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REVIEW ESSAY

Ethnologue

RICHARD OLIVER COLLIN

Coastal Carolina University, USA

Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition

M. Paul Lewis (Ed.)

Dallas, TX, SIL International, 2009, 1,248 pp., ISBN 978-1-55671-216-6, US$100

A Resource for Students of Ethnic Politics

The 16th edition of Ethnologue: Languages of the World has just appeared under the

general editorship of M. Paul Lewis.1 The book is a massive attempt to name, classify,

and describe all the languages currently spoken in today’s polyglot world. The publisher

is SIL International (formerly the Summer Institute for Linguistics), a complex and some-

times controversial organization with its headquarters at the International Linguistics

Center in Dallas. Beginning with a mimeographed hand-out in 1951 that focused primarily

on indigenous languages in the Third World, Ethnologue has grown in complexity, detail

and authority with each successive edition, and the 16th is the most ambitious and

comprehensive of them all.

Why should political scientists, journalists, governmental policy-makers and entrepre-

neurs bother with a book on languages? Sadly, many students attempt to analyze political

situations without consideration of the complex linguistic realities involved. Language

matters, and language about language can be crucial. Reference works on Bosnia-Herze-

govina, for example, now uniformly claim that the country has three languages, Serbian,

Croatian and Bosnian (sometimes rendered as Bosniac or Bosniak). Ethnologue would

help us understand that these so-called ‘languages’ are all what was once called Serbo-

Croatian and regarded as a single speech community, whose dialects shared almost com-

plete mutual intelligibility.

An understanding of linguistic diversity is crucial for administering development aid to

poor societies.2 Helping a deprived but essentially monolingual society such as Haiti is

Ethnopolitics, Vol. 9, Nos. 3–4, 425–432, September–November 2010

Correspondence Address: Richard Oliver Collin, 62 Minster Moorgate, Beverley, East Yorkshire HU17 8HR,

UK. Email: collin@coastal.edu

Ethnopolitics, Vol. 9, Nos. 3–4, 425–432, September–November 2010

1744-9057 Print/1744-9065 Online/10/03–40425–8 # 2010 The Editor of EthnopoliticsDOI: 10.1080/17449057.2010.502305

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tough enough; delivering aid effectively to an extremely multilingual society (such as

Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, or Tanzania) calls for a nuanced understand-

ing of what languages are in play, where they are spoken, and the extent to which

languages define ethnic communities. The same principle also applies to war; monolingual

Americans and Britons invaded multilingual Iraq in 2003 with more sharpshooters than

translators, generally unaware that Iraq is a veritable jungle of different versions of

Arabic and of Kurdish, many of them lacking mutual intelligibility (Collin, 2009).

Although it is seldom cited or studied by political scientists, Ethnologue has become a

standard resource for scholars in the other social sciences: anthropologists, economists,

sociologists and, obviously, sociolinguists (Erard, 2005; Campbell & Grondona, 2008:

p. 636; Ostler, 2009). The hardcover edition currently costs $100 in the USA and

£60.00 in Britain, but there is a free online version at www.ethnologue.com that contains

all of the data in the print edition, and easy access to more detailed information.

SIL and its Critics

Ethnologue is published by the Dallas-based SIL International. While many academics

turn enthusiastically to Ethnologue for linguistic data, some politically liberal and

secular-minded scholars in the social sciences regard both the book and the organization

behind it with suspicion (Dobrin, 2009).3

The Summer Institute of Linguistics and its partner organization, the Wycliffe Bible

Translators, were created in the 1930s to train missionaries in linguistics so that they

could preach the Christian gospel to indigenous peoples and render the Bible into their

languages. When the ‘Summer’ Institute became a year-long affair, the name mutated

to SIL International.

Both SIL International and the Wycliffe Bible Translators emerged from evangelical

Protestant Christianity. While the organization is today far from monolithic, many of its

founders and supporters were politically conservative and anti-Communist, especially

during the Cold War (Vickers, 1984, p. 201).

For our purposes, it is important to note that there is no visible ideological or theological

bias in the pages of Ethnologue. The book’s editors do supply, along with a wealth of other

details about the linguistic structure of a specific country, a note on whether or not the

Bible has been translated into the relevant language, but beyond this fact, there is no

detectable religious orientation.

Dialects and Languages

One of the difficulties in talking coherently about languages is the massive confusion sur-

rounding nomenclature. For example, a language may be given one or more names by its

speakers, another by its neighbors, and another by scholars, plus an insulting epithet by its

enemies. Having identified 6,909 distinct languages, SIL has joined forces with the

International Organization for Standardization (ISO) to create the ISO 639-3 system to

bring order into terminological chaos.4 The result has been the creation of a three-letter

code for every known language, expressed in lower-case letters and normally encased

in brackets. English, for example, is [eng].

