Erikson y Goldthorpe - The Constant Flux Cap. 2

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Concepts, Data, and Strategies

of Enquiry

In this chapter we consider a variety of methodological issues which range

from ones of a quasi-philosophical character through to others of statistical

ec nique. T o some re ade rs, our discussion of these issues may seem to

constitute an excessively lengthy preamble to the treatment of the substantive

matters that are of ultimate importance. If so, we must remain unrepentant.

We do n ot believe that th e way in which in a sociological study methodological

p ro em s ar e de fin ed an d reso lved can be see n as simply a back st ag e

operation, to be reported on, if at all, only in the decent obscurity of an

appendix. The treatment of methodological and of substantive problems is

in fact often difficult to separate, and this should not be concealed. Moreover,

as we hav e argued at the end of the previous chapter, the unsatisfactory state

of com parativ e mobility researc h, as regards the persistence of large areas of

disagreement on essentially empirical questions, has to be attributed largely

to m ethodo logical difficulties, and there is then a particular need for these tobe ex pl ic itly iden tif ied an d ad dr es se d.

We begin the chapter with a discussion of the different conceptual

contexts within which the study of social mobility may be undertaken, and

we exp lain our dec ision to adop t a class-structural perspective. We then givean accou nt of the class schema through which we have attempted to make

this decision operational, and which provides the basis for the numerous

mobility tables th at we shall subse quen tly construct. From such problem s'of

concepts and their representation , we move on to those of data and, most

importantly, to those associated with achieving data of an adequate standard

of cross-national comparability'. We describe the approach that we have

taken to these problems and the procedures that we have followed in

constituting the data-set on which our empirical analyses rest. Our next

concern is with analytical techniques. We seek to show why, following the

conceptual approach that we have adopted, we may most appropriately

work through the analysis of mobility tables, usingin addition to simple

pe rc en ta gi ng te ch ni qu es o f lo g- lin ea r mo de lli ng , an d how in this way w e

can implement what is for us a crucial distinction between absolute and

rel ati ve mobility rates. Finally, we take upilarge, yet highly consequential,

issues of the methodology of comparative studies. We note the sharp

divergencies of opinion and practice that hfere exist, and explain the combi ne d or m ix ed st ra te gy th a t we will ou rse lves at te m pt to foll ow.

2

2 . Concepts, Data, an d Strategies o f Enqu iry29

r *

T H E C H O I C E O F C O N C E P T U A L C O N T E X T

As will have become app aren. enough from the ^

of social mobility has been p ro m p te d by a ra ng e of ,conflicting, interests , socio-political as well as academic (see , furth er, G old-

thorpe 1980^/1987: ch. 1). It is thus scarcely surprising to find a similar y

S e r a n g e of variation in the conceptual approaches th at have been

followed by those actively engaged in investigating and analysing5mobi 11 y.

The most basic divergence which, as recounted elsewhere (Goldtho p ,

1985a) can be traced back to nineteenth-century origins relates to th

conceptual context within which mobility is to be d e f i n e d and in turn

observed and measured. Two main tradi tions can here be d is t in g u is h e d ^

in which mobility is envisaged as occurring w ithin'a clas s s tru ctu re, and t e

other in which it is envisaged as occurring within some form of so cia l

hier arch y. For those who follow the first tradition, mobility refers to the

movement of individuals as between so cia l p os iti on s that are identified in

terms of relationships within labour ma rkets and prod uction u nits; for those

who follow the second, mobility refers to the m ovem ent of individuals as

be tw ee n socia l gro upi ngs o r aggregates that are ranked according to such

criteria as their members prestige, status, econ omic resou rces, etc.

To be sure, particular mobility studies may not always neatly fall into one

rather than the other of these two traditions. Some investigators app ear to

shift between a class-structural and a hierarchical context more or less

unknowingly, while others have sought deliberately to work within both.

