Ethnocentric Tendencies in Art

Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark. 11: 303–317 (2006)Published online in Wiley InterScience(www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/nvsm.286

Ethnocentric tendencies amongstarts audiencesRita Kottasz* and Roger BennettLondon Metropolitan University, London, UK

* According to empirical research, the most regular consumers of art are well-to-do, well-

educated members of the social elite who, as a socio-demographic group, would not be

expected to exhibit ethnocentric tendencies. Yet, curators of arts institutions and art critics

have long been concerned that ethnocentrismdoes exist amongst visitors tomuseums and

art galleries. This paper reports the findings of a study that investigated the ethnocentric

tendencies of arts audiences in Hungary (where, allegedly, individuals are more inclined

to exhibit ethnocentric bias) and England (where the opposite is said to be true). The

research examined whether ethnocentrism significantly impacted upon perceptions of

artworks from (i) a visitor’s own country, (ii) a culturally similar and (iii) a culturally

dissimilar country. Intentions to attend art exhibitions featuring artists from these

countries were then explored. The empirical analysis confirmed that individuals who

exhibited ethnocentric tendencies did in fact overvalue the quality of artworks from their

home country. Moreover, ethnocentrism within the Hungarian (but not the English)

sample had a significant impact on intentions to visit particular types of exhibition.

Copyright # 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Introduction

Academic research into the relevance ofethnocentrism for arts marketing has beensparse. However, arts managers have, inpractice, long been concerned with the issue.Arts establishments have been accused ofethnocentrism, of nationalist bias and an over-emphasis on patriotic exhibitions (see, e.g.Lippard, 1990; McDonald, 1998; Triff, 2002;Reynolds, 2004). British and North Americangalleries in particular have been accused ofmounting exhibitions that are ‘patriarchal,colonialist, self-referential and ethnocentric’(Lippard, 1990, p. 8). Equally, curators of arts

institutions and art critics have reportedethnocentric tendencies among arts audiences(see Suina, 1999; Grayling, 2002). ‘Ethnocentr-ism’ in an arts context can arise if an individualchooses to attend exhibitions that only reflecthis or her national and cultural background(and accords these exhibitions a superiorstatus) while avoiding exhibitions that focuson the art of other cultural groups (even to theextent of looking upon these with contempt;cf. Levine and Campbell, 1972). Examples ofvisitor ethnocentric bias reported in the(largely practitioner) literature extend to thereluctance of North American audiences tovisit Moroccan and Arab–Andalusian exhibi-tions (Midgette, 2003), low attendances bywhite Australians at exhibitions of Aboriginalartists (Weekend Australian, 2003), and thedifficulty that some curators have had in

—————*Correspondence to: Rita Kottasz, London MetropolitanUniversity, 84 Moorgate, London, EC2M 6SQ, UK.E-mail: [email protected]

Copyright # 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Nonprofit Volunt. Sect. Mark., November 2006

DOI: 10.1002/nvsm

convincing US arts visitors that Latin Americanart was on an equal footing with the traditionsof Europe and the US (Triff, 2002). Ramsey(1987), in particular, asserted that ethnocentr-ism among arts visitors was widespread. Heclaimed that a visitor’s own culture wastypically the standard against which otherswere measured and that quite unconsciously itwas accorded a superior status. Such mattersare especially interesting in light of thediscrepancy between the profile of arts audi-ences (generally financially well-off, well edu-cated and members of the social elite; seeSandell, 1998;Hooper-Greenhill, 1999) and theempirical evidence, which suggests that thisspecific socio-demographic group is unlikely toexhibit ethnocentric tendencies (Herche,1992; Good and Huddelston, 1995; Sharmaet al., 1995).The need to examine ethnocentrism within

the arts domain is underlined by the growingnumber of ‘travelling’ art exhibitions (see, e.g.Tinari, 2002; Schwan, 2003; Temin, 2004)which expose visitors to international ratherthan national exhibits. According to the Inter-

national Travelling Exhibition Database

(2001) there were over 1300 travelling exhibi-tions on show at any moment within Europeand North America, and over 100 museums,arts organisations and independent curatorsregularly organised touring exhibitions.Furthermore, unlike the situation with manyconsumer and durable goods where the ‘madein’ label is often tucked away, given in smallprint or hidden on a product or a messageabout a product, the majority of marketingcommunications messages for art exhibitionsfocus distinctly and conspicuously on thenationality and/or ethnic culture of the artist(s)concerned.The present study focused on understanding

visitor (rather than institutional) ethnocentr-ism. Its objective was to identify whetherethnocentric bias existed to the same extentand resulted from the same influences amongstarts visitors as has been noted in consumers forproducts in other sectors, such as motorvehicles, groceries, toys and fashion wear(see Watson and Wright, 2000 for details of

relevant literature). It compared art galleryvisitors’ perceptions of national and foreign artexhibitions in Hungary (where, allegedly,individuals have a tendency towards ethno-centric bias; see, e.g. Kristeva, 1993; Lindquistet al., 2001) and England (where the oppositeis supposedly true; see Mason, 1995; Buruma,1999; Ray and Hall, 2004). The investigationexamined whether, within the two countries,ethnocentric tendencies vis-a-vis national andforeign artwork varied with respect to certainsocio-demographic and other personal char-acteristics identified by researchers in thegeneral marketing field.

