter besonderer Beruumlcksichtigung der Griff platt enklingen (Saarbruumlcker Beitraumlge zur Altertumskunde) Bonn

Wincentz Rasmussen L and Boas N A 2006 lsquoThe Dystrup swords A hoard with eight short swords from the Early Bronze Agersquo Journal of Danish Archaeology 14 87ndash108

Internet resourceDet Kulturhistoriske Centralregister wwwdkconlinedk

[20080319] Currently (2011) renamed Fund og Fortidsminder htt pwwwkulturarvdkfundogfortidsminderSog

12

Long and close distance trade and exchange beyond the Baltic Coast during the Early Iron Age

Jutt a Kneisel

IntroductionThis paper focuses on ornamented lids found within the realm of the Pomeranian Culture and neighbouring regions The Pomeranian Culture is one of several Iron Age-Groups in the nothern part of Poland It is localized northeast of the groups of the Lusatian Culture between the Baltic Coast the River Vistula in the East Varta River in the South and does not quite reach the Odra River in the West (eg van den Boom 198081 241 fi g 2) The Pomeranian Culture is known for its face urns which appear alongside unfaced urns About 2000 face urns are published so far (eg Kwapiński 1999 and 2007) Chronologically we are dealing with the time span between the later Hallstatt -time (end of Ha C) and the beginning of phase La Tegravene A (c 7thndash5th century BC see Jensen 1997 Trachsel 2004) with a distinct climax in phase Hallstatt D (c 620ndash530 see Jensen 1997 Trachsel 2004)

The lids belong to grave pott ery of multiple burials in stone cists from small cemeteries of not more than 20 graves To understand them we must fi rst take a closer look at the urns the greater number of which depict anthropomorphic ornamentation or pictographs of jewellery and weaponry giving them a human appearance (so-called face urns see below and eg La Baume 1963 Łuka 1966 Kneisel 2002 2005 2012) The ornamented lids are frequently found together with face urns but occasionally also with faceless vessels The long history of research (eg Reusch 1724 van den Boom 198081) about these lids and their specifi c characteristics implies many specimens coming from antiquarian ensembles without information about their context of provenience These items are published as single fi nds in the latest catalogues by

Marian Kwapiński (ie Kwapiński 1999 2007) The overall number of lids is barely measurable but the following analysis relies on 1200 items 500 of which are ornamented

The next paragraphs briefl y introduce the phenom-enon of face urns in general their distribution and use within the funerary context in order to provide a deeper understanding of the lidsacute special role outlined in this article

Face urnsThe Polish face urns of the Iron Age are part of the Pomeranian Culture which sometimes is also termed as Face Urn Culture (Gesichtsurnenkultur) Face urns are so called because of their more or less distinct anthropomorphic ornamentation (eyes eyebrows noses and ears rarer a mouth hair or a chin) Typical decoration elements are pierced ears protruding eyebrows and nasal applications as well as incised eyes on the upper part of the vesselrsquos body 1300 urns have been published so far and form a suffi cient data set for the following work Kwapińskirsquos catalogue (1999 and 2007) includes ndash aside from anthropomorphic urns ndash vessels with specifi c ornamentation or fi gurative motifs as well as some ornamented lids His catalogue consists of 3000 artefacts in total about 2000 urns

The facial features may be outlined in a naturalistic or a purely abstract manner and can be found in a great variety of combinations Hands and arms are less frequent

A considerable number (approximately 300 urns) display jewellery and weaponry as well as scenic

12 Long and close distance trade and exchange beyond the Baltic Coast during the Early Iron Age 157

designs on shoulder and neck of the vase These pictographs can be linked to actual metal objects such as needles fi bulae ring-neck-collars (Ringhalskragen) combs spears and shields Sometimes the pictures have been strongly abstracted to so-called ideographs The imagery is oft en linked to fauna and fl ora showing for example diff erent kinds of animals such as horses deer birds and dogs and furthermore plants wagons and human fi gures as part of a scenic representation on the body of the vessel

Several patt erns cannot be linked to any part of material or mental culture and are generally referred to as logographs (eg Kneisel 2005 640ndash643) Another sort of ornamentation on the urns may have been purely decorative and is common within neighbouring cultural groups

The picto- as well as the ideographs can be separated into male and female att ributes or garb the former represented by weaponry andor two parallel needles the latt er by jewellery (eg La Baume 1963 Kneisel 2002)

The relative lack of burial objects accompanying these cremations makes it diffi cult to give a precise chronology Some of the fi bulae and more prominently the pictographs point to phase Hallstatt D and the beginning of La Tegravene A La Tegravene B does not feature the face urn as part of the burial custom any more

DistributionThe face urns range from northern Poland along the coast of Gdańsk to the river Varta Along the Baltic Coast and in the Kashubian Lakeland the sites lie close together sometimes as close as only a few kilometres

Another concentration appears to the North of the Noteć between the Piła and the Vistula bend near the town of Bydgoszcz Further south face urns are less frequent but may be found as far as Silesia These two areas of concentration coincide with the distribution of ornamented lids

Burial customFace urn graves appear as rectangular stone cists with a central chamber walled by fl agstones and covered by cobblestones The entrance area also used fl agstones and densely packed cobble stones The cists are usually oriented northndashsouth with the entrance facing South (eg Kneisel in press fi gs 211ndash218) One grave may hold up to 20 urns but the average burial consists of 4ndash6 urns If we take a closer look at the

grave inventories we fi nd diff erent kinds of urns those displaying a facial likeness andor pictographs and those having no decoration at all Furthermore it can be observed that cremation remains vary considerably with regard to age and gender Anthropological analyses often revealed mixed human ashes (ie Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 1968 1974 1979 Fudziński and Gładykowska-Rzeczycka 2000 Fudziński and Rożnowski 2002) so it is obvious that one urn may well hold more than one individual or rather parts of other individuals

The analyses also brought to light that a mature or senile male was frequently buried at the far end of the stone cist chamber so it is not farfetched to assume a burial custom distinctly motivated by social diff erentiation (see for further elaboration on social implications eg Kneisel 2002 2005) Vessels containing children are oft en smaller than those of adults (eg Kneisel 2012)

In addition to the few anthropological gender determinations it is possible to take into account the ornamentation on the outside of the urn Analyses show that the incised jewellery is still mostly linked to female and incised weaponry to male burials Jewellery and weaponry are mutually exclusive But because of the sometimes mixed burials it is bett er to speak of a patt ern of att ributes (Ausstatt ungsmuster) solely relating to the urnsrsquo outer appearance instead of the buried person (eg Kneisel 2002)

The lidsThe design of Pomeranian lids diff ers from that of other Iron Age urn-lids Neighbouring regions use upside-down bowls or plates to cover the urns (Lusatian Culture) and stone- or lime-slates serve the purpose in northern Germany (eg Hingst 1974 Kaiser 2003) Only the Pomeranian Culture has these exceptional lids which do not have a parallel in vessel forms and their appearance allows no other interpretation than their use as lids The lids are fl at or domed with a plug or a fold around the edge and some of them even have brims Three major types of lids (Fig 121) can be distinguished cap-like lids lids with plugs and those with folds around the edge (eg La Baume 1956 122 fi g 14) The cap-like lids usually look like inverted bowls mostly with fl at bott oms they sit on top of the urn and enclose the outside of the vessels upper part The plug-lids are put inside the vesselrsquos neck in such a manner that the brims sit on the urnrsquos rim The lids with a fold lie on the rim In contrast to the plug-lids the inner fold is always shorter than the outer rim of the lid (Fig 122)

Jutt a Kneisel158

The following analyses comprise 1200 lids 500 of them with ornamentation (ie Kneisel in press 397) and are chiefl y based on Pomeranian lid fi nds (between the Baltic sea and the River Noteć) but they also

include fi nds from outside Pomerania which were connected with face urns1

Lids with plugs are by far the most frequent lid form associated with face urns followed closely by those with folds Cap-like lids are very rare they are more commonly found together with faceless urns and hardly ever show any ornamentation

The diff erent phenotypes of lids cannot be linked to any sort of att ribute patt ern save for one special kind resembling a rounded cone (sugar loaf shaped) These lids are frequently found together with weapons and the male att ribute patt ern The association with face urns gives a second connotation to the lids as they assume the characteristic of a headpiece (rather than just sealing the urn)

The lid ornamentationsThe ornaments are mostly found on the lidsrsquo upper surface ornaments on the edge or brim are very rare and will not be taken into further consideration The ornaments have been classifi ed according to their kind style and form

The ornamentation kind (Fig 123) defi nes the distribution of the patt ern on the lidrsquos surface The ornaments may be arranged as solitary pictographs alternatively they can divide the surface into halves or quarters symmetrically as well as asymmetrically The patt erns take on the form of wheel spokes (3ndash5 crossing lines) coronae (more than 5 crossing lines) arrows as well as a so-called Troddel-Fransenmuster (tassel-fringe-patt ern) Extraordinary patt erns involve stars total surface patt erns and concentrically arranged decoration elements

The ornamentation style (Fig 124) describes the diff erent ways to create the patt ern that is with plain incised lines dott ed lines and lines with supplementary dashes at the ends Furthermore there are fi lled lines and patt erns resembling a fi r branch (Tannenzweig) The ornamentation form refers to the number of lines used to build up the patt ern

Between these categories multiple combinations are possible thus the same ornamentation kind may make use of one to three or more lines done in the same style Combination tables can be used to describe every lid variety For example Figure 125 shows a symmetrical patt ern dividing the lid surface into quarters (henceforth referred to as symmetrical four-section-ornamentation) The use of such combinatory analysis gives not only the possibility to single out lid types but also to investigate their spatial distribution Furthermore the use of numbers and lett ers to distinguish kind style and form paves the way to analyze even the single

Figure 121 Diff erent types of lids aft er La Baume 1956 Abb 14 A cap-like lids B plug-lids C fold-lids

Figure 122 Technical details of Pomeranian lids Above plug-lids Below fold-lids The top surface may be fl at or domed others might be cone-shaped The ornamentation appears only on the top side


Figure 123 Schematic drawing of the diff erent ornamentation kinds

Figure 124 The diff erent ornamentation styles

Jutt a Kneisel160

discrete ornamentation elements and compare their regional distribution

The scope of this minute analysis which renders more than 250 lid variations is therefore not to link each of them to a certain type but to present the whole range of variations for further investigation The example of Figure 125 ndash the symmetrical four-section-ornamentation ndash is the commonest ornamentation kind followed by the corona the wheel spokes and the tri-section-ornamentation

As for the ornamentation style the plain incised line is the most frequently used stylistic element while the above mentioned fi lled line or the line with supplementary dashes are comparably rare

The most common number of lines (ornamentation form) is the simple single line It is even possible to state that the more complex a decoration patt ern gets the fewer lines are used to draw the patt ern ndash which is most likely due to a problem of space (ie Kneisel 2012 fi gs 229 GndashH)

A certain connection between the aforementioned symmetrical four-section-division of the lid and the male att ribute patt ern can be observed whereas the female att ribute patt ern seems to be associated with the tassel-fringe-patt ern and asymmetrical four-section-ornamentation (ie Kneisel 2012 386ndash389)