However, what may be said is that in any study one c onceptua l appro ach or

1 As regards the origins of these different conceptual traditions, a comparison of passages from Marx and John Stuart Mill is of interest. Marx, in one of the rather few instance s in which

he discusses social mobility directly, alludes to the ease with which in the United States of the

' mid-nineteenth century wage-labourers were able to turn themselves into independent self-

curtaining peasantss o that the position of wage-labo urer was for the: major ity of those w ho

occupied it but a probationary state which they are sure to leave within a longer or a shorter

term (1865/1 958:4 44). And what is then for Marx of chief significance about this mobility is not

that it represents any form of social ascent he makes no attem pt to characterize it in vertical

terms but rather that it serves to pr event what he elsewhe re refers to as a develope d

formation o f classes. Becaus e of the prevailing high rate of m obility, Marx argued, classes in

American society have, not yet become fixed but continually change and interchange their

elem ents in constant flux"(1852/1958: 255). '

Mill, on the other hand, has a quite different perspective on mobility. Anticipating liberal

theorists, he emphasized the way in which advancing industrialism in mid-nineteenth-century

England was beginning to-brfeak down the barriers that had traditionally existed to movement

between different levels or grades of employment. Hitherto, the demarcation between these

grades had been almost equivalent to an hereditary distinction o f castes, each employment

being chiefly recruited from the children of those already emp loyed in it, or in em ployments o f

the same rank with it in social estima tion . . .. But currently, according to Mill, the habits and

disabilities which chained people to their hereditary conditionsare fast wearing away, and

every class is exposed to increased and increasing competition from at least the class imm ediately

below it (1848 :462 -3). Thus, although Mill here uses the language of class, he clearly sees thecontext of mobility as being in fact a social hierarchy: that is, one determined by the type of

work performed and its 'social estimation.


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the other t ends to be domina nt; and this is, in our view, to be expected since

he two approaches are directed towards the treatment of different eventhough overlapping, sets of problems.

For our own part, we have chosen here to take up the class-structural

L7 r;TeVen?rdSthatltW0UldaPPeart0bend in any event, the m ore promising overall as regards the range ofalTenl lm We haV' iC1,e


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Should no Jedi ffi h ClaSS' StrUCtUralas aSainst hierarchical approac hwould ?nr th t 0aPPrec,a te- To put the matter more concretely we

would for the task m hand, see a decided advantage in being able to t o

r in d S t n a T w a f 160118 f cate80ries- sch as, say, those

P 1 *7 *PCuSantS rf arm erS =S3laried emPloyees, propr ie tors an d self- employed w ork ers, e tc .- ra th e r than in term s of categories

which represent simply levels distinguished within a prestige or status

of the f11 ' h ll 'SWCwould ma nta in>far more as member s of categoriesthe fo rmer than o f the latter kind that individuals have in fact experienced

h a v e ' d e v e l o p ' J economic- through which their societiesm r t l 7 h u ,ndustnal on4es and have in turn respond ed to, and

parti cip ate d in, these processes.

To argue thus, we would stress, does not require us to claim that classes

are mo re real than collectivities distinguished by reference to prestige or

s a us nor to r egard a class-structural appro ach as being superior to a

hierar chic al Qne in any absolute sense. As we have sought to make clear our

pr efe ren ce for the form er app roach is entirely a matter of choosing one

conceptua lization over ano ther because we believe that, on balance it is the

more suited to our purposes. Accordingly, we would not seek to deny thatalong with the advantages offered, certain disadvantages are also entailed

Most o bviousl y, within a class-structural pers pective the possibility is lost oftreating mobility systematically in terms of social ascent or descent, and

further, then, the possibility of applying various elegant analytical techniques

which depend upon the adoption of-categories ordered within a socialhierarc hy. i ;

At the same time, though, we would reject the implication of arguments

such as thos e of Kelley (1990) to th e effect that a class-structural context for

the study of mobility is in some way less naturalor conceptually morearb itrary than a hierarchical one in being less securely grounded in the

ways in which mobility.is typically thought o f and lived through by the Iky

membersof a society. While we would not, of course, question that popular

conceptions of mobility do often imply a hierarchical context, the idea jof

4 We would regard it as significant that it is in fact in, terms of class es, rather than of prestige

or status levels, that historians of (he modern period have usually wished to discuss social

cleavages, conflicts, and movements; and working within essentially the same conceptual framework as they have done is itself an advantage that we will seek to exploit. :

" O s ' * .