The conceptual model

The conceptual model proposed in Figure 1summarises theories concerning ethnocentr-ism drawn frommodels suggested by de Ruyteret al. (1998), Watson and Wright (2000) andBalabanis et al. (2001), and applies them to anarts setting. Accordingly, the study tested thefollowing hypotheses:

H1: Ethnocentrism affects (a) the indivi-

dual’s perceptions towards artworks

originating from a particular country,

and (b) a person’s intention to visit an

art exhibition featuring artists from that

country.H2: Aperson’s perceptionsof the quality of the

attributes of the artworks from a parti-

cular country (home, culturally similar

or culturally dissimilar) affect the per-

son’s intention to visit an art exhibition

featuring artists from that country.H3: A person’s attitude towards a particular

country affects his or her perception of

the quality of the attributes of artworks

from that country.H4: A person’s level of ethnocentric tendency

is influenced by:

(a) the character traits of (i) patriotism,

(ii) cultural openness, (iii) conser-

vatism and (iv) individualism;

(b) the socio-demographic characteris-

tics of (i) age, (ii) gender, (iii)

income, (iv) level of general educa-

tion and (v) level of art education.


DOI: 10.1002/nvsm

304 Rita Kottasz and Roger Bennett

H5: The links between an individual’s ethno-

centric tendency and his or her percep-

tions of the quality of the attributes of the

artworks from various countries are

moderated by the person’s level of

enthusiasm for the arts. For instance,

high ethnocentricism might cause an

individual to perceive artworks from a

culturally dissimilar country to be of

inferior quality, but the actual impact of

ethnocentricism on this perception

might reduce considerably if the person

concerned is an avid arts enthusiast.

The various components of the model arediscussed below.

Ethnocentrism

The construct of consumer ethnocentrism(CE) originated from themore general conceptof ethnocentrism, which Levine and Campbell(1972) defined as the situation occurringwhen‘the symbols and values of one’s own ethnic ornational group become objects of pride andattachment, whereas symbols of other groupsmay become objects of contempt’. From aconsumer behaviour perspective, ethnocentr-ism has been described as the tendency ofindividuals to be favourably predisposedtowards ‘homegrown’ products. The highlyethnocentric consumer views domestic pro-ducts as superior while products from othercountries are regarded with disdain.

The measurement of CE has become possi-ble with the development of the CETSCALE(Consumer Ethnocentric Tendencies Scale) ofShimp and Sharma (1987), which assessesethnocentric tendencies towards purchasingforeign versus domestic products via 17 items.Research has supported the notion that theCE construct and the CETSCALE are stablephenomena across varied cultural andnational samples (see, for example Netemeyeret al., 1991; Hult et al., 1999). Shimp andSharma (1987) asserted that CE could explainwhy individuals persistently preferrednational rather than foreign products, oftenwithout a rational basis. Sharma et al. (1995)reported that ethnocentric individuals had atendency to overestimate the attributes andoverall quality of domestic products andunderestimate the quality of foreign products.Ahmed and d’Astous (1996) and Lantz andLoeb (1996) went further and suggested thatsuch perceptions also affected the purchaseintentions of the consumer. Furthermore,research has determined that products fromcountries viewed as culturally similar to thehome country (in comparison to productsfrom countries that were viewed as culturallydissimilar) were preferred by individuals withethnocentric tendencies (Heslop et al., 1998;Watson and Wright, 2000). Watson andWright reported that ethnocentric individualstended to favour and buy products fromculturally similar countries when a domesticalternative was not available.

Personal traitsPatriotism

Cultural openness Conservatism Individualism Ethnocentric

tendency

Intention to visit an art exhibition of:(a) home country artists

(b) artists from a culturally similar country (c) artists from a culturally dissimilar country

Socio-demographic characteristics

Age/gender / income Educational level/

Arts education

Product necessity (arts enthusiasm)

Perception of the quality of attributes of artworks from the

home country

Perception of the quality of attributes of artworks from a

culturally similar country

Perception of the quality of attributes of artworks from a culturally dissimilar country Attitude towards a

particular country

H4(a)

H4(b)

H3

H5

H1(a)

H1(b)

H2

Figure 1. A suggested model.