Spatial distribution patt erns of the lidsSome of the ornamentation elements show very signifi cant spatial limits especially the stylistic element of the fi lled line and the line with ornamented endings The fi lled line is found mostly alongside two major river routes The fi rst route starts east of the Vistula bend follows the Noteć and the Gwda to the river Parsęta The other one begins at the Vistula delta and runs along the coast of the Baltic Sea c 20ndash30km inland following several small rivers until it fi nally reaches the Reda River and the Baltic Sea The area between the Vistula and the Gwda remains untouched in this respect

bull Incised lines with supplementary endings are limited to the burial sites found in the region between the Vistula to the east and the Parsęta to the west On the other hand this style is rarely observed further south near the Noteć and is even completely absent in the area to the east of the river Łeba Alongside the river Łeba which fl ows into the Baltic Sea this style is fairly common though

bull The fi r branch ornaments are a litt le more widespread than the other two styles but all of them are found around the Bay of Gdańsk

Figu

re 1

25

The

repr

esen

tatio

n of

the

four

-sec

tion-

orna

men

tatio

n T

he o

rnam

enta

tion

styl

e is

divi

ded

in li

ds w

ith o

r w

ithou

t a c

entr

al in

dent

atio

n

bull The dent ornament and the tassel-and-fringe-patt erns as well as the asymmetrical four-section-ornamentation are limited to the Kashubian Lakeland


and the adjacent areas to the north and east meeting the Baltic Sea at the Bay of Gdańsk

bull Other motifs such as certain wheel spokes patt erns (RK4) tri-secting motifs (DR6 DR8) or the four-section-ornamentation (VR8) are strictly limited to the Kashubian Lakeland whereas yet another motif from the latt er group (VR9) seems to belong to the region around the Vistula bend

bull One special type of patt ern ndash a tri-section resembling a lsquoTrsquo (DR2f) is bound to the region North of the Kashubian Lakeland

Analysing the ornamentation applied to the lids I have been able to observe minute distribution patt erns similar to those derived from the analysis of the imagery on the urns themselves (eg Kneisel 2001) However the much greater frequency of the lids allows a bett er insight into the regional diff erences than the decorated urns do

The measurement of distances between the lids Mapping the sites of the lids we are immediately aware of their distribution along a general axis going from north to south This linear distribution patt ern can be observed more than once and will therefore be closely looked at in the following sections of this text

To be able to fully grip the signifi cance of these linear patt erns it is necessary to get a correct measurement of the distances between the diff erent sites A GIS was utilised to buff er the places with a 8ndash12km radius (Fig 126) If two buff ers touch or overlap each other the distance between the places lies between 16 and 24km The chosen maximum of 24km is known as the Roman iter iustum and shall serve as a mark for a daily walking distance carrying a military pack2

The linear patt erns emerge when connecting all the sites lying within this maximum walking distance

Figure 126 Mapping of lids decorated with the ornamentation style lsquolines with supplementary lines at the endrsquo The discrete fi nd-places are buff ered with a diameter of 12km

Jutt a Kneisel162

Usually one would expect the distribution patt ern to resemble point clouds (eg Zeeb-Lanz 2003) which are totally missing in our case Instead four linear patt erns can be distinguished (Fig 127)

(A) One line from north to south running parallel to the Vistula River at the Eastern rim of the Kashubian Lakeland

(B) One line taking on a northwestndashsoutheast direction from the Vistula delta to the Lakeland until reaching the Baltic Sea

(C) One line lying more to the South but running otherwise parallel to (B) It starts at the Vistula bend crosses the Drawskie Lakeland and reaches the Baltic Sea

(D) The fourth very short line follows the Noteć

It is extraordinary to see that the same ornamentation styles are rarely found outside these linear distribution

patt erns Only the four-section-ornamentation is so frequently found to the northeast of the Kashubian Lakeland so that no linearity could be made out South of the area however sites once more lie within a distance of 24km from one another

Other ornamentation forms or styles produce similar distribution lines mostly to the east of the Kashubian Lakeland parallel to the Bay of Gdańsk (ie Kneisel in press fi g 299) The most important connections are shown all together on a map (Fig 128) This map gives a very good representation of the ecological sett ings beyond these distribution patt erns as for example the Southern distribution area demonstrates lying to the North of the river Noteć just at the edge of the river valley

Looking at the distribution patt erns as a whole four major directions may be identifi ed each connecting the Baltic Sea with the great river systems of the Vistula and Noteć in the south

Figure 127 Linear distribution of several styles The fi nd-places which are 16ndash24 km apart from one another (buff ered with a radius of 8ndash12 km) are connected by lines In the area of the Bay of Gdańsk the connection between the places featuring the four-section-ornamentation (VR) was left out AndashD indicate the diff erent lsquoroutesrsquo described in the text


Communication and contact areasThe analysis outlined in this paper utilized two communication models

The fi rst by Martin Wobst (eg 1977) states a direct linkage between style communication and identity a relation which needs a litt le further explanation Following Wobst style may ndash consciously or un-consciously ndash be the bearer of information as part of a larger communication network National dress in former Jugoslavia for example conveys identity and group affi liation Depending on the way the style is worn or the information conveyed it may relate to a region a subregion a valley a village or an event It may even relate to the social standing of one individual within the smallest social unit (Wobst 1977 336 Tab II) Identity or group affi liation may also be linked to diff erent pott ery styles thus forming the base for regional categorization of such assemblages (eg Zeeb-Lanz 2003 Furholt and Stockhammer 2008)

The second model serving as interpretation basis for the analysis of the lids is the exchange model by Karl Polanyi (eg Polanyi 1957 see also Renfrew and Bahn 1996 354) This model defi nes diff erent relationships between groups of similar or dissimilar signifi cance that are based on the distribution of goods and bilateral transactions These models also describe diff erent levels of exchange relating to the sett lement structures and the centrality of places (reciprocity redistribution and market exchange) The custom of exchange between the groups is in any case bilateral but the signifi cance or emphasis on one side or the other may diff er considerably

Style as well as exchange requires communication Communication between individuals implies almost always the exchange of knowledge And ndash as already stated above ndash style furthermore conveys information or content regardless of whether the sender or recipient is aware of it or not (eg Wobst 1977 321)

Figure 128 All linear distribution of styles on a high-level map

Jutt a Kneisel164

The ideal case would be that the sender communicates in every direction With regard to communities that would make the communication content spread towards the environment in concentric circles The areas within these circles could be defi ned as contact areas or contact zones The farther from the centre the less content reaches the edge of the contact zone the fewer artefacts are to be expected This model however does not apply to the real world since communication is determined by various parameters the most important of them being the boundaries built by the natural environment These limiting factors vary communication in only a few possible directions with varying impact

Another parameter that constrains or expedites the possible spread of content could be the availability of resources so that the communication in the direction in which a desired good is accessible is stronger than in others (eg Haggett 1973 119 Bernbeck 1997 169) The directional communication patt erns could be infl uenced by resource deposits trading goods as well as political andor religious central places Last but not least the catalysing factor of a well developed route system should be taken into account Communication implies mobility of things and people and spreads faster by moving along established routes than away from them

Comparing these communication patt erns with style it is possible to make the following refl ections Styles of ornamentation the manner of application and the combination of diff erent patt erns might be similar within small communities The knowledge about these ornamentations follows ways of communication and exchange It should follow that groups living closer together apply the same style whereas groups living farther away maintain quite a diff erent style This is also true for the intensity of communication and exchange between the groups and thus between sites The direction of communication is determined by factors such as the natural sett ing Any distinct anomaly in this patt ern would need further investigation

GIS mapping presents contact areas and com-munication zones in relation to the decoration of the lids It is shown in the article that due the diff erentiation of several ornamentation groups close contacts between single sites took place (ie Kneisel 2012 fi gs 232ndash256) Buff ering takes the analysis one step further as it visualises the contact area around the sites to reveal possible communication nodes (Fig 126) As mentioned above the buff er is at most 24km wide staying within the realm of a dayrsquos march

Some of the decorations of the lids meet exactly the expected group distribution with irregular borders (see above) whereas the elements of some ornamentation

spread in a linear way (Fig 128) Therefore we may assume that the conveyance of these ornamentations occurred in only two directions and more or less bypassed the surrounding communities Theoretically such a linear distribution patt ern would most likely develop in connection with the distribution of resources (eg by road or river) which also infl uenced the area where the founding of sett lements took place (eg Haggett 1973 119) Linear communication follows similar rules as directional exchange systems Trade exchange and the exploitation of natural resources may provide a possible explanation as well as the utilisation of roads

AmberAmber is an important natural resource at the Baltic Coast especially in the region around Kaliningrad and the Bay of Gdańsk More than 4000kg per year might be found on the shore even until recently (eg Jensen 1982 14) Amber can be found in various areas between the Baltic and North Sea and England but the fi ndings around Gdańsk are by far the greatest and outshine all other places where amber might wash ashore Amber plays a minor role in the inventories of the Pomeranian Culture and it is limited to a small urn group around the Kashubian Lakeland where it is part of large ear decorations including glass beads and bronze as well (eg Andrzejowska 1981) To the east and south it seems to be wholly lacking Even the sphere of the Lusatian Culture shows only few amber fi nds even though this might be at least partly due to the bad preservation (eg Rott laumlnder 1978 Markovaacute 2003 352 map 2)

The Lusatian Culture sett lement of Komorowo district Szamoutly in Greater Poland should be mentioned though (Fig 127 ie Malinowski 2006) The settlement is situated near the burial site of Gorszewice (eg Gedl 1991) It dates back to Hallstatt -time and presents extraordinary amounts of amber ndash raw and partly processed (eg Malinowski 1971) ndash by far more than what would be necessary for a small community Therefore the material should most likely be considered as trade good This interpretation carries greater weight when considering that Gorszewice held the richest graves with imports from the southern Hallstatt Culture Some of the metal types found there have not yet been found farther North (eg Gedl 1991) Amber from the Baltic Sea spreads as far as the Mediterranean especially to Italy and the Balkans (eg Negroni Catacchio 1993 191 Palavestra 1993)

To conclude we could say that amber is a natural resource having its origin at the Baltic Sea and one


major lsquodepositrsquo around the Bay of Gdańsk However the most significant finds come from the site of Komorowo which lies farther South close to the Vartarsquos major river systems The sett lement of Komorowo lies on an island and presents large amounts of raw and processed amber In addition the exceptional nearby cemetery of Gorszewice includes a lot of Hallstatt import from the south

The context of long and close distance tradeexchangeThe material analysed in this paper consists of ornamented lids limited to burial sites Sett lements are rare and show totally diff erent inventories of pott ery The cemeteries of the area with around 4 to 6 urns per grave and not more than 20 graves per site can be undoubtedly linked to small burial communities of similar size The organisational structure of the sett lements may be assumed to be also based on small units (households small villages) Another possibility could be that larger villages used several burial sites according to specifi c social patt erns Since we do not have traces of any larger village in the area of the Pomeranian Culture this seems rather unlikely

Provided that we may equate burial communities with the settlement communities similar pottery styles on burial sites may indicate close contactscommunication between the respective groups

The linear contact zones presented in this paper seem to be part of a larger network of trading routes used to move goods between the Baltic Sea and the Noteć River These routes were presumably used to trade amber The hypothesis of areas of linear contact indicating a trading route which passed over the ridge of the Kashubian Lakeland is supported by the regular distribution of sites at a distance of at most 24km (a dayrsquos march carrying heavy equipment see the discussion above)