Deciding where a language ends and a dialect begins is always going to be complicated.

Ethnologue tends to play it safe by separating some populations into two or more language

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groups, alerting us to the possibility that people in the far north may not actually be able to

communicate with people in the far south. For scholars examining an ‘ethnic’ conflict, this

may be crucial information.

The Ethnologue–ISO collaboration has elaborated three principles for distinguishing

between languages and dialects (Hammarstrom, 2005, pp. 2–4). The first and most

obvious is mutual intelligibility. If two people speaking somewhat different speech var-

ieties can understand each other at least at some functional level, we may classify these

speech varieties as different dialects of the same language. Ultimately, a language is a

bundle of mutually intelligible dialects, although speech communities at the opposite geo-

graphical ends of the language spectrum may have greater difficulty in understanding each

other than geographic neighbors in the middle. English and German lack mutual intellig-

ibility (the lexical similarity is 60%), and are therefore separate languages. The English

spoken in Dublin differs from the English spoken in the Bronx, but Irishmen and

New Yorkers can understand one another over a pint of Guinness, allowing us to classify

these two speech varieties as dialects of one another.

The second principle is more controversial and more specifically political. Ethnologue

recognizes problem areas such as Chinese, where geographically distant speech commu-

nities cannot, in fact, understand each other’s spoken language, but can—if literate—com-

municate using a common written system (e.g. the Han Chinese script or Hanzi). If these

speech communities, held together by their common writing system, wish to regard their

cluster of languages as one, Ethnologue is prepared to accept their decision, even if the

choice is driven more by nationalistic political feelings than linguistic facts.

This constructivist position nevertheless makes some uneasy. The relationship among

spoken Cantonese, Wu, and Mandarin Chinese would resemble the distance between

French, Spanish, and Italian, which are regarded as three related but separate languages

lacking mutual intelligibility. The insistence by an ethnocentric Chinese government

that they are all one language is a political decision, not a linguistic one. From the political

point of view, the issue helps explain at least partially why the People’s Republic of China

has clung to the Hanzi writing system, despite flirtation with the alphabetic pinyin script.

Abandoning Hanzi in favor of the Roman alphabet would create a variety of linguistic pro-

blems, and politically it would jeopardize Chinese political unity. Once the south realized

that it could not understand the north, even in print, centrifugal forces might fragment this

long-unified society along spoken language lines (Snow, 1968, p. 446; DeFrancis, 1989,

pp. 120–131; Romaine, 2000, p. 13; Rogers, 2005, p. 20).

For this 16th edition, Ethnologue and the ISO have tackled this problem intelligently by

employing the concept of a ‘macrolanguage’, defined as a group of ‘multiple, closely

related individual languages that are deemed in some usage contexts to be a single

language’ (Lewis, 2009, p. 9) Hence, all of the ‘Chineses’ are collectively given the

code [zho], where Mandarin Chinese is [cmn], Cantonese is [yue] and Wu is [wuu]

(Lewis, 2009, p. 338). When a language is identified as a macrolanguage, students of poli-

tics are aware that we are actually talking about a cluster of speech varieties that may want

to call themselves dialects but are actually separate languages, lacking that crucial element

of mutual intelligibility. Arabic is another good example, and policy-makers in Washing-

ton have been slow to realize that most ‘Arabs’ cannot actually talk to one another,

although they may all read the Qur’an if they are literate (Collin, 2009).

Ethnologue’s third language-dialect principle is the inverse of the second. There are

cases where political, historical, or customary usage demands that a number of speech

Ethnologue 427

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varieties be classified as separate languages, despite the fact that they share a high degree

of mutual intelligibility. Danes, Swedes and Norwegians, for example, would all object to

having their official languages demoted to the status of mere dialects, leading Ethnologue

to follow the usual practice of classifying them as separate tongues (Lewis, 2009, p. 9).

The distinction between a ‘proper’ language and a dialect of that language is often pol-

itically crucial. Spain’s late General Francisco Franco saw Catalan [cat] as at best a

Spanish dialect, and at worst as just Spanish [spa] spoken badly. For their part, angry Cat-

alans demanded recognition of their language as a free-standing member of the Romance

family of Latin-descended languages. An important element in the democratization of

modern Spain was an agreement between Barcelona and Madrid recognizing Catalan as

the national language of Catalonia with its own linguistic rights in education, the media

and the arts (Atkinson, 2000).

Clearly, dialects are easier to fight about than to define. In general, Ethnologue deals

with the controversy without attempting to force the real world to conform to linguistic

theories. Languages belong to the communities that speak them, not to the scholars who

study them.

The Structure of Ethnologue

At 1,248 pages, the book is a little too massive to be described in detail, but the internal

organization is relatively clear. After the front material, there are three major sections, of

which the first is the largest and most important.