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Ethnocentric tendencies amongst arts audiences 305

In line with the above, ethnocentric visitorsmay perceive ‘home-grown’ artworks to besuperior and hence prefer to visit exhibitionsthat reflect their own, or culturally similar,backgrounds while avoiding culturally foreignexhibitions. It is important to note in the artsmanagement context that the evaluation of theoverall quality of an artwork is complex and ismore subjective than the assessment of otherconsumer products (Polanyi and Prosch, 1975;Bourgeon-Renault, 2000). In the culturaldomain, understanding the feelings and emo-tions of individuals is perhaps as fundamentalas understanding their thoughts. Furthermore,the aesthetic reactions (the overall emotionalimpression that a person getswhen looking at awork of art) and the individual’s profound

experience (the sensation of being deeplymoved) need to be accounted for whenmeasuring a person’s evaluation of an art-work’s merits (Holbrook, 1986; Bourgeoun-Renault, 2000). As ethnocentrism is a feltemotion (see Shimp and Sharma, 1987) thisreinforces the proposition that it has thecapacity to influence perceptions and beha-viour in the arts visitor sphere.The conceptual model depicted in Figure 1

posits that an individual’s attitude towards aparticular country has a significant impact onensuing product evaluations. This relationshiphas been examined extensively by academics(for reviews of relevant literature see Papado-poulos et al., 1990; Roth and Romeo, 1992;Verlegh and Steenkamp, 1999; Ljubic andKesic, 2002). Most of the research has con-cluded that such attitudes do indeed influenceoverall evaluations of products, and that theseevaluations often lead to behavioural or pur-chase intentions. The current study sought toexamine this same relationship in an artscontext.

Profile of the ‘ethnocentric’

Much of the research on the antecedents ofethnocentrism has focused on socio-demo-graphic differences. For instance, studies haveestablished that ‘ethnocentrics’ were morelikely to be female (Netemeyer et al., 1991;

Herche, 1992), have lower incomes andeducation levels and belong to lower socio-economic classes (Herche, 1992; Good andHuddelston, 1995; Sharma et al., 1995). Inaddition, ‘patriotic’ people tended to be olderthan less ‘patriotic’ individuals (Han, 1988;McLain and Sternquist, 1991), while theyounger generation has been reported to havemore open and positive perceptions ofimported or foreign products (Wang, 1978;Wall et al., 1988). (It is important to notehowever that certain academic studies havecontradicted some of these results, for details,see Han, 1988; McLain and Sternquist, 1991.)

Socio-economic status

It has often been asserted that the most regularconsumers of arts institutions arewealthy,welleducated and members of the social elite (ArtsCouncil of England, 1998; Sandell, 1998;Hooper-Greenhill, 1999), who therefore mightnot be expected to exhibit ethnocentrictendencies. Conversely, Grayling (2002) sug-gested that members of the social elite were infact quite likely to be ethnocentric in relation toartworks, especially vis-a-vis art from culturesregarded as being underdeveloped. Graylingcited the example of people from Europe orNorth America who perceived large differ-ences in artistic merit between European andAustralian Aboriginal painting and who,thereby, were in Grayling’s view guilty ofethnocentric bias. Such people, according toGrayling, were privileging the culturally paro-chial productions of dead white western menover other, from their perspective, less well-known cultures. Grayling argued that valuingthe high culture of the west was oftentantamount to disparaging other cultures.Individuals from elite well-to-do backgroundswho from an early age had been subjected to‘high art’ and could not appreciate the work ofself-taught artists, unless they were told expli-citly that they should expect the outputs of self-taught artists to be of ‘high quality’. Arguably,therefore, members of the social elite are morelikely than others to exhibit ethnocentrictendencies.


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Personal traits

Alongwith socio-demographic characteristicsthe current study explored the potentialimpact of a number of personal traits on anindividual’s ethnocentric tendency. Shimp andSharma (1987), Bond (1988), Triandis (1988)and Sharma et al. (1995) suggested that traits,such as conservatism, individualism, patriotismand cultural openness exerted powerful influ-ences on ethnocentrism. Schwartz (1996) andBalabanis et al. (2002) argued that individualswho were conservative in their outlook of lifewere negatively predisposed against foreignproducts because they viewed them as a threatto the maintenance of existing customs andfamiliar norms. A study by Triandis (1988)found that people who were low on individua-listic tendency showed higher in-group biasand did not accept foreigners or foreign ideasor products. Indeed, Bond (1988) identifiedsuch individuals as possessing a sense of‘cultural superiority’. Numerous studies havefound that patriotism had a significant andpositive impact on ethnocentrism, whereascultural openness had the opposite impact onthis trait (see Shimp and Sharma, 1987; Sharmaet al., 1995; de Ruyter et al., 1998 for details).

Product necessity

A study by Sharma et al. (1995) concluded thatthe necessity of a product moderated theinfluence of the ethnocentric tendency opera-tive in a purchase situation. The more neces-sary theproduct, the lower thedegree towhichethnocentric tendency influenced a person’spurchase decision. From an arts perspective,product necessity could equate to whether ornot arts and culture are considered to be vital toan individual’s mode of living. Thus, art

enthusiasts who are intrinsically interested(involved) in art rather than attending exhibi-tions for social purposes (i.e. simply to be seento be attending) are likely to regard visiting artsvenues as a ‘necessary’ activity (for details seeBourdieu, 1984; Holt, 1998). Conversely thereare people for whom art is not at all animportant aspect of their daily lives. Arguably,

the less ‘necessary’ art is perceived to be indaily life, the more the impact that ethno-centric tendency will exert on perceptions ofartworks from national and foreign countries(cf. Huddleseton et al., 2001).