There is no direct evidence that face urns were traded along these routes as well but some stylistically very similar urns seem to imply this possibility Several groups of strikingly similar vessels are known from burial sites less than 12km apart from one another (ie Kneisel 2012 fi g 190) Of course social factors such as marital connections could also explain stylistic resemblances (eg Bernbeck 1997 159ndash163) The spatial linearity of the communication process would remain unaff ected in that case

The analysis presented in this paper is not based on the mapping of sett lements but of burial sites which can only be indirect indicators for the postulated trading route network However the corresponding

settlements may have been oriented along such presumed trading routes

The analysis of decorative elements of lids can serve as an indicator for close distance exchanges along certain trade routes The most probable trading good in our case is amber which must have also been the reason for the roads being oriented along a northndashsouth axis connecting the Baltic Sea with the southern European sphere Several sett lements ndash indirectly represented by burial sites ndash were bordering these routes at a distance of a dayrsquos march from one another The routes passed over the otherwise sparsely populated Kashubian Lakeland The trading network began and ended at the Vistula a fact that cannot be considered purely accidental The access to the Vistula river system and to the material amber also implies long distance exchange with centres of amber processing and trade as for example Komorowo the faktoria na szlaku bursztynowym (lsquotrading-post on the amber-routersquo eg Malinowski 2006) to Europe and further to the South

The contact and communication zones outlined by the analysis of diff erent lid ornamentations mirror a small scale exchange system (Baltic Sea ndash Kashubian Lakeland ndash Vistula bend) The face urns or Pomeranian Culture are indicated as an origin of the amber trade towards Southern Europe (Fig 1210) Sett lements like Komorowo and the rich burial site of Gorszewice which do not belong to the Pomoranian Culture suggest that this trade had been controlled from farther South So we can assume that the people who are buried in face urns and stone cists are a part of the greater exchange routes from the Baltic Sea to the far Southern Europe but do not benefi t from these trading connections Southern imports come only as far as KomorowoGorczewice The question now should be were there other commodities making their way towards Pomerania On one hand there are glass beads with a possible South-eastern provenience (eg Malinowski 1990 113) on the other there is a very small distribution of nearly 30 cowries at the periphery of the Kashubian Lakeland to the West of the Vistula delta (Fig 129) Their fi nding places are all along the rim of the Kashubian Lakeland and seem to point towards long distance trade (Schoumlnfelder 2001 319 fn 66 fi g 127 Dudeck 2005 5ndash8)3 Besides this material evidence we can record some immaterial infl uence within the cultural realm of the face urns connected to the warrior imageries equipped with wagon horse and two spears (eg Kneisel 2005) which clearly imply the warrior ideal of the eastern Hallstatt Culture (eg Kneisel in press) Even the custom of burying cremated remains lsquoinside a face urnrsquo may have been conceived in regions as far away as central Europe and Scandinavia proof once

Jutt a Kneisel166

again the far-reaching communication network of the Pomeranian Culture

Only a small part of this exchange network could be touched upon in this paper The network comprises substantial commodities such as amber cowries and glass beads but also immaterial goods like the ideal of the warrior or the use of house urns So even if no metal goods during the change from Hallstatt C to D period arrived in the area of the Pomeranian Culture and the transfer of amber to the South was regulated by other groups we found the same pictograms (incised on the surface of the urns) as in southern Germany Hungary Slowenia or Italy There also appear within the Pomeranian Culture some house urns a phenomenon which reaches from Italy to Scandinavia and Middle Europe (eg Sabatini 2007 and in this volume) so that the people in the far north of Poland seem to be a part of a more widespread cultural sphere

Notes1 The recently published material in the second catalogue

of Marian Kwapiński (2007) with about 90 newly recorded lids could not be taken into account in the current study

2 Roman soldiers marched fully equipped 20 to at highest 26km per day less equipped accordingly more (eg Junkelmann 1986 233 ff )

3 Only two kinds of cowries are endemic at the Mediterranean Sea but those kinds from the Pomeranian Culture seem to come from the Indian Ocean or Pacifi c Unfortunately the archaeozoological investigations were carried out in the 19th century and the few published pictures hint only at a Far Eastern origin For discussion and further bibliography see Kneisel 2007 Only one cowry from Halle is known from the Hallstatt Period D in Germany It is an area where face urns are also known (eg Sabatini 2007 and in this volume) Some more cowries appear during La Tegravene AB in Southern Germany (ie Schoumlnfelder 2001 319 f fi g 7)

Figure 129 The distribution of cowries in Pomerania (kindly outlined by Stefan Dudeck)

Figure 1210 Distribution of amber fi nds in Middle Europe in Hallstatt Period aft er Stahl 2006 Markovaacute 2003


References Andrzejowska M 1981 lsquoKolczyki ludności Kultury Pomorskiej

(The Ear-Rings of the Population of the Pomeranian Culture)rsquo Wiadomości archeologiczne 46 185ndash234

Bernbeck R 1997 Theorien in der Archaumlologie Tuumlbingenvan den Boom H 198081 lsquoDie Pommerellische Gesichtsurnen-

kulturrsquo Acta Praehistoria et Archaeologia 11ndash12 219ndash304Dudeck S 2005 Die Kaurischnecke in der Spaumltbronzezeit und

Fruumlheisenzeit Untersuchungen zu Austauschbeziehungen und sozialen Kontexten im Kaukasusraum (unpubl Master Thesis) Institut fuumlr praumlhistorische Archaumlologie Berlin Freie Universitaumlt Berlin

Fudziński M and Gładykowska-Rzeczycka J 2000 Cementarzysko Ludności Kultury Pomorskiej w Rątach gmina Somonino Gdańsk

Fudziński M and Rożnowski F 2002 Cementarzysko Ludności Kultury Pomorskiej w Rębie gmina Przodkowo Gdańsk

Furholt M and Stockhammer F 2008 lsquoWenn stumme Dinge sprechen sollen Gedanken zu semiotischen Ansaumltzen in der Archaumlologiersquo In Butt er M Grundmann R and Sanchez C (eds) Zeichen der Zeit Interdisziplinaumlre Perspektiven zur Semiotik Frankfurt a M 59ndash72

Gedl M 1991 Die Hallstatt einfl uumlsse auf den polnischen Gebieten in der Fruumlheisenzeit Warszawa

Gładykowska-Rzeczycka J 1968 lsquoAnthropologiczna analiza materiałoacutew kostnych z cementarzyska ciałopalnego w Glińczu Nowym Powiat Kartuzy (Anthropological Analysis of Bone Material From Crematory Cemetery at Glińcz Nowy Kartuzy District)rsquo Pomerania Antiqua 2 241ndash265

Gładykowska-Rzeczycka J 1974 lsquoAnthropologiczna interpretacja cmentarzysk ciałopalnych (Anthropological Interpretation of Crematory Cemeteries)rsquo Pomerania Antiqua 5 27ndash149

Gładykowska-Rzeczycka J 1979 lsquoSzczątki ludzkie z ciałopalnego cmentarzyska kultury wschodniopomorskiej w Igrzycznej gm Linia (Human Remains from an East Pomeranian Culture Cemetery at Igrzyczna Linia Parish)rsquo Pomerania Antiqua 8 262ndash282

Haggett P 1973 Einfuumlhrung in die kultur- und sozialgeographische Regionalanalyse Berlin

Hingst H 1974 Jevenstedt Ein Urnenfriedhof der aumllteren vorroumlmischen Eisenzeit im Kreise Rendsburg-Eckernfoumlrde Holstein Neumuumlnster

Jensen J 1982 Nordens Guld En bog om oldtidens rav mennesker og myter Copenhagen

Jensen J 1997 Fra bronze- til jernalder - en kronologisk undersoslashgelse Copenhagen

Junkelmann M 1986 Die Legionen des Augustus Der roumlmische Soldat im archaumlologischen Experiment Mainz am Rhein

Kaiser J 2003 Das praumlhistorische Graumlberfeld von Niederkaina bei Bautzen Dresden

Kneisel J 2001 lsquoZur Verbreitung geschlechtsspezifi scher Motive in der Gesichtsurnenkulturrsquo In Muzeum Archeologiczne w Biskupinie (ed) Sztuka epoki brązu i wczesnej epoki żelaza w europie środkowej (Die Kunst der Bronzezeit und der fruumlhen Eisenzeit in Mitteleuropa) 2nd Conference Biskupin 2000 Wrocław 291ndash306

Kneisel J 2002 lsquoGedanken zur Sozialstruktur der eisenzeitlichen Bevoumllkerung zwischen Warthe und Ostseersquo Mitt eilungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fuumlr Anthropologie Ethnologie und Urgeschichte 23 87ndash96

Kneisel J 2005 lsquoKrigeren og praeligstinden Den pommerske kulturs gravskikkersquo In Goldhahn J (ed) Mellan Sten och bronze Det 9e Nordiska Bronsaringlderssymposiet Conference Goumlteborg 9ndash12 Oktober 2003 (Gotarc series C Arkeologiska Skrift er 59) Goumlteborg 637ndash658



Korpus kanop pomorskich Gdańsk La Baume W 1956 lsquoGestaltung und Bedeutung der

Gesichtsdarstellung bei den hallstatt zeitlichen Gesichtsurnen des nordischen Kreisesrsquo Koumllner Jahrbuch 2 102ndash132

La Baume W 1963 Die pommerellischen Gesichtsurnen MainzŁuka L J 1966 Kultura Wschodniopomorska na Pomorzu

Gdańskim WrocławMalinowski T 1971 lsquoUumlber den Bernsteinhandel zwischen

den suumldoumlstlichen baltischen Ufergebieten und dem Suumlden Europas in der fruumlhen Eisenzeitrsquo Praumlhistorische Zeitschrift 46 102ndash110

Malinowski T 1990 Research on Glass of the Lusatian and Pomeranian Cultures in Poland Słupsk

Malinowski T 2006 Komorowo Stanowisko 1 ndash grodzisko kultury łużyckiej ndash faktoria na szlaku bursztynowym Rzeszoacutew

Markovaacute K 2003 lsquoAustauschentwicklungen im Karpatenbecken im Lichte der Bernsteinfundersquo In lsquoBronzezeitliche Kulturerscheinungen im Karpatischen Raum Die Beziehungen zu den benachbarten Gebietenrsquo in Kacsoacute C and Vulpe A (eds) Ehrensymposium fuumlr Alexandru Vulpe zum 70 Geburtstag Baia Mare 2001 (Bibliotheca Marmatia) Baia Mare 339ndash352

Negroni Catacchio N 1993 lsquoThe Production of Amber Figures in Italy from the 8th to the 4th centuries BCrsquo In Beck K W and Bouzek J (eds) Amber in Archaeology 191ndash202

Palavestra A 1993 Praistorĳ ski ćilibar na centralnom i zapadnom Balkanu Beograd

Polanyi K 1957 lsquoThe Economy as Instituted Processrsquo In Polanyi K Arensberg C M and Pearson H W (eds) Trade and market in the early empires Economies in history and theory Glencoe 243ndash244

Renfrew C and Bahn P G 1996 Archaeology Theories Methods and Practice London

Reusch K D 1724 De tumulis et urnis sepulcralibus in Prussia Koumlnigsberg

Rott laumlnder R A C 1978 lsquoZur geographischen Verbreitung der Bernsteinfunde beim Uumlbergang von der aumllteren zur juumlngeren Eisenzeitrsquo Koumllner Jahrbuch 16 89ndash110

Sabatini S 2007 House urns A European Late Bronze Age Trans-cultural Phenomenon (Gotarc Series B Gothenburg Archaeological Theses 47) Goumlteborg