The Front Material

Most ‘introductions’ can be skipped, but this one is worth a serious read because it sets out

the frame of reference for the entire book, explaining how Ethnologue organizes and cat-

egorizes the language content of a multilingual world. Following this Introduction, there

are 14 pages of statistical summaries.

Part I: Languages of the World

Information in Part 1 is organized into five big geographical headings: Africa, Americas,

Asia, Europe and Pacific. Each individual country is listed alphabetically within its region.

Summaries begin with the country’s commonly used English name (e.g. Germany, not

Deutschland), followed by the estimated size of the population as well as other demo-

graphic information. In the discussion of the languages used within the country’s

borders, a distinction is made between ‘indigenous’ and ‘non-indigenous’ languages, (or

recently arrived immigrant tongues). Following this general introduction, there is a

language-by-language discussion of the individual tongues spoken as mother tongues or

‘first languages’ (often rendered as ‘L1’) within the country’s borders.

Individual language population estimates are important for political analysis. Take an

African country as an example. A glance at the Democratic Republic of Congo reveals

that high linguistic diversity (many different speech communities) is one factor in the

political life of that tormented land. In a country of nearly 70 million people with

limited literacy levels, there are 215 spoken languages. Most are very small and the

largest of them commands the linguistic loyalty of less than 7% of the population. To

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the extent that they can communicate with each other at all, the Congolese people resort to

second languages such as French and Swahili, but second language (L2) competence is

extraordinarily difficult to measure. If we have monolingual and multilingual countries,

perhaps we need to coin a phrase such as ‘hyperlingual’ to describe a society in which

there is no dominant mother tongue.

Part II: Language Maps

For the student of a foreign society, these language maps are also extremely valuable

because they allow us to see at a glance what the language component of a given

problem is. In the spring of 2010, media reports from the Nigerian city of Jos brought

stories of massacres between Fulani pastoralists and Berom agriculturalists. Press accounts

stressed the fact that the Fulani were Muslims whereas the Berom were Christians.

Although the two communities are certainly divided by religion, the Nigeria language

map on page 714 shows that Kos sits in the middle of contested linguistic territory. The

Fulani speak Fulfulde [fuv], a member of the Fulah [ful] macrolanguage common in

this portion of Africa. The Christian community in Jos speaks Berom [bom], and although

Fulfulde and Berom belong to the same general family of languages, they lack mutual

intelligibility. Not only are these two communities butchering each other over religion

and economics, but also they lack a common language domain where they can arbitrate

their differences with words rather than machetes (Lewis, 2009, p. 714).

Some parts of the world are covered geographically better than others. Enthusiasts for

Indonesia will find 11 detailed language maps of the country. Those anxious to investigate

the multiple languages of India will be disappointed because India seems to have been

omitted.

Part III: Indexes

Ethnologue finishes with two indexes, the largest of which is the massive Language Name

Index. This listing allows the reader to look up a language name and find where in the

volume more information is available. Following that is a listing of languages by the

three-letter code group, permitting students to find a language by its ISO code.

How Accurate is Ethnologue?

SIL is a major sponsor of linguistic research, with current research projects investigating

about 1,500 different languages.5 Given their original institutional orientation, it comes as

no surprise that SIL’s work is stronger in languages spoken by indigenous peoples in econ-

omically less-developed portions of the world. The ‘big’ European languages are

obviously of less interest, but these are typically well studied by other researchers.

Despite its wide-ranging linguistic studies, SIL does not typically conduct its own inde-

pendent field research on the numbers of people speaking any specific language in a given

country. Data are collected from scholarly studies and national censuses, many of which

are procedurally inconsistent with each other. Some sources and some governments may

define languages and dialects differently or slant their demographic information to suit

political or ethnic prejudices. Some studies lump mother-tongue speakers and second-

language speakers together without notification.

Ethnologue 429

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On top of the inherent problems in collecting information about linguistic demo-

graphics, Ethnologue’s data are sometimes old. When recent in-depth country-studies

have been conducted, information can be very good; unfortunately, much of the necessary

spade-work is still incomplete, especially in politically tumultuous portions of the world.

A project to research and generate an accurate linguistic portrait of the Democratic Repub-

lic of Congo, for example, would produce more dead sociolinguists than live statistics.

With its very precise-looking statistics, Ethnologue may be inadvertently guilty of

giving the impression, therefore, that its data are more accurate than they can reasonably

be expected to be. The reader looking for very detailed information needs to look carefully

at the footnotes, and may ultimately be driven to the conclusion that really reliable statisti-

cal data in certain areas are simply not available.