Ethnocentrism across borders

Ethnocentrism has been shown to varybetween nations. Individuals from a diverserange of countries have been found to evaluatetheir own domestic products more favourablythan they evaluate the foreign ones (Johanssonet al., 1985; Han, 1988; Papadopoulos et al.,1990; Samiee, 1994). However, these studiesconcluded that the strengths, intensity andmagnitude of CE tended to vary from country-to-country (Morello, 1984; Kaynak and Kara,2000).

Patriotic sentiment

Central and Eastern European nations with ahistory of turbulence have often exhibitedstrong ‘patriotic’ emotions and national pride(Good and Huddelston, 1995; Mussey, 1995).Hungary, for instance, battled against occupy-ing powers such as the Turks in the 16thcentury and the Habsburg and the SovietEmpires in the 19th and 20th centuries,respectively (for details see, e.g. Lindquistet al., 2001; Molnar, 2001). It has been allegedthat there exists a strong sense of patriotism inHungary (Lindquist et al., 2001). Kristeva(1993) explained the growth of nationalismamongCentral and Eastern European people as‘a boom that expresses itself through the samelaudatory phrases such as eternal memory,linguistic genius, ethnic purity and an identify-ing superego, all the more aggressive as thesepeoples were humiliated’. Although for a fewyears Western products in the former commu-nist block were considered to be superior todomestically produced goods (Svennevig et al.,1992) the novelty of these products (mainlyWestern European and North American) hasstarted to diminish in the eyes of the consumer(Huddelston et al., 2001) and some patrioticcampaigns by local organisations have been


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highly successful in wooing these consumersback (Milbank, 1994; Woodruff et al., 1998).Balabanis et al. (2002) argued that the fear ofcapitalism, with its harsh economic realities,had also contributed to a rise in nationalistsentiments in the region.In comparison to the nationalistic and

patriotic sentiments in Hungary, the English(rather than the British) have been described aspossessing lower inclinations to be patrioticand nationalistic (see Buruma, 1999; Heathet al., 1999; Ray andHall, 2004) andmore likelyto be internationalist in outlook (especially theyounger generation; Heath et al.). Mason(1995) argued that the apparent denial of theEnglish of their own ethnicity (which was,Mason asserted, more properly seen as anEnglish rather than a British phenomenon)wasassociated with the historically diverse ethnicand cultural origins of the country (Celtic,Roman, Saxon, Norman, Huguenot, Flemish,Central European and more recently Asian andAfro-Caribbean). These origins had apparentlyresulted in the English possessing a distinc-tively individualistic worldview (see also Lin-dridge et al., 2002). Although most of theempirical research described above has dealtspecifically with attitudes, perceptions andbehaviour towards consumer goods, it seemsreasonable to predict that similar patternswould emerge from a study dealing with thearts service sector.

Methodology

The model depicted in Figure 1 was tested ontwo samples of individuals living in Budapest inHungary (N¼ 253) and London in England(N¼ 252). A questionnaire was used to collectthe data. The original English questionnairewas translated into Hungarian by a nativespeaker and pre-tested on a sample of 10Hungarian individuals. Based on these pre-tests, items that were deemed problematic andambiguous were reworded and refined. Thedata for the study were collected by theauthors, two research assistants and fourpostgraduate students in and around themuseum districts of the two cities. In London,

the data were obtained in South Kensingtonand in Trafalgar Square; in Budapest, data werecollected near the Parliament building, aroundHeroes Square, and in the vicinity of BudaCastle. To minimise bias the interviews wereconducted at different hours of the day and ondifferent days of the week. Passers-by werestopped at random and requested to partici-pate only if they perceived themselves to beEnglish/Hungarian and if they stated that theyhad some interest in art.

An adaptation of the CETSCALE proposed byShimp and Sharma (1987) was used tomeasureethnocentric tendency, suitably modified to fitthe arts context. Examples of the adaptedCETSCALE items were: ‘English/Hungarianpeople should, first and foremost, visit artexhibitions by English/Hungarian artists ratherthan foreign artists’, ‘I always prefer to supportEnglish/Hungarian art over foreign art’, ‘A realEnglish person/Hungarian should always placeEnglish/Hungarian art above foreign art’ and‘Visiting art exhibitions on show by foreignartists is unpatriotic’. ‘Intention to visit’ wasassessed via an adaptation of an item suggestedby Lumpkin et al. (1985). Thus, respondentsindicated the extent to which they agreed ordisagreed with the statement ‘If an exhibitionfeaturing well-known artists from just my owncountry were to be mounted in the near futurein my local area I would probably visit it’. Thiswas followed by the same question butinserting (i) the name of a culturally similarcountry (see below), and then (ii) the name of aculturally dissimilar country. Patriotism wasevaluated through the 12-item scale developedby Kosterman and Feshbach (1989). Examplesof the items were ‘I am proud to be English/Hungarian’ and ‘Patriotism is the first and mostimportant requirement of a good citizen’.Cultural openness was measured using theseven-item scale of de Ruyter et al. (1998).Examples of these questions were: ‘I take or Iwould like to take every opportunity to meetpeople from different countries’ and ‘I amopen-minded towards foreigners and theirhabits’. Individualistic inclination was mea-sured via the nine items of the ‘autonomy andindependence’ section of Banet’s (1976)