Schoumlnfelder M 2001 lsquoDie etruskischen Bronzebecken aus dem Samsbacher Forst Lkr Schwandorfrsquo Jahrbuch des Roumlmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 481 309ndash335

Stahl C 2006 Mitt eleuropaumlische Bernsteinfunde von der Fruumlhbronze- bis zur Fruumlhlategravenezeit Ihre Verbreitung Formgebung Zeitstellung und Herkunft Dett elbach


Jutt a Kneisel168

Wobst M H 1977 lsquoStylistic Behavior and Information Exchangersquo In Cleland C E and Griffi n J B (eds) For the Director Research Essays in honor of James B Griffi (Anthropological papers Museum of Anthropology University of Michigan) Michigan 317ndash342

Zeeb-Lanz A 2003 lsquoKeramikverzierungsstil als Kommunikati-onsmitt el Ein Beispiel aus dem fruumlhen Jungneolithikum Suumld-westdeutschlandsrsquo In Veit U (ed) Spuren und Botschaft en Interpretationen materieller Kultur vom 2ndash4 Juni 2000 (Tuumlbinger archaumlologische Taschenbuumlcher) Muumlnster 245ndash261

13

Ceramic technology and the materiality of Celtic graphitic pott ery

Att ila Kreiter Szilvia Bartus-Szoumlllősi Bernadett Bajnoacuteczi Izabella Azbej Havancsaacutek Maacuteria Toacuteth and Gyoumlrgy Szakmaacuteny

IntroductionThe Celtic lsquographitic warersquo is a widespread distinctive type of pott ery found in most parts of the Central European Celtic world In Celtic research the term lsquographitic warersquo is commonly used for a special typological group of ceramics the most characteristic of which are the situla-like pots or beakers that have a wide mouth an inverted or swollen rim accentuated shoulder and a wide fl at bott om They are typically decorated with vertically incised bundles of lines (eg Gebhard et al 2004 200)

This paper examines the technological aspects of Celtic ceramics obtained from a settlement at Dunaszentgyoumlrgy (Hungary) (Figs 131ndash132) They were examined by using polarising microscopy X-ray diff raction (XRD) X-ray fl uorescence spectroscopy (XRF) and electron microprobe analysis (EMPA) In this paper we will concentrate on the well-known yet litt le-understood graphite-tempered situla-like pots of the Celts The possible similarities and diff erences of graphitic and non-graphitic wares are also examined in terms of raw material compositions

Multidisciplinary research has the potential to provide valuable insights into social aspects of prehistoric graphite procurement and their reasons for manufacturing pott ery It should be emphasised that we need to move beyond mere functionalist interpretations of pott ery technology and raw materials because these practices divorce past human interactions with minerals from wider cognitive symbolic phenomenological and social contexts Within pre-industrial societies minerals are frequently interwoven into not just economic and material but also social cosmological mythical spiritual and philosophical aspects of life (eg Taccedilon

1991 Thomas 1999 Jones 2002b Parker Pearson 2002 Scarre 2004)

In this paper we consider that the use of graphite for tempering Celtic pott ery has likely played more than just a straightforward utilitarian role and consider the evocative ways graphite was used for tempering By considering graphite from diff erent social perspectives we can gain valuable insight into elements of this mineralrsquos symbolic and social associations and the meaningfulness of human interactions with the material world

Graphitic pott ery of the Celts a reviewThe importance of graphite in Celtic pott ery making started during the early La Tegravene period (eg Jerem and Kardos 1985) and became more common during the early LT B2 (beginning of the 3rd century BC) (eg Szaboacute et al 1999 181) Graphitic pott ery was a substantial element of Central European Celtic pott ery right up until the decline of the Celtic world (fi rst half of the 1st c AD in Hungary) Curiously in contrast with many other pottery forms and techniques graphitic ware was not taken over or adopted for use by the Romans

Archaeological evidence shows that graphitic wares were produced in the same kind of pott ery kiln as the other types of Celtic pott ery the two-chambered vertical kiln known from numberless Celtic sites in Europe This kiln type was suitable for creating the right temperature and atmosphere needed to fi re graphitic ware with the lowest possible loss in graphite content (eg Kappel 1969 45ndash47 Duma and Ravasz 1976)

A Kreiter S Bartus-Szoumlllősi B Bajnoacuteczi I Azbej Havancsaacutek M Toacuteth and G Szakmaacuteny170

Figu

re 1

31

Geo

grap

hica

l loc

atio

n of

Dun

asze

ntgy

oumlrgy

in H

unga

ry

13 Ceramic technology and the materiality of Celtic graphitic pott ery 171

The most complex evidence for the manufacturing of graphitic ware was found at Milovice in Southern Moravia where a complete pott errsquos workshop with a pott ery kiln and a preparatory building was excavated inside the lsquopit housersquo a large amount of raw graphite and a lump of already prepared graphitic clay was found along with a stone board which was most probably used for grinding the graphite Both in the house and the pott ery kiln there were sherds of graphitic wares with misfi red products amongst them (Čižmař 1994) At the oppidum of Gelleacuterthegy-Tabaacuten (Hungary) also several pott ery kilns (some of them containing sherds of graphitic wares) were excavated

At this site the pieces of raw graphite and misfi red products also point to local production (Boacutenis 1969)

Celtic graphitic ware includes a range of vessel types however among these the situla-like pots are the utmost common and other graphitic vessel types comprise the minority of the assemblages Situla-like pots have a similar overall look that can be described as mostly greyish in colour as an eff ect of reduced fi ring and the distinctive combed decoration if any is present (eg Sauer 1994) Both handmade and wheel-made situla-like pots have similar general characteristics although they vary from a very poor to a top quality workmanship in terms of raw material preparation

Figure 132 Geographical location of archaeological sites (circles) and graphite sources (stars) mentioned in the text 1 Dunaszentgyoumlrgy 2 Milovice 3 Gelleacuterthegy-Tabaacuten 4 Wallersdorf 5 Duumlrrnberg 6 Georgenberg bei Kuhl 7 Manching 8 Karlstein 9 Staregrave Hradisko 10 Aulnat 11 Basel 12 Aquileia 13 Kropfmuumlhl 14 Sopron-Krautacker 15 Meacutenfőcsanak 16 Zalakomaacuter 17 Passau 18 Českyacute Krumlov 19 Oberstockstall


the precise execution of forming surface treatment and control of fi ring The qualitatively bett er vessels are smaller and more delicate frequently decorated with intricate combed design (eg Trebsche 2003) Lids also appear with graphite They are considered to belong to the situla-like pot types of the graphitic ware Lids were wheel-turned and commonly decorated with concentric ribs and occasionally with stamped motifs (eg Kappel 1969 pl 29) Other graphitic vessel types include bott les shallow and deep bowls plates cups and mugs Spindle whorls were also made from graphite-tempered clay (eg Kappel 1969 pl 31 and 43) Another distinctive group of graphitic ceramics is the technical ceramics which are constantly exposed to high temperature For example in Wallersdorf (Germany) a crucible was found with traces of melted glass and blowpipes are known from Duumlrrnberg and Georgenberg bei Kuhl (both in Germany) (ibid) A number of moulds also have to be mentioned which were made out of broken sherds of graphitic wares like those at Duumlrrnberg and Karlstein both in Germany and Staregrave Hradisko in Czech Republic (Čižmař 2002) The sherds were used for casting money small metal discs or rods by engraving the wished form into the inner surface of the sherd (with traces of gold from Manching in Germany see Kappel 1969)

As far as their geographical distribution is concerned Celtic graphitic wares are found at archaeological sites in Central Europe from Northern Switzerland to Transylvania (Rustoiu 1993) from Lower Bavaria to Serbia (eg Sladić 1986)

At the present state of research the westernmost centre of production seems to be Manching (Germany) from where graphitic ware was transported in large numbers as far as the river Rhine and there is even one rare example at Aulnat (France) (Collis 1976) Graphite-tempered vessels manufactured in Třiacutesov were also taken along the river Danube to Basel (Switzerland) (Břeň 1976) Jiacuteřiacute Waldhauser (1992) in his study on Celtic distribution systems of graphitic wares also mentions a piece of Bohemian origin to have been found at Aquileia (Italy) Graphitic ware may be present at any Celtic sett lement type such as oppida and villages regardless of its size or type In considering the number of graphitic wares in general the closer the sett lement is to the raw graphite sources the proportion of graphitic wares increases (Bohn 1964 Kappel 1969 Břeň 1976 Marosi 1987 Meduna 1998 Dobesch 2002) Graphitic wares can also be found in burials as well but in considerably fewer numbers (Benadiacutek 1961 Trebsche 2003 66ndash69)

For example Waldhauser (1992 380ndash381) described three zones of distribution of graphitic ware around Bohemian graphite sources on the basis of the

evaluation of fi nds from Celtic sett lements Within the fi rst zone (maximum distance from the nearest raw graphite source 50kms) the proportion of graphitic wares was about 20ndash57 In the second (50 to 100km from the nearest source) about 3ndash12 while in the third (100 to 170km from the nearest source) at an average of 06 Other researchers pointed out that the distribution of graphitic wares in Moravia shows a lot more even patt ern due to the dispersion of the raw graphite sources which are not concentrated geographically like in Bohemia but situated along a NEndashSW axis throughout the country (Meduna 1998)

The form in which graphite was distributed by the Celts is a question still in dispute among researchers and there are archaeological proofs for three views (see the lists of Kappel 1969 and Waldhauser 1992) In the fi rst view pieces of raw graphite were traded and incorporated into local raw materials to make vessels In the second view lumps of graphite clay were imported which contained naturally present graphite while in the third view fi nished graphitic wares were traded The most commonly accepted view is the fi rst one that is raw graphite was traded In the most recent study on graphitic wares from Manching it was shown that pott ery was made from local raw materials and was tempered with graphite from Kropfmuumlhl 190 km away from Manching (Gebhard et al 2004 209) Waldhauser (1992) assumed that trade with the raw material itself (either raw graphite or graphite-bearing clay) could be considered only in the vicinity of graphite sources while long-distance trade was primarily for fi nished products In Hungary lumps of graphite were also found at Celtic sites such as at Sopron-Krautacker (Jerem and Kardos 1985) MeacutenfőcsanakndashSzeles-dűlő (pers com 2009 Kaacuteroly Tankoacute) ZalakomaacuterndashAlsoacute-csalit (excavated by A Kreiter in 2006) in the vicinity of Pusztabarcs (Roacutezsaacutes 2002) and also at Gelleacuterthegy-Tabaacuten the graphite found there is assumed to have come from around Passau (Boacutenis 1969) At ZalakomaacuterndashAlsoacute-csalit an exceptionally well preserved pott ery kiln was found although none of the graphitic wares at the site could be associated with the kiln (Kreiter 2008)

Methods and results of analysesIn this research 42 vessels from Dunaszentgyoumlrgy were examined in ceramic thin sections by polarising microscopy X-ray fl uorescence spectroscopy (XRF) X-ray powder diff raction (XRD) and Electron microprobe analysis (EMPA) The results of petrographic analysis and XRF XRD and EMPA analyses are described elsewhere together with the instrument parameters