Census data are potentially valuable because censuses are conducted on a national basis,

usually every decade. Unfortunately, census-takers are not sociolinguists and seldom ask

specific questions about languages. As mentioned above, a given national government may

have a vested political interest in making some troublesome national minority smaller and

its own core ethnic population larger. In turn, ethnolinguistic minorities may see an advan-

tage in generating maximal numbers in the hope of claiming a more powerful political

presence for themselves, or perhaps securing enhanced governmental funding (Paolillo,

2006, p. 9); and a national census can simply miss millions of people. Undocumented

Spanish-speaking immigrants in the USA are liable to seek invisibilidad when the

census-takers call, thus spuriously reducing their numerical presence.

The numbers can be very political, and the Azerbaijani community in Iraq offers a good

example. Azerbaijani [azb] is a variety of Turkish, and speakers of this language are called

Turkmen in Iraq. Based on a 1982 source, Ethnologue estimates that they number a scant

600,000, although Turkmen nationalists insist that the real number is closer to 2.5 million

people, a fraction under 10% of Iraq’s total population (Collin, 2009, pp. 246–247; Lewis,

2009, p. 458). These Turkmen demand a significant share of the profits from the oil fields

of northern Iraq, precisely the same mineral resources claimed by the Kurds and Sunnis,

and the weight of this claim obviously relates to their demographic standing among the

Kurds and Sunni Arabs who also want that oil.

Ethnologue’s overall country population figures are usually lower than current infor-

mation provided by national and international governments, perhaps because the demo-

graphics have not been updated systematically (Hammarstrom, 2005). Ethnologue’s

sourcing is sometimes uneven. For larger countries, Ethnologue provides a series of pub-

lished sources, sometimes old but generally from established scholarly writings. For many

smaller countries, however, no sources are listed, leaving us unable to evaluate the data. In

other instances, SIL lists a range of its own earlier editions as a source, but without specific

references.6 There is, however, an extensive bibliography, generally pointing the scholar

in interesting directions. SIL also makes available online a series of ‘SIL Electronic

Survey Reports’, which are the raw reports from SIL field linguists.7 In general, most scho-

lars accept Ethnologue for what it is—an ambitious attempt to portray a multilingual world

with as much accuracy as the available data permit (Hammarstrom, 2005). Like any other

scholarly source, it needs to be used with caution.

Ethnologue might well also be useful for commercial and industrial corporations that

are contemplating doing business in an international context, and need to understand

the linguistic environment involved; and before examining a crisis or a conflict somewhere

in the world, the student of politics, the journalist, or the government policy-maker have a

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lot of homework to do. We cannot make much sense out of the violence in Sri Lanka, or

the repression in Burma/Myanmar, or the eternal feuding in Israel/Palestine without

paying attention to history and economics. Nor can we get very far without mastering

the linguistic component of a crisis, and the first step on that road should certainly be

Ethnologue: Languages of the World.

Acknowledgements

For their help, the author thanks Thea S. Collin, Suzanne Romaine, Min Ye, and M. Paul

Lewis. A special thanks to Pamela L. Martin.

Notes

1. The printed version of Ethnologue is normally cited under the name of the editor. Preparation of the 16th

edition (2009) was overseen by M. Paul Lewis. Previous editors have been Barbara Grimes and Raymond

G. Gordon.

2. See Why Languages Matter: Meeting Millennium Development Goals through Local Languages, no date

(Dallas, TX: SIL International), available online at: http://www.sil.org/sil/global/mdg_booklet.pdf,

accessed 29 March 2010.

3. The story is long and complicated. Interested readers can find out more in Bonner (1999), Calvet (1987),

Colby & Dennett (1995), Hvalkof & Stipe (1984), Stoll (1983), Svelmoe (2008, 2009) and Wise et al.

(2003). Note: Calvet’s book was translated into English and published as Language Wars and Linguistic

Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), but Calvet’s chapter on the SIL was not included in the

English translation. At Calvet’s request, the missing chapter was translated into English by V. Manfredi

and is available online at: http://people.bu.edu/manfredi/CalvetCh14anglaisSIL.pdf, accessed 14 March

2010. Lise Dobrin, Jeff Good, William Svelmore, Courtney Handman, Kenneth Olson, and others took

part in a 2007 Linguistic Society of America symposium called ‘Missionaries and Scholars: The Overlap-

ping Agendas of Linguists in the Field’, following which their conclusions were summarized in a series of

articles in Language, as noted above.

4. The International Organization for Standards is a powerful non-governmental organization with head-

quarters in Geneva. See www.iso.org/iso/home.html. (Lewis, 2009, p. 8). See also www.sil.org/iso639-3

5. M. Paul Lewis, 28 March 2010, private communication.

6. This issue has been noted by reviewers of earlier editions. See Campbell & Grondona (2008, p. 637).

7. SIL Electronic Survey Reports are available online at: http://www.sil.org/silesr/, accessed 18 March 2010.

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