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‘Inventory of Self-actualising Characteristics’instrument. Examples of these items are ‘I feelno pressure to conform to social norms’, and‘My actions are based on my own choices, notthose of others’. Conservatism was measuredwith six items from a scale developed by Ray(1983), for example ‘Erotic and obsceneliterature should be prohibited from publicsale’ and ‘People who want more moneyshould work harder for it instead of trying toget it off the government in one way oranother’.The study employed USA as a country

deemed to be culturally similar to England(see Fallon, 2000; Henderson, 1993; Sadri,1996), and Poland as a country assumed to beculturally similar to Hungary (Bakacsi et al.,2002;Gupta et al., 2002).Hungary andEnglandwere regarded as culturally dissimilar. Percep-tions of the quality of the attributes of artworksoriginating from England, Hungary, Poland andUSA were evaluated through five items basedon Han and Terpstra’s (1988) dimensions, viz;technical merit, prestige, workmanship, inter-national reputation and whether artwork froma particular country would fetch ‘a lot ofmoney’ at an auction. In the cultural sphere itis vitally important to capture the subjectiveassessment of individuals (Bourgeoun-Renault,2000). Thus, Han and Tepstra’s inventory wassupplemented by four further items designedto capture the emotional dimension of per-ceived artwork quality (‘delightful’, ‘enjoy-able’, ‘captures my imagination’, ‘deeplymoving’). As recommended by Hung (1989)and Watson and Wright (2000), respondentswere asked not to think of particular artworksbut rather to rely on their overall perceptions ofthe artworks from the four countries. Althoughrespondents may not have been familiar withpieces of art from specific countries, it iscommon in country image research to investi-gate a country’s image for an unfamiliarproduct/service (Han et al., 1994). Individualshave impressions about goods and servicesirrespective of whether or not they have directexperience of them (Andaleeb, 1995).Attitudes towards countries covered by

the study were measured through the item

employed for this purpose by Verlegh andSteenkamp (1999) and Ljubic andKesic (2002),that is ‘I have a favourable attitude towards theUnited States/Hungary/Poland/England as awhole’. To measure product necessity, adapta-tions of Sharma et al.’s (1995) and Huddelstonet al.’s (2001) items were used, that is ‘Art/sand culture represent a vital part of my life’ and‘All in all, I am a true enthusiast when it comesto attending art exhibitions’. Demographicquestions about the respondents’ gender, age,ethnicity, education level and financial statuswere included at the end of the questionnaire.Financial standing was evaluated by asking therespondents whether, relative to most otherpeople that they knew they regarded them-selves as better-off, worse-off or about thesame. Additionally the participants were askedto record the last occasion that they had visitedan art exhibition and were requested toindicate on a five-point scale the extent of theiragreement with the statement ‘In general, I ama frequent visitor tomuseums and art galleries’.

The items in each of the above-mentionedconstructs that were measured by more thanthree questions were factor analysed. Apartfrom the nine items concerning perceivedquality of artworks, unidimensional solutionsoccurred in each instance (as expected a-

priori for thesewell-established and previouslyvalidated scales), with all the dominant eigen-values accounting for more than two-thirds ofthe variance in the relevant set of data and allthe Cronbach’s alpha values exceeding 0.75.Hence, the items for these constructs wereaveraged to form composite scales. The twoitems for product necessity were highlycorrelated (R¼ 0.81) and thus, were averaged.As regards the nine artwork quality items, two-factor solutions emerged in both samples foreach of the six nine-item groupings, that is a‘reputation’ factor comprising the five Han andTerpstra items, and an ‘emotional liking’ factor(normally) composed of the four other items(see above). Hence, the items for each factorwere averaged and employed as independentvariables (six for each country, e.g. perceivedreputation of the artwork of the home country[English sample], of the culturally similar


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country [English sample], etc.) in the mainanalysis.