(Havancsaacutek et al 2009) Here only the results are presented An example of the analysed vessel types are presented in Figures 133 and 134 From the samples 19 sherds show graphite inclusions in diff erent amounts and size ranges From the excavated material all graphitic sherds were examined In order to compare the fabric of graphitic and non-graphitic sherds a comparative sample set of 23 non-graphitic sherds was chosen from the same site From the graphitic sherds 16 are from the situla-like pots 2 storage vessels and 1 bowl The non-graphitic wares are composed of biconical cooking pots (4 samples) a small pot (1 sample) a pot (1 sample) a jar (1 sample) a bott le (1 sample) bowls with S profi le (9 samples) bowls (3 samples) a pot with swollen rim (1 sample) a deep globular bowl (1 sample) and a storage vessel (1 sample) The examined samples came to light from pits and none of them were associated with a ceramic kiln The samples were found in pits and semi-subterranean houses The results show that graphitic and non-graphitic vessels have very similar compositions in terms of the very fi ne and fi ne non-plastic inclusions The raw material was probably locally available fl ood-plain sediments from the river Danube which is readily available around Dunaszentgyoumlrgy It seems that graphitic wares were also locally made and local raw materials were tempered with imported raw graphite The data obtained and compared with the geology of graphite mines and mineralogical composition of graphite-bearing rocks suggest that the most potential source for the graphite in the ceramics at Dunaszentgyoumlrgy seems to be in the variegated unit of the Moldanubicum (Bohemian Massive) within Czech Republic (possibly around Českyacute Krumlov) where mainly biotitic paragneiss graphitic paragneiss graphitic quartzite marble and amphibolite occurs (Houzar and Novaacutek 2002 Janousek et al 2008) Near Českyacute Krumlov accessible graphite deposits occur in paragneiss and quartzite (Kachliacutek 1999) These rocks are composed of quartz feldspar mica (biotite muscovite) sillimanite (plusmn cordierite) and in some cases kyanite (Janousek et al 2008) The graphite-bearing rock temper in the Dunaszentgyoumlrgy ceramics contains the above mentioned minerals

InterpretationThe most widely accepted view about the function of graphitic wares is that they were used for cooking andor storing food fl uids and grains (eg Trebsche 2003) The lsquocooking potrsquo assumption is strengthened by remains of organic residue on graphitic wares for example at Gelleacuterthegy-Tabaacuten (Boacutenis 1969) and

Manching (Kappel 1969) Other traces inside the vessels such as circular abrasions may be due to the contact with the utensil used for stirring (eg Trebsche 2003) Smaller more delicate graphitic wares are assumed to be used for drinking (eg Kappel 1969 48 Trebsche 2003) In the literature dealing with graphite tempered pott ery is oft en noted that graphite was used for tempering because it improves the toughness of the vessel makes the vessel stronger and decreases permeability Moreover graphite improves the resistance of the vessel to thermal and mechanical stress increases refractoriness tensile strength and thermal conductivity It is also highlighted that graphite tempered pott ery is more resistant to chemical att ack (eg Kappel 1969 Duma and Ravasz 1976 Martinoacuten-Torres et al 2003 Gebhard et al 2004 Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006 520 Bohn 1964 Frechen 1969)

Moreover recent studies on technical ceramics such as laboratory equipment (eg crucibles) show that the above mentioned characteristics are particularly useful when vessels are constantly exposed to high temperature (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006) Graphite as being one of the most stable minerals under high temperatures ndash it does not melt but sublimates only at c 3500degC ndash would contribute to the vesselsrsquo refractoriness (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2005 142) Although the mechanical behaviour of graphite as ceramic temper is uninvestigated it can be assumed that its platy shape and fl aky fracture together with the toughness of graphite speckles along the long axis could make it ideal for preventing crack propagation as is the case of mica and shell which also have plate-like structures (Tite et al 2001 Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2005 142 Feathers 2006) The expansion and contraction caused by changing temperatures would also be signifi cantly lower in graphitic fabrics (Duma and Ravasz 1976) Graphite fl akes may also enhance the tensile strength of the vessels which is a weakness of ceramics tempered with excessive amounts of non-plastic inclusions (eg Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2009 63 see also Kilikoglou et al 1998 Tite et al 2001) Researchers also pointed out that because graphitic wares transfer and preserve heat bett er this makes the use of the vessel more economic because less fuel is needed (eg Kiss 2006 Ferencz 2007) In summary the use of graphite or graphitic raw material is useful for objects which are constantly exposed to high temperatures

The results of this study show that Celtic pott ers at Dunaszentgyoumlrgy used graphite for tempering in diff erent size ranges (very fi ne to very coarse) and amounts (traces to very common) and the relationship between vessel function and material properties is not clear In particular because at Dunaszentgyoumlrgy there


Figure 133 Examples from the examined graphitic (1ndash8) and non-graphitic (9ndash12) vessels 1ndash8 situla-like graphitic pots 9ndash10 bowls 11ndash12 storage vessels


are other cooking pots showing no graphite at all There are cases when graphite is present in rare amounts or even in traces and it is diffi cult to ascertain that rare amounts of graphite increased the thermal and physical quality of the vessel The use of rare amounts of graphite gives an impression that its incorporation in the fabric of the vessel was more important than its amount Several examples highlighted the variability in the amount and size of graphite in pott ery (eg Bohn 1964 Boacutenis 1969 Břeň 1987 Gebhard et al 2004) The peculiarity of Celtic graphitic wares is further highlighted by that graphite temper is mostly associated with a particular vessel form (situla-like pot) and graphite is rarely used in other vessel types including other types of cooking pots Moreover researchers oft en note a group of situla-like pots which are referred to as lsquopseudo graphitic waresrsquo (eg Boacutenis 1969) This group of vessels was made with litt le amount or without graphite but the vessels look like the graphite-tempered ones They also have the situla-like shape and if they are decorated the decoration similarly to graphitic wares is combed Even the coarse and lumpy texture of graphitic wares is copied Considering the other types of cooking pots and the pseudo graphitic wares it seem that at the diff erent sites functionally equivalent vessels were made from diff erent raw materials Why take the trouble then to acquire graphite

Recently the social implication of the relationship between artefacts their technologies and the sites or distant lands is also recognised (eg Boivin 2004

Gosden 2004 Jones 2007) These studies highlight that raw materials for making pott ery may have had a series of signifi cance linking an object to other places of signifi cance

The previous section shows that graphite tempering is particularly suitable for technical ceramics which are regularly exposed to high temperature Because graphite is most commonly used in the situla-like cooking pots by the Celts it seems that Celtic cooking pots were made as if they were technical vessels however it must be noted that graphitic wares are only rarely been found in a context suggesting their technical use such as metal melting (eg Kappel 1969 Čižmař 2002) Rather graphitic wares including the situla-like cooking pots mainly appear in household contexts Was graphite used for tempering to create the ultimate cooking pot This seems unlikely since during cooking in an open fi re the temperature is not as high as would require making a refractory vessel as is the case for laboratory equipment The graphitic wares examined in this paper do not show any signs of cooking (soothing charred food) but of course this does not mean that they were not used for cooking It must be noted that repeated fi rings in strongly oxidising conditions would lead to the burning away of graphite and subsequent weakening of the vessel (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006 520) This view is underlined by repeated re-fi ring experiments carried out by the authors in an electric kiln The re-fi ring tests in an oxidising atmosphere show that at a relatively low temperature (considering

Figure 134 Photograph of one of the graphitic situla-like vessels


the refractoriness of graphite) at 600 degC the examined dark grey graphitic wares became light brown and the graphite burned off from the exterior and interior surface of the sherds

Another important aspect of graphitic lsquocooking potsrsquo is that cooking food preparation or storage do not seem to be advantageous in these vessels The size of the graphite inclusions in the examined samples are most oft en 1 to 3mm although in rare cases larger grains are also present The grains protrude from the vessel walls and are well visible on both the exterior and interior of the vessels even if the surface is smoothed As a result by touching these vessels the hands become graphitic This phenomenon was highlighted by other researchers as well (eg Ferencz 2007) One may wonder how it is possible to use a vessel in which whatever comes contact with the vessel wall and consequently with the graphite the graphite integrates into the content of the vessel and the content becomes greasy The point here is not to argue against the functional suitability of the examined graphite-tempered pots but to highlight that graphite-tempered wares have several peculiar characteristics that need to be taken into account If we acknowledge these characteristics we gain a more fi ne-grained understanding of this litt le-understood vessel type

To conceptualise graphite-tempered pott ery we first consider the visual appeal of the vessels A recent study concerning Medieval graphite-tempered crucibles emphasises that even though graphite enhances the physical and thermal characteristics of ceramics this does not imply that these qualities were noticed or valued explicitly not even that the good quality was directly associated to the presence of graphite (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006 520) In fact the assemblages from the Medieval laboratory in Oberstockstall (Austria) shows the presence of non-graphitic crucibles which were used similarly to the graphitic ones (Martinoacuten-Torres et al 2003 Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006) Marcos Martinoacuten-Torres and Thilo Rehren (2009 67) also point out that even in early modern times the choice for making crucibles was governed by the colour texture plasticity taste and smell of the raw material These characteristics were determined by the senses rather than the composition or physical properties of raw materials Several examples highlighted that shape colour and texture together with other external qualities and not necessarily the material properties are the features conditioning the choice of one pott ery type or another (eg Cumberpatch 1997 Sillar 1997 Longacre et al 2000 Jones 2004b) Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren (2009 69) use the term materiality to describe the immediately perceptive aspects of an object Andrew Jones (2004a 330) also

argues that lsquomaterial qualities of material culture are central to how they are used and made meaningfulrsquo For this reason materiality should be treated as a quality of relationships rather than a quality of things (Jones 2007 36) The sensual appeal of objects is situated in a relational system of aesthetic appreciation The multisensory nature of our engagement with the material world takes on the complexity of emotional experience (Gosden 2004) This is an important point because the perception of material culture would be subjective and infl uenced by previous knowledge experience memory tradition or reputation (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2009 69) The mostly grey metallic appearance and lumpy surface of graphite-tempered vessels clearly gives them a unique appearance which is not characteristic to other vessel types of the Celts The notion that graphite-tempered pott ery performs bett er may have been related to the external quality of the vessels Only through constant use and communication between users and pott ers resulted in the realisation of the relationship between graphite and good performance (Martinoacuten-Torres and Rehren 2006 520) If at all since if the vessel is constantly used for cooking in an open fi re the graphite would burn out and subsequently weakening the vessel Moreover graphite also makes the content of the vessel greasy Nevertheless the acquisition of graphite implies large scale exchange complex social networks and communications of ideas and spread of technological knowledge Graphite did not spring from nowhere Its use as ceramic temper was the result of a considerable network of social relations Within this practice a humble lump of graphite is situated in an extensive web of activities along which action and causation are distributed Material culture is meaningful because it is constitutive of active networks of social practices For example Shipibo-Conibo (indigenous people in eastern Peru) ceramics production depends upon remote raw materials lsquoan elaborately decorated beer-mug or water jug is in itself a geopolitical statement about a resource zone to which a pott er has direct or indirect accessrsquo (DeBoer 1984 530) Minerals once obtained from their sources subsequently become the focus of a range of technological procedures that oft en continue to account for the symbolic meanings they possess Ethnographic and archaeological studies show that technological modifi cations of minerals such as stone working and ceramic production are oft en ritualised or symbolically-lade processes that draw upon the metaphorical qualities of minerals themselves (eg Sillar 1996 Gosselain 1999 Jones 2002a) Neolithic pott ery studies from Orkney for example revealed that mineral tempers were obtained from signifi cant places in the landscape that served to articulate expression


of social identity and the symbolic reinforcement of links between diff erent communities (Jones 2002a Parker Pearson 2004)