Findings

The samples in each country were relativelyevenly divided between males and females.However, the median age of the members ofthe English sample was (at 43 years) higherthan in Hungary (38 years), presumably reflect-ing the fact that Hungary has a youngerpopulation. Members of the Hungarian sample

were on average significantly more patriotic( p¼ 0.01) and ethnocentric ( p¼ 0.00) thanthe English sample but less individualistic( p¼ 0.00), confirming the conclusions of pre-vious research regarding these matters. Analy-sis of the results concerning the ethnocentrismcomposite revealed that 31% of the responsesof the Hungarians fell in the top two categoriesof the variable as opposed to zero per cent ofthe English sample. Table 1 gives a breakdownof the socio-demographic characteristics of allthe individuals whose responses fell in the top

Table 1. Characteristics of Hungarian and English ethnocentrics

Profile of the Profile of theEthnocentrica Non-ethnocentricb

Nationality Hungarian (%) English (%) Hungarian (%)

Percentage of national sample 31% (n¼ 78) 79% (n¼ 199) 10% (n¼ 25)Attendance at arts eventsSelf-reported regular attender 38 57 0

Product necessity (arts enthusiasm)Self-reported arts enthusiast 56 69 0

Highest level of educational qualificationsGCSE or equivalent 6 9 0A levels or equivalent 31 10 0Professional qualifications or equivalent 38 14 20University degree (undergraduate/postgraduate) 25 67 80

Financial standing relative to most other peopleWorse off 25 3 0About the same 75 40 20Better off 0 57 80

GenderMale 44 69 80Female 56 31 20

Age22–30 63 12 10031–40 12 21 041–50 6 31 051–60 6 29 060 plus 13 7 0

Last visit to an art exhibitionA few days ago 13 43 0A few months ago 44 33 40Within the last 12 months 12 12 40More than a year ago 31 12 20

Arts educationSelf-reported knowledge of art (i.e. ‘compared to other 19 31 0people I have a great deal of knowledge about art andart history’)Self-reported knowledge of English art 24 31 0Self-reported knowledge of Hungarian art 56 7 0

aIndividuals whose responses fell in the top two categories of the composite CETSCALE measure. Not one of the 252English respondents satisfied this criteria.bIndividuals whose responses fell in the bottom two categories of the composite CETSCALE measure.


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two categories of the CETSCALE composite(Table 1 labels these individuals as ‘Ethno-centrics’) and all those whose responses fell inthe bottom two categories (‘Non-ethno-centrics’). It is clear from Table 1 that theprevious empirical findings which have sug-gested that ethnocentrism is more prevalentamongst the older generation (Wall et al.,1988), and amongst individuals who belongedto lower socio-economic groups, had lowerincomes and lower educational attainment (cf.Herche, 1992; Good and Huddelston, 1995;Sharma et al., 1995) did not correspondwith the ethnocentric profile of the current(Hungarian) sample. Table 1 reveals that indi-viduals who reported having a preference forartworks originating from Hungary wererelatively young (75% were between 22 and40 years), well-educated (over 60% possessedprofessional or university qualifications),and financially well-off (75% of ethnocentricHungarians claimed to have the same financialstanding as most other people). (It is relevantto note that the Hungarians in the total samplewere less prosperous than their English coun-terparts; only 14% of the Hungarian respon-dents claimed to be financially better-offthan most other people, compared to 59% ofall the English respondents).Only 38% of the Hungarian individuals who

possessed ethnocentric bias claimed to beregular attendees of arts events. Nevertheless69% of them had attended at least one artexhibitionwithin the last year and 56% claimedto be arts enthusiasts. Less than a quarter ofthese ethnocentrics reported having an exten-sive knowledge of art in general (in the sensethat they agreed or strongly agreed with thisquestionnaire item). Fifty-six per cent of theHungarian ethnocentrics had good knowledgeof Hungarian art. As regards the comparison ofHungarian ethnocentrics with Hungarian non-ethnocentrics it can be seen from Table 1 thatthe ethnocentrics were on the whole moreknowledgeable about art than non-ethno-centrics. Moreover, it was subsequently foundthat knowledge of Hungarian art was positivelyand significantly correlated with ethnocentrictendency in theHungarian sample ( p< 0.001).

As previously mentioned none of theresponses of the members of the Englishsample fell in the top two categories of thecomposite CETSCALE measure. Seventy-nineper cent of the English individuals compared tojust 10% of all the Hungarian respondents werenon-ethnocentric. It seems, therefore, thatethnocentric bias was much lower in Englandthan in Hungary. Overall, the non-ethnocentricEnglish respondents were more likely to bemale, well-educated, older, financially well-offand arts enthusiasts. In Hungary, the non-ethnocentricswere alsomore likely to bemale,well-educated and financially well-off. Themost striking differences in the profiles of theEnglish andHungariannon-ethnocentricswerethat the latter group was significantly younger,attended arts events less frequently and hadless enthusiasm for the arts.