A vessel tempered with graphite accumulated a complex biography through its manufacture and its production may have strengthened social and production relations between producers exchange partners (those collectingdelivering the graphite from the west) and also recapitulated the use andor role of the vessel within the community The connection between artefacts and the way they are used to make and reinforce connections between people can be examined through enchained relationships (eg Chapman and Gaydarska 2006 Jones 2007) Jones (2007 142) uses the term indexical relationship to assess enchainment between artefacts when artefacts are related by physical similarity or contiguity

A further way to conceptualise graphite-tempered pott ery is through lsquothe technology of enchantmentrsquo (Gell 1992) where the process needed to produce objects and the peculiarity of their sensory impact would have made public statements within a given social arena In this practice not only the vesselrsquos appearance was probably effective but also the idea that the makerrsquos skill represented (the use of graphite requires a complex technological knowledge) Chris Scarre (2004) emphasises the importance of mineral origins in examining human engagement with the mineral world In several cases mineral acquisition involves a great deal of eff ort and it would seem that there is no always a good functional reason for the acquisition of a particular mineral because functionally equivalent objects can be made from locally available raw materials Ethnographic and archaeological studies pointed out that the value of a mineral is very oft en related to the journey that was made to acquire it For example the importance of journeying is described by Douglas K Charles et al (2004) who note that the acquisition of rare or exotic minerals from far away places during the Middle Woodland Period in North America was also important because of the prestige power and esoteric knowledge obtained by journeying Journeying could also have been taken place to maintain inter-clan relationships and to fulfi l ceremonial obligations (McBryde 1984) The spiritual and symbolic value of journeys made to acquire minerals oft en relate to the power of the source itself whose power carries into the substances taken from them For example the killing power of stone tools of Australian Aboriginal people comes from the stone source (Taccedilon 1991 203) Exotic objects may represent signifi cant value for the entire community because such acquisition is an act of the transformation of things from outside society into socially signifi cant goods (Helms 1993 93ndash94)

ConclusionThe above section highlighted diff erent ways that raw material acquisition can be conceptualised Celtic graphitic wares are ubiquitous at diff erent sites and graphite is mainly associated with a particular vessel form that is the situla-like cooking pots The very similarity of these situla-like cooking pots interregionally in terms of shape colour decoration and texture identify these vessels as meaningful for whatever reason

The meaning of these pots is unknown since they are found in all contexts and in diff erent numbers Perhaps they conveyed diff erent meanings in each case or context They may have conveyed meaning about provenance quality tradition technical performance fashion or in the case of raw graphite perhaps a piece from the land of the ancestors It is clear that there must have been something particularly meaningful about graphite that led Celtic pott ers to use it as temper as this would have involved complex technological knowledge that does not seem to be particularly effi cient pott ers had to take the trouble of acquiring graphite through long-distance exchange a graphite-tempered vessel had to be fi red in well controlled reduced conditions and even if they were used for cooking their regular use over open fi re would lead the burning away of graphite The notion that ceramic tempers might have been used by prehistoric peoples for reasons other than functional is reinforced by this study The maintenance of material culture production and its knowledge depends to a large extent on social signifi cance the greater the social importance the more accurately it is maintained (Cole and Gay 1972) Even though we may never know the meaning of the association between graphite and the situla-like pots the consistent appearance of such vessels with graphite temper at every site indicate deliberate social strategies for what and how to reproduce

ReferencesBenadiacutek B 1961 lsquoGrafi tovaacute keramika v lateacutenskych hroboch na

Slovensku (Die Graphitkeramik in lategravenezeitlichen Graumlbern in der Slowakei)rsquo Slovenskaacute Archeologica 9 175ndash208

Bohn P 1964 lsquoTabaacuten kelta leletanyag vizsgaacutelatarsquo Archeoloacutegiai Eacutertesiacutető 91 243ndash248

Boivin N 2004 lsquoFrom veneration to exploitation human engagement with the material worldrsquo In Boivin and Owoc 2004 1ndash29

Boacutenis Eacute 1969 Die spaumltkeltische Siedlung Gelleacuterthegy-Tabaacuten in Budapest Budapest

Břeň J 1976 lsquoEarliest Sett lements With Urban Character in Central Europersquo In Cunliff e and Rowley 1976 81ndash94


Břeň J 1987 lsquoK vyacuterobě tuhoveacute keramiky na keltskeacutem oppidu Třiacutesově okres Českyacute Krumlov (Zur Herstellung der Graphitt onkeramik aus dem keltischen Oppidum Třiacutesov-Bezirk Českyacute Krumlov Suumld-Boumlhmen)rsquo Časopis Naacuterodniho Muzea v Praze Řada Historickaacute 156 1ndash9

Chapman J and Gaydarska B 2006 Parts and wholes fragmentation in prehistoric context Oxford

Charles D K Van Nest J and Buikstra J E 2004 lsquoFrom the earth minerals and meaning in the Hopewellian worldrsquo In Boivin and Owoc 2004 43ndash70

Čižmař M 1994 lsquoEin Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Herstellung der Spaumltlategravenezeitlichen Graphitkeramik in Suumldmaumlhrenrsquo Acta Musei Moraviae Časopis Moravskeacuteho Muzea 78 85ndash93

Čižmař M 2002 lsquoOumlkonomische Struktur des Oppidums Staregrave Hradiskorsquo In Dobiat C Sievers S and Stoumlllner T (eds) Duumlrrnberg und Manching Wirtschaft sarchaumlologie im Ostkeltischen Raum Bonn 297ndash306

Cole M and Gay J 1972 lsquoCulture and memoryrsquo American Anthropologist 74 1066ndash1084

Collis J 1976 lsquoTown and market in Iron Age Europersquo In Cunliff e and Rowley 1976 3ndash24

Cumberpatch C G 1997 lsquoTowards a phenomenological approach to the study of Medieval pott eryrsquo In Cumberpatch C G and Blinkhorn P W (eds) Not so much a pot more a way of life Oxford 125ndash151

DeBoer W 1984 lsquoThe last pott ery show system and sense in ceramic studiesrsquo In van der Leeuw S E and Pritchard A C (eds) The many dimensions of pott ery ceramics in archaeology and anthropology Amsterdam 527ndash571

Dobesch G 2002 lsquoHandel und Wirtschaft der Kelten in antiken Schrift quellenrsquo Duumlrrnberg 1ndash25

Duma G and Ravasz C 1976 lsquoGraphithaltige Gefaumlszlige aus Oumlsterreichs Mitt elalterrsquo Archeologia Austriaca 59ndash60 225ndash242

Feathers J 2006 lsquoExplaining Shell-Tempered Pottery in Prehistoric Eastern North Americarsquo Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 13 133

Ferencz I V 2007 lsquoCelţii pe Mureşul Mĳ lociu La Tegravene-ul timporiu şi mĳ lociu icircn bazinul mĳ lociu al Mureşului (sec IVndashII icircChr)rsquo Sibiu

Frechen J 1969 lsquoPetrographische Untersuchungen von Keramik-Proben aus Manching und anderen mitteleuropaumlischen Fundstellenrsquo In Kappel I (ed) Die Graphitt onkeramik von Manching (Ausgrabungen in Manching Bd 2) Wiesbaden 127ndash144

Gebhard R Bott R Distler N Michagravelek J Riederer J Wagner F E and Wagner U 2004 lsquoCeramics from the Celtic oppidum of Manching and its infl uence in Central Europersquo Hyperfi ne Interactions 154 199ndash214

Gell A 1992 lsquoThe technology of enchantment and the enchantment of technologyrsquo In Coote J and Shelton A (eds) Anthropolgy Art and Aesthetics Oxford 40ndash63

Gosden C 2004 lsquoAestehtics intelligence and emotions implications for archaeologyrsquo In DeMarrais et al 2004 33ndash40

Gosselain O P 1999 lsquoIn pots we trust the processing of clay and symbols in Sub-Saharan Africarsquo Journal of Material Culture 4 205ndash230

Havancsaacutek I Bajnoacuteczi B Toacuteth M Kreiter A and Szoumlllősi S 2009 Kelta grafi tos keraacutemia elmeacutelet eacutes gyakorlat dunaszentgyoumlrgyi keraacutemiaacutek aacutesvaacuteytani petrograacutefi a eacutes geokeacutemiai vizsgaacutelataacutenak tukreacuteben ndash Celtic graphitic pott ery theory and practice in the

light of mineralogical petrographic anf geochemical study of creamics from Dunaszengyoumlrgy (S-Hungrey Archeometriai MűhelyArchaeomtery Workshop 1 39ndash43)rsquo

Helms M W 1993 Craft and the kingly ideal art trade and power Austin

Houzar S and Novaacutek M 2002 lsquoMarbles with carbonatite-like geochemical signature from variegated units of the Bohemian Massif Czech Republic and their geological signifi cancersquo Journal of the Czech Geological Society 47 103ndash110

JanoušekV Vraacutena S Erban V Vokurka K and Draacutebek M 2008 lsquoMetabasic rocks in the Varied Group of the Moldanubian Zone southern Bohemia ndash their petrology geochemical character and possible petrogenesisrsquo Journal of Geosciences 53 31ndash64

Jerem E and Kardos J 1985 lsquoEntwicklung und Charakter der eisenzeitlichen Graphitt onwarersquo Mitt eilungen der Oumlsterreichischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft fuumlr Ur- und Fruumlhgeschichte 35 65ndash75

Jones A 2002a Archaeological theory and scientifi c practice Cambridge

Jones A 2002b lsquoA biography of colour colour material histories and personhood in the Early Bronze Age of Britain and Irelandrsquo In Jones A and MacGregor G (eds) Colouring the past The signifi cance of colour in archaeological research Oxford 159ndash174

Jones A 2004a lsquoArchaeometry and materiality materials-based analysis in theory and practicersquo Archaeometry 46 327ndash338

Jones A 2004b lsquoMaterialising memory colour remembrance and the NeolithicBronze Age transitionrsquo In DeMarrais et al 2004 167ndash178

Jones A 2007 Memory and material culture CambridgeKachliacutek V 1999 lsquoRelationship between Moldanubicum the

Kutnaacute Hora Crystalline Unit and Bohemicum (Central Bohemia Czech Republic) A result of the polyphase Variscan nappe tectonicsrsquo Journal of the Czech Geological Society 44 201ndash292

Kappel I 1969 Die Graphittonkeramik von Manching Ausgrabungen in Manching Bd 2 Wiesbaden

Kilikoglou V Vekinis G and Maniatis Y 1998 lsquoMechanical performance of quartz-tempered ceramics Part I strength and toughnessrsquo Archaeometry 40 261ndash279

Kiss E 2006 lsquoA goumlmoumlri fazekasok aacuteltal hasznaacutelt nyersanyagokroacutel ndash About raw materials used by pott ers in county Goumlmoumlrrsquo In Holloacute S A and Szulovszky J (eds) Az agyagművesseacuteg eacutevezredei a Kaacuterpaacutet-medenceacuteben Vol Az anyagi kultuacutera a Kaacuterpaacutet-medenceacuteben Budapest-Veszpreacutem MTA VEAB Iparreacutegeacuteszeti eacutes Archeometriai Munkabizott saacuteg 155ndash166