Test of the model

In view of the modest sample size relative tothe number of pathways to be estimated (41 intotal) and because some of the variables werenot normally distributed, the parameters andstandard errors of the relationships shown inFigure 1 were calculated using the method ofpartial least squares (specifically the bootstrap-ping facility of PLS Graph Version 3). Thismethod of estimation requires a sample sizejust 10 times the maximum number of struc-tural paths directed at anyof the variables in themodel (i.e. aminimumsample size of 100 in thecurrent application). Unlike the situation thatapplies to orthodox structural equation model-ling techniques (as used by the LISREL, EQS orAMOS packages, for example) it is not neces-sary for the variables in a model to be normallydistributed prior to the estimation. Table 2presents the results (only) for pathways withstatistically significant parameters. Socio-demographics were not significant determi-nants of ethnocentric tendency in eithersample, so the pathway coefficients are notlisted in the Table. The insignificance of socio-demographics means that H4(b) is rejected.

Attitudes towards specific countries alsofailed to attain significance, so H3 is also


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rejected. Apparently, it was quite possible for aperson to dislike a particular country yet admireartwork from the same nation. Table 2indicates that in-line with the outcomes to pastresearch in the CE field, the personal traits ofpatriotism, cultural openness, conservatismand individualism exerted significant influ-ences on ethnocentric tendency. Hence H4(a) is accepted. Product necessity was asignificant moderator in both samples (cf.Sharma et al., 1995), confirming H5.

This suggests that enthusiasm for art andpsychological involvement with art substan-tially mitigates the effects of a person’sethnocentrism on perceptions of the qualityof artwork both from the home country andalso from culturally similar and dissimilarnations. A further similarity between theEnglish and Hungarian samples was thatemotional liking for the artwork of the respon-dent’s own country significantly increased theperson’s intention to visit exhibitions both of

Table 2. Test of the model

Hungary England

Beta T-value Beta T-valuecoefficient coefficient

Ethnocentric tendency (R2¼ 0.64)Patriotism (H4a) 0.38 3.96 0.40 4.22Cultural openness (H4a) �0.34 3.14 �0.30 2.97Conservatism (H4a) 0.22 2.49 0.40 3.96Individualism (H4a) �0.41 5.05 �0.35 3.97

Perceptions of artwork quality as determined by ethnocentric tendency inrespect of:(i) Emotional liking for artwork from the home country (H1a) 0.22 2.44 0.31 3.66(ii) Perceived reputation of artwork from the home country (H1a) 0.34 3.11 NS(iii) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally similar country (H1a) 0.23 2.44 0.24 2.50(iv) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally dissimilar country (H1a) 0.30 3.04 NS

Moderating effects of product necessity on perceptions of artwork quality:(ethnocentric tendency)� (product necessity) in relation to(i) Emotional liking for artwork from the home country (H5) �0.30 2.77 �0.21 2.09(ii) Perceived reputation of artwork from the home country (H5) �0.34 3.14 �0.22 2.06(iii) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally similar country (H5) �0.22 2.02 �0.30 3.00(iv) Perceived reputation of artwork from a culturally similar country (H5) �0.30 2.75 �0.20 2.05(v) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally dissimilar country (H5) 0.21 2.02 NS(vi) Perceived reputation of artwork from a culturally dissimilar country (H5) 0.29 2.70 NS

Intention to visit an exhibition by domestic artists (R2¼ 0.33)as determined by(i) Emotional liking for domestic artwork (H2) 0.30 2.29 0.21 2.00(ii) Perceived reputation of domestic artwork (H2) 0.39 4.01 NS(iii) Ethnocentric tendency (H2) 0.29 2.78 NS

Intention to visit an exhibition of artists from a culturally similar country(R2¼ 0.40) as determined by(i) Emotional liking for domestic artwork (H2) 0.18 2.00 0.25 2.29(ii) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally similar country (H2) NS 0.23 2.12(iii) Perceived reputation of artwork from a culturally similar country (H2) 0.22 2.11 NS

Intention to visit an exhibition of artists from a culturally dissimilar country(R2¼ 0.36) as determined by(i) Emotional liking for artwork from a culturally dissimilar country (H2) 0.24 2.38 0.33 3.24(ii) Perceived reputation of artwork from a culturally dissimilar country (H2) 0.41 4.41 NS(iii) Ethnocentric tendency (H1b) �0.19 1.99 NS

NS¼Not statistically significant at the 0.05 level


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artists from the home country and of artists of aculturally similar country. Emotional liking forthe artwork of a culturally similar countryincreased the probability of visiting an exhibi-tion of artists from a culturally similar country.The same applied to artwork from a culturallydissimilar country. However, the Hungarianstended to be influenced by their perceptions ofthe reputations of the artwork from variouscountries to a much greater extent than thepeople in England. The English, conversely,were affected more by their emotional likingfor a country’s artwork when reporting theirintentions to visit an exhibition involvingworks from that nation. On no occasion didperceived reputation impact significantly onintention to visit.Differences between the two samples

occurred in relation to some of the conse-quences of ethnocentrism. In Hungary (wherehigh ethnocentric tendency was more preva-lent), ethnocentrismhad adirect and significantimpact on the intention to visit an exhibition ofdomestic artists (beta¼ 0.29), but this was notthe case in England. Thus it appears that theHungarians translated high ethnocentric ten-dency into an actual behavioural intention,whereas ethnocentric tendency (albeit at lowerlevels) among the English respondents did nothave this consequence.Overall these outcomesare broadly consistent with H1 and H2,although the details differ from one country tothe other. Further research is needed into whythis was the case. It may be, for instance, thatpeople in London have a wider exposure tointernational travelling exhibitions than theircounterparts in Budapest.