Kreiter A 2008 lsquoA Celtic pott ery kiln and ceramic technological study from Zalakomaacuter-Alsoacute Csalit (S-W Hungary) ndash Kelta edeacutenyeacutegető kemence eacutes keraacutemia technoloacutegiai megfi gyeleacutesek Zalakomaacuter-Alsoacute Csalit lelőhelyrőlrsquo Zalai Muacutezeum 17 131ndash148

Longacre W A Xia J and Yang T 2000 lsquoI want to buy a black pot (Philippine techniques)rsquo Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7 273ndash293

Marosi E (ed) 1987 Magyarorszaacutegi műveacuteszet 1300ndash1470 koumlruumll Budapest

Martinoacuten-Torres M and Rehren T 2005 lsquoCeramic materials in fi re assay practices a case study of 16th-century laboratory equipmentrsquo In Prudencio M I Dias M I and Waerenborgh J C (eds) Understanding People through their Pott ery Proceedings of the 7th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics (EMAC


lsquo03) Lisbon 2003 Instituto Portugues de Arqueologia Lisbon 139ndash149

Martinoacuten-Torres M and Rehren T 2006 lsquoThe lsquomysteryrsquo of the post-medieval triangular crucibles reconsidered ndash a global perspectiversquo In Peacuterez-Arantegui J (ed) Proceedings of the 34th International Symposium on Archaeometry Zaragoza 3ndash7 May 2004 Institucioacuten Fernando el Catoacutelico CSIC Zaragoza 515ndash524

Martinoacuten-Torres M and Rehren T 2009 lsquoPost-medieval crucible production and distribution a study of materials and materialitiesrsquo Archaeometry 51 49ndash74

Martinoacuten-Torres M Rehren T and von Osten S 2003 lsquoA 16th century lab in a 21st century lab archaeometric study of the laboratory equipment from Oberstockstall (Kirchberg am Wagram Austria)rsquo Antiquity 77 htt pantiquityacukProjGallmartinonmartinonhtml]

McBryde I 1984 lsquoKulin greenstone quarries the social contexts of production and distribution for the Mt William sitersquo World Archaeology 16 267ndash285

Meduna J 1998 lsquoZur Problematik der lategravenezeitlichen Graphitt onkeramikrsquo In Polaacuteček L (ed) Fruumlhmitt elalterliche Graphitt onkeramik in Mitt eleuropa Internationale Tagungen in Mikulčice IV Brno 11ndash

Parker Pearson M 2004 lsquoEarth wood and fi re materiality and Stonehengersquo Boivin and Owoc 2004 71ndash89

Parker Pearson M 2002 lsquoPlacing the physical and incorporeal dead Stonehenge and changing concepts of ancestral space in Neolithic Britainrsquo In Silverman H and Small D B (eds) The space and place of death (Archaeological Papers of the Ameriacn Anthropological Association 11) 145ndash160

Roacutezsaacutes M 2002 lsquoKeacuteső vaskori haacutez Barcs-Pusztabarcsroacutelrsquo Somogy Megyei Muacutezeumok Koumlzlemeacutenyei 15 49ndash56

Rustoiu A 1993 lsquoUumlber die Graphiteimporte nach Siebenbuumlrgen in der Lategravenezeitrsquo Acta Musei Porolissensis 17 67ndash75

Sauer R 1994 lsquoSpaumltlateacutenezeitliche Feinkammstrichware von Linz-Freinbergrsquo In Urban H O (ed) Keltische Houmlhensiedlungen

an der mitt leren Donau vom Linzer Becken bis zur Porta Hungarica 1 Der Freinberg (Linzer Archaumlologische Forschungen 22) 226

Scarre C 2004 lsquoChoosing stones remembering places geology and intention in the megalithic monuments of Western Europersquo In Boivin and Owoc 2004187ndash202

Sillar B 1996 lsquoThe dead and the drying Techniques for transforming people and things in the Andesrsquo Journal of Material Culture 1 259ndash289

Sillar B 1997 lsquoReputable pots and disreputable potters individual and community choices in present-day pott ery productions and exchanges in the Andesrsquo In Cumberpatch C G and Blinkhorn P W (eds) Not so much a pot more a way of life Oxford 1ndash20

Sladić M 1986 The Pott ery of the Scordisci The La Tene Pott ery in the Yugoslav Danubian Region Belgrade

Szaboacute M Guillaumet J P and Kriveczky B 1999 Polgaacuter-Kiraacutely-eacuterpart vaskori telepuumlleacutes a Kre IVndashIII eacutevszaacutezadban Debreceni Deacutery Muacutezeum Eacutevkoumlnyve 19971998 177ndash181

Taccedilon P 1991 lsquoThe power of stone symbolic aspects of stone use and tool development in Western Arnhem Land Australiarsquo Antiquity 65 192ndash207

Thomas J 1999 lsquoAn economy of substances in earlier Neolithic Britainrsquo In Robb J (ed) Material symbols culture and economy in prehistory Carbondale Illinois Centre for Archaeological Investigations Southern Illinois University 70ndash89

Tite M S Kilikoglou V and Vekinis G 2001 lsquoReview article strength toughness and thermal shock resistance of ancient ceramics and their influence on technological choicersquo Archaeometry 43 301ndash324

Trebsche P 2003 Keramik mit Feinkammstrich aus keltischen Siedlungen im Grossraum Linz (Linzer Archaumlologische Forschungen Bd 35) Linz

Waldhauser J 1992 lsquoKeltische Distributionssysteme von Graphitt onkeramik und die Ausbeutung der Graphitlagerstaett en waehrend der fortgeschritt enen Lateacutenezeitrsquo Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt 22 377ndash392

Exchange Networks13and Local Transformations13Interaction and local change in Europe and the13Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age

Contents

List of contributors

Abstracts

Preface

Maria Emanuela Alberti and Serena Sabatini Introduction Transcultural interaction and local transformations in Europe and the Mediterranean from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age

Exchange and transformation

Transculturality and hybridization

Continental Europe and the Mediterranean in13the Bronze and Iron Ages

References

1 Kristian Kristiansen Theorising exchange and interaction during the Bronze Age

References

2 Nikolas Papadimitriou and Demetra Kriga lsquoPeriphery versus corersquo The integration of secondary states into the World System of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East in the Late Bronze Age (1600ndash1200 BC)

Introduction

The emergence of the network

The MBLB transition and the early LBA

The transformation of the system

The late LBA

Concluding remarks

Note

References

3 Maria Emanuela Alberti Aegean trade systems Overview and observations on the Middle Bronze Age

Introduction

The Aegean trade systems throughout history13a synthetic view

Geography and resources

InternalExternal factors and StapleWealth13economies elements for a trade system

Connectivity transculturation and13hybridization

Phases of trade system(s) patterns EBA and MBA

The eastndashwest network Cycladization and the13first glimpse of Levatinization (EBI and II)

The entry of Crete (EBIIIndashMBI Early) the13network is modified

Systems of SndashN circuits (MBIndashII) Regional13patterns and the first dynamics of Minoanization13The increasing evidence for the lsquolong routersquo

Following developments Minoanization13Mycenaeanization and northern shift

Notes

References

4 Salvatore Vitale and Teresa Hancock Vitale The Minoans in the south-eastern Aegean The evidence from the lsquoSerragliorsquo on Kos and its significance

Introduction

Minoanization at the lsquoSerragliorsquo during the13LBA IA Period An Overview of the Evidence

Discussion

Concluding Remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References

5 Francesco Iacono Westernizing Aegean of LH III C

Introduction

World System Theory concepts and13relationships

The Mycenaean WS and the West in LH IndashIII A

Western items in Aegean Bronze Age13previous interpretations

Handmade Burnished Ware

Western items as evidence of trade in metal

From Periphery to Core the West in LH III13BndashLH III C

Reverberation of lsquoWesternizingrsquo features

People behind the system

Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

Addendum

Appendix

References

6 Alberto Cazzella and Giulia Recchia Malta Sicily and southern Italy during the Bronze Age The meaning of a changing relationship

Introduction

A new interaction in the central13Mediterranean (2300ndash1700 BC)

The Thermi Ware period

The Tarxien Cemetery period

Establishing a Mycenaean exchange network13in the central Mediterranean (1700ndash1450 BC)

Apogee and crisis of the Mycenaean exchange13network in the central Mediterranean (1450ndash131000 BC)

Concluding remarks

References

7 Luca Lai External role in the social transformation of nuragic society A case study from Sagraverrala Eastern Sardinia Middle Bronze to Early Iron Age

Introduction

The evidence in Sagraverrala eastern Sardinia

The wider picture regional and Mediterranean13patterns

Discussion social dynamics metal and basalt

Conclusions and future directions

Notes

Acknowledgements

References

8 Cristiano Iaia Metalwork rituals and the making of elite identity in central Italy at the Bronze AgendashIron Age transition

Introduction

The Final Bronze Age in Latium vetus

South Etruria during the FBA

Villanovan South Etruria at the beginning of13the Early Iron Age

Conclusions

Note

Acknowledgments

References

9 Francesca Fulminante and Simon Stoddart Indigenous political dynamics and identity from a comparative perspective Etruria and Latium vetus

Introduction

Urbanisation in middle Tyrrhenian Italy13principal issues of the debate

The Supposed Priority of the Proto-urban13Process in Southern Etruria when compared13to nearby regions with a particular reference13to Latium vetus

Indigenous political and social dynamics from13a comparative perspective Etruria and Latium13vetus

Settlement Patterns

Funerary Evidence

Interactions in central Italy the Mediterranean13and Europe and the network model

Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgement

References

10 Serena Sabatini Local and transcultural burial practices in Northern Europe in the Late Bronze Age Face house and facedoor urns

Introduction

Faces vs houses comparable narratives and13different meanings

Face urns

House urns

LBA continental exchange networks


Facedoor urns

Symbolic meanings and identity strategies

Concluding remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References

11 Sophie Bergerbrant Migration innovation and meaning Sword depositions on Lolland 1600ndash1100 BC

Introduction

Migration and mobility

The development of the sword


The first swords on Lolland and in Denmark13generally

The later swords


The earlier swords

The later swords

Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

References

12 Jutta Kneisel Long and close distance trade and exchange beyond the Baltic coast during the Early Iron Age

Introduction

Face urns

Distribution

Burial custom

The lids

The lid ornamentations

Spatial distribution patterns of the lids

The measurement of distances between the lids

Communication and contact areas

Amber

The context of long and close distance trade13exchange

Notes

References

13 Attila Kreiter amp al Ceramic technology and the materiality of Celtic graphitic pottery

Introduction

Graphitic pottery of the Celts a review

Methods and results of analyses

Interpretation

Conclusion

References

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Published byOxbow Books Oxford UK

copy Oxbow Books and the authors 2013

ISBN 978-1-84217-485-2

A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library

This book is available direct from

Oxbow Books Oxford UK(Phone 01865-241249 Fax 01865-794449)

and

The David Brown Book CompanyPO Box 511 Oakville CT 06779 USA

(Phone 860-945-9329 Fax 860-945-9468)

or from our website

wwwoxbowbookscom

Front cover image Aft ernoon lights on the Amalfi coast Italy (courtesy of Mr B Stoew)Back cover image The Gevelingshausen vessel (courtesy of the Roumlmisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen

Archaumlologischen Instituts Frankfuumlrt a M)

Printed in Great Britain byShort Run Press Exeter

Contents












iv Contents










































Abstracts

viii


















Abstracts

ix












Abstracts

x Abstracts














Preface

























Introduction 3





































Introduction 5



































1

























2

































































































































































































3



Introduction








































































































































































































































































































































































































4


















Chronological Chart






Building Phases

LM IA Early

(= T

radi

tiona

l MM

IIIB

W

arre

nrsquos

Tran

sitio

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5


Francesco Iacono

























Francesco Iacono62


















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gure

53

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Francesco Iacono66






















Francesco Iacono68
























Francesco Iacono70
















1953 78 fi g 45 7





1998 29 no 139


126 Kilian 2007





1522 pl 91 Stilliwell 1948 119 pl 48 30

Rutt er 1979 391



Southern Thessaly

Dhimini HBW (2)


Jung 2006 Taf 17





Att ica



Immewahr 1971 141 258 Pl 62


Bouzek 1985 147 no 4131


Achaia





Aigeira HBW ()



1990 note 1





Francesco Iacono72


320 andashb











et al 2009



Epirus







Ionian Islands




Diakata UB (2)


Pl 21 A915



Phocis




Lerat 1938 201 205 Reber 1991 44

Boeotia





1944 146 Pl 56


Laconia






Crete

Chania HBW (1)








1983 71 fi g 51


110




Thronos HBW () idem


Pl 44 56 57 58


Karphi UB (4)


and 687 Pl 28 2

Mouliana UB (6)




Dirlmeier 1993 95





2ndash5 418

Francesco Iacono74




















































































Francesco Iacono76











































































Francesco Iacono78































































6


















































































































































































7



Luca Lai













Luca Lai94










Luca Lai96











Luca Lai98

















Luca Lai100





















































8


Cristiano Iaia













Cristiano Iaia104











Cristiano Iaia106












Cristiano Iaia108










Cristiano Iaia110











Cristiano Iaia112




Cristiano Iaia114






















































Cristiano Iaia116






















9







































































































































































































10



Serena Sabatini












Serena Sabatini136




















Serena Sabatini138

















Serena Sabatini140













Serena Sabatini142









































Serena Sabatini144



































































11


Sophie Bergerbrant























































































































12


Jutt a Kneisel




















Jutt a Kneisel158














Jutt a Kneisel160









Figu

re 1

25

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repr

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the

four

-sec

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orna

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Jutt a Kneisel162

















Jutt a Kneisel164




















Jutt a Kneisel166



















































Jutt a Kneisel168



13











Figu

re 1

31

Geo

grap

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Contents


Abstracts

Preface





References


References


Introduction




The late LBA

Concluding remarks

Note

References


Introduction










Notes

References


Introduction


Discussion

Concluding Remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction









Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

Addendum

Appendix

References


Introduction






Concluding remarks

References


Introduction





Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction




Conclusions

Note

Acknowledgments

References


Introduction




Settlement Patterns

Funerary Evidence


Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgement

References


Introduction


Face urns

House urns



Facedoor urns


Concluding remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction





The later swords


The earlier swords

The later swords

Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction

Face urns

Distribution

Burial custom

The lids





Amber


Notes

References


Introduction



Interpretation

Conclusion

References

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Contents












iv Contents










































Abstracts

viii


















Abstracts

ix












Abstracts

x Abstracts














Preface

























Introduction 3





































Introduction 5



































1

























2

































































































































































































3



Introduction








































































































































































































































































































































































































4


















Chronological Chart






Building Phases

LM IA Early

(= T

radi

tiona

l MM

IIIB

W

arre

nrsquos

Tran

sitio

nal

MM

IIIB

LM

IA)




LM IA Advanced


Mature




































DIES OUT





UPF UPMC UPC






DoL















Tabl

e 4

3 M

inoa

nizi

ng fe

atur

es in

sou

thw

este

rn A

nato

lia t

he D

odec

anes

e an

d th

e Cy

clad

es d

urin

g th

e LB

A IA

Mat

ure

perio

d

Minoa

nizing

Features in

Sou

thwestern

Ana

tolia

the

Dod

ecan

ese

and

the

Cyclades du

ring

the

LBA

IA M

atur

e Pe

riod

Sites

Featur

es

Gen

eral

Pictur

ePo

ttery

Architectur

e

(Ash

lar

Mas

onry

Po

lyth

yra

Fo

rtifi

catio

ns

Hyd

raul

ic

Syst

ems

etc

)

Fresco

es

Ritua

lsReligion

Line

ar

AWeaving

Eq

uipm

ent

Wea

k Pr

esen

ce

of L

ocal

no

n-M

inoa

n Fe

atur

es

acco

rdin

g to

Ex

cava

tors

Clo

se

Imita

tion

Loca

l Pr

oduc

tion

of M

inoa

n D

ecor

ated

Pott e

ry

Min

oan

Styl

istic

Fe

atur

es

Min

oan

Man

ufac

turi

ng

Tech

niqu

e

Cul

tic

Item

sBu

ildin

gsBu

rial

Pr

actic

es

southw

estern

ana

tolia

Miletus

Iasos

-

-

-

-

the do

deca

nese

Kos

The

lsquoSer

ragl

iorsquo

--

-

-

-

-

Rho

des

Tria

nda

-

-

-

the cyclad

es and

kythera

Melos

Phyl

akop

i-

Keos

A I

rini

Tro

ulli

-

Thera

Akr

otir

i-

Kythera

Kas

tri

-

Sources

Mile

tus

Wei

cker

t et a

l 19

60 N

iem

eier

199

8 2

005

and

2010

Nie

mei

er a

nd N

iem

eier

199

7 an

d 19

99 I

asos

Lev

i 197

0 B

enzi

et a

l 20

00 M

omig

liano

et a

l 20

01

Mom

iglia

no 2

005

and

2010

Kos

and

Rho

des

Mar

keto

u 19

88 1

990a

199

8 an

d 20

10 G

irella

200

5 V

itale

200

6 2

007a

and

200

7b M

elos

and

Keo

s C

aske

y 19

71 R

enfr

ew

1978

Dav

is 1

979

198

0 1

982

198

4 an

d 19

86 D

avis

and

Che

rry

1984

199

0 an

d 20

07 D

avis

and

Lew

is 1

985

Cum

mer

and

Sch

ofi e

ld 1

984

Ber

g 20

07 T

hera

Mar

thar

i 19

84 1

987

and

1990

Kna

ppett

and

Nik

olak

opou

lou

2008

Nik

olak

opou

lou

2010

Kyt

hera

Col

dstr

eam

and

Hux

ley

1972

Bro

odba

nk 2

004



(SV)




























































































































































5


Francesco Iacono

























Francesco Iacono62


















Francesco Iacono64















gure

53

Dist

ribut

ion

of fe

atur

es in

var

ious

Han

dmad

e Bu

rnish

ed W

are

asse

mbl

ages

Eac

h fea

ture

has

bee

n ta

ken

in c

onsid

erat

ion

only

if att e

sted

at m

ore

than

one

site

For

a

quan

titat

ive

asse

ssm

ent

of t

he v

ario

us a

ssem

blag

es s

ee t

he A

ppen

dix

(

buck

ets

are

dist

ingu

ished

from

buc

ked

shap

ed ja

rs b

y th

eir h

oriz

onta

l han

dle

on t

he r

im

pl

astic

de

cora

tion

incl

udes

hor

ned

axe

and

bird

han

dles

)

Francesco Iacono66






















Francesco Iacono68
























Francesco Iacono70
















1953 78 fi g 45 7





1998 29 no 139


126 Kilian 2007





1522 pl 91 Stilliwell 1948 119 pl 48 30

Rutt er 1979 391



Southern Thessaly

Dhimini HBW (2)


Jung 2006 Taf 17





Att ica



Immewahr 1971 141 258 Pl 62


Bouzek 1985 147 no 4131


Achaia





Aigeira HBW ()



1990 note 1





Francesco Iacono72


320 andashb











et al 2009



Epirus







Ionian Islands




Diakata UB (2)


Pl 21 A915



Phocis




Lerat 1938 201 205 Reber 1991 44

Boeotia





1944 146 Pl 56


Laconia






Crete

Chania HBW (1)








1983 71 fi g 51


110




Thronos HBW () idem


Pl 44 56 57 58


Karphi UB (4)


and 687 Pl 28 2

Mouliana UB (6)




Dirlmeier 1993 95





2ndash5 418

Francesco Iacono74




















































































Francesco Iacono76











































































Francesco Iacono78































































6


















































































































































































7



Luca Lai













Luca Lai94










Luca Lai96











Luca Lai98

















Luca Lai100





















































8


Cristiano Iaia













Cristiano Iaia104











Cristiano Iaia106












Cristiano Iaia108










Cristiano Iaia110











Cristiano Iaia112




Cristiano Iaia114






















































Cristiano Iaia116






















9







































































































































































































10



Serena Sabatini












Serena Sabatini136




















Serena Sabatini138

















Serena Sabatini140













Serena Sabatini142









































Serena Sabatini144



































































11


Sophie Bergerbrant























































































































12


Jutt a Kneisel




















Jutt a Kneisel158














Jutt a Kneisel160









Figu

re 1

25

The

repr

esen

tatio

n of

the

four

-sec

tion-

orna

men

tatio

n T

he o

rnam

enta

tion

styl

e is

divi

ded

in li

ds w

ith o

r w

ithou

t a c

entr

al in

dent

atio

n











Jutt a Kneisel162

















Jutt a Kneisel164




















Jutt a Kneisel166



















































Jutt a Kneisel168



13











Figu

re 1

31

Geo

grap

hica

l loc

atio

n of

Dun

asze

ntgy

oumlrgy

in H

unga

ry











































































































Contents


Abstracts

Preface





References


References


Introduction




The late LBA

Concluding remarks

Note

References


Introduction










Notes

References


Introduction


Discussion

Concluding Remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction









Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

Addendum

Appendix

References


Introduction






Concluding remarks

References


Introduction





Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction




Conclusions

Note

Acknowledgments

References


Introduction




Settlement Patterns

Funerary Evidence


Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgement

References


Introduction


Face urns

House urns



Facedoor urns


Concluding remarks

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction





The later swords


The earlier swords

The later swords

Conclusions

Notes

Acknowledgements

References


Introduction

Face urns

Distribution

Burial custom

The lids





Amber


Notes

References


Introduction



Interpretation

Conclusion

References

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50 and later) gtgt Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common) (10) ] OtherNamespaces [ ltlt AsReaderSpreads false CropImagesToFrames true ErrorControl WarnAndContinue FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false IncludeGuidesGrids false IncludeNonPrinting false IncludeSlug false Namespace [ (Adobe) (InDesign) (40) ] OmitPlacedBitmaps false OmitPlacedEPS false OmitPlacedPDF false SimulateOverprint Legacy gtgt ltlt AddBleedMarks false AddColorBars false AddCropMarks false AddPageInfo false AddRegMarks false ConvertColors NoConversion DestinationProfileName () DestinationProfileSelector NA Downsample16BitImages true FlattenerPreset ltlt PresetSelector MediumResolution gtgt FormElements false GenerateStructure true IncludeBookmarks false IncludeHyperlinks false IncludeInteractive false IncludeLayers false IncludeProfiles true MultimediaHandling UseObjectSettings Namespace [ (Adobe) (CreativeSuite) (20) ] PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector NA PreserveEditing true UntaggedCMYKHandling LeaveUntagged 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Exchange Networks and Local Transformation: Interaction and local change in Europe and the...

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Transcript of Exchange Networks and Local Transformation: Interaction and local change in Europe and the...