Conclusion

The results confirm the assertions of Ramsey(1987), Triff (2002) and Midgette (2003) thatethnocentrism can exist in an arts environ-ment. As expected, ethnocentric tendencywasmore prevalent in the Hungarian sample than itwas in the English sample (see Kristeva, 1993;Mason, 1995; Lindquist et al., 2001; Ray andHall, 2004). Ethnocentrism was most commonin young Hungarians who were relatively well-

educated and financially well-off. Arts knowl-edge was highly and positively correlatedwith ethnocentrism in the Hungarian sample( p< 0.001). These results partially validateGrayling’s (2002) proposition that individualsfrom well-off backgrounds and who possess asignificant knowledge of art and art history (inthis instance knowledge of Hungarian nationalart) can exhibit ethnocentric bias.

Several variables (patriotism, cultural open-ness, conservatism and individualism) thatprevious research in the CE field has found tohave significant influences on ethnocentrictendency exerted significant impacts in thepresent study. A direct link between ethno-centric tendency and emotional liking of thehome country’s artwork was evident in bothsamples. Ethnocentrism also affected theHungarian respondents’ opinions concerningthe perceived quality of the artwork of aculturally dissimilar country. Irrespective ofthe links between ethnocentrism and perceivedartwork quality, the latter variable did impactsignificantly on intention to visit. It follows thatart managers should attempt forcefully toconvince the public that a foreign travellingexhibition emanates from a country whereinartwork is generally of a very high quality, i.e.that art in that country is ‘technically advanced’,‘prestigious’ and so on. Moreover, ethnocentr-ismwas observed to have a direct impact on theHungarian sample’s intention to visit exhibi-tions ofhomecountry artists andof artists fromaculturally dissimilar country. Clearly, therefore,arts managers in Hungary (and in other coun-tries towhich the resultsmight generalise) needto recognise the consequences that ethnocentr-ism may have on potential visitors to travellinginternational exhibitions, and tailor their pro-motional techniques andmessages accordingly.In general, arts marketers need to recognise theeffects that ethnocentricity might have onvisitor numbers and the types of people thatare likely to attend an exhibition.

Limitations and future directions

A limitation of the present study was itsconcentration on just a few of the plethora of


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variables that have been posited to affectethnocentric tendency. As well as the con-structs depicted in Figure 1, prior research hasinvestigated the possible influences of, interalia, ‘universalism’, ‘benevolence’, attitudestowards ‘fair trade’, (numerous) personal andcultural values (e.g. achievement and power),self-esteem and many other personality attri-butes. The current investigation covered a setof variables that were deemed on a-priori

grounds to have particular relevance to art-work. Further research is needed to establishthe possible importance of other constructs asdeterminants of ethnocentrism in the artsdomain. Another limitation is the fact thatrespondents in only two countries werestudied. It would be useful to replicate theresearch in other nations.A further research direction might be to

explore ethnocentric tendencies in individualswho do not participate in arts events of aspecific nature. Triff (2002), Midgette (2003)and Weekend Australia (2003) have suggestedthat certain white audiences showed a lack ofinterest in art exhibitions hosted by non-whiteculturally foreign artists. Furthermore, artsorganisations and governmental bodies alikehave voiced their concerns about particularethnic minority groups that have consistentlyshown a lack of enthusiasm for consuming artin their adopted countries. Not surprisingly,therefore, increasing attention has been paid,in recent years, upon issues of ethnic repre-sentation, participation and access, and agrowingbody of researchhas sought to identifythe barriers that exclude various audiences(see Sandell, 1998; Hooper-Greenhill, 1999).The possibility that ethnocentric bias plays asignificant role in the decisions of minorityindividuals not to visit certain exhibitions andvenues is undoubtedly worthy of furtherinvestigation.

Biographical notes

Dr Rita Kottasz is a senior Lecturer of Market-ing in the Department of Business and ServiceSector Management and a member of theCentre for Research in Marketing at London

Metropolitan University. The author’s mainresearch interests lie in the field of voluntarysector and arts marketing.Roger Bennett is a Professor in the Departmentof Business and Service Sector Management atLondon Metropolitan University. His mainresearch interests are in the field of nonprofitand voluntary sector marketing, particularly inrelation to the effectiveness of different formsof imagery used in charity advertising cam-paigns. Roger’s career has included periods inthemining and engineering industries andwitha leadingUKcommercial bank.He is the authorofmanybooks and a large number of articles onvarious aspects of marketing and businessmanagement.

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