32 2. Concepts, Data, and Strategies of Enquiry2 . Concepts, Data, an d Strategies o f Enquiry 33

mobility between class positions which cannot be readily characterized in

vertical terms is also,we believe, one that finds a wide correspondence at the

level of actual social experience.For example, in the course of industrialization the most im portant of all

mobility flows, numerically at least, are those of peasants and small farmers

and of their offspring into semi- and unskilled wage-e arning jobs in industry;

and there can be little doubt that radical changes thus ensue not only in the

market and work relationships in which these individuals are involved but

furthe r in their entire way of life and its social setti ng . Yet pe rhaps on e of the

leastrevealing questions to be asked about such mobility, wh ether from the

standpoint of the sociologist or from that of the social actors in question, iswhether it is upw ard or downward in direction. Typ ically, such mobility

would appear to bring, and to be experienced as bringing, varying kinds of

both gains and losses for which no common deno min ator is read ily ava ilable,

for example, increased income and shorter ho urs of work but devaluation of

previously acquired skills and redu ced auto nom y; the chance of ente ring

modernaffluent society but also the risk of cultural and social impoverish

ment (cf. Smelser and Lipset 1966; Johnson 1981).3 Moreover, other

instances of mobility in which similar trade-offs seem often pre sent and

likewise ambivalence'on the part of those contemplating, or who have m ade,

the transitionare not difficult to cite: for example, that from employee toindependent, self-employed status or from a rank-and-file to a first-line

supervisory position (see, e.g., Chinoy 1955: chs. 5 and 7; Goldthorpe etal.

1968: ch. 6; Mayer 1977; Bland, Elliott, and Bechhofer 1978; Crossick andHaupt 1984). And here again what would appear from the monographic

5 Johnson has written as follows on the implications of mobility from the peasantry into

industrial work in Eastern European societies in the post-war period.

It should be stressed that the move from the village to the town or city represented an

: enormous change in nearly every aspect of the lives of those involved. It was not simply a case

of changing one 'job for another. An enormous gulf separated the relatively modern

lifestyle of the industrial centers from the age-old patterns and traditions of the relatively

isolated peasant communities. The urban migrant left behind the em otional support and the

econom ic security (howev er tenuous) provided by m ultibonded ties of familial relationship

and lifelong acquaintance for the anonymity and impersonality of life among strangers.

Instead of the relatively self-sufficient patterns of consum ption characteristic of subsistence

agriculture and handicraft production, he now found it necessary to depend . . . upon his

. capacity to acquire the cash to purchase [commodities] by selling his labor. Instead of the

autonomous, self-scheduled and periodically varied patterns of work characteristic, of small-

scale agriculture, he now had to accustom himself to the unfamiliar discipline of the foreman,

the punch-clock and a minutely specialized and routinized task on the assembly line. With his

skills as a farmer and husbandryman essentially useless in his new setting, and lacking in

formal education, he a lmost necessarily had to settle for the low w ages and often unpleasant

working conditions of an unskilled or semiskilled laborer; yet at the same time the example of

his acquaintances and the proximity and visibility of amenities and 'luxury' commodities

almost unknown in the village stimulated him towards a cquisitiveness and a consumption-

oriented mentality that linked the sens e of self-worth with the outward trappings of materialprosperity. (1981: 33.-4)

WMOTECA SAN JOAOGf*\ SfSTEMA DE BIBLIOTECA*

PONTI FI C1A u a o e CH I U


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literatu re to be of chief significance is the relationalchanges that are involved

rather than movemen t along some vertical, attributional dimension

Since our mam aim thus far has been to br ing out as clearly as possible the

Jffer enc es between the class-structural and hierarchical approaches to the

s udy of moh hty and to show how these have been developed in regard to

!etS of pr blems >we have in effect represented the two approachesas alternative paradigms between which a choice must, implicitly or explicitly

be m ade In c onc lusion, how eve r, w e should qualify this accou nt by recog-

a J T ? that the tW aPProaches are not entirely incompatible

sought m PraCtlC6 S me d6gree f COmPromis e betw een them may be

Thus, in the case o f investigators taking up a hierarchical perspective on

n r StatUS SCaleS k is notable tha t>whlle>for example,Glass (1954) and Svalastoga (1959) made little or no attempt to reduce the

heterogeneity o f occupations that were placed at the same hierarchical level

ater exponents of this approach have often been concerned to do so At

least for the purposes of mobility-table analysis, the practice has become

quite regular of starting witha set of occupatio nal categoriesderive d say

rom official sta tis tic s-t ha t are relatively homogeneous in their structurai

locations and of then ordering these categoriesin the light of some average of

i Vn 'UeS f th d r cons tituent occupations (see, e.g ., Blau and Duncan1967: 26-9; Featherman and Hauser 1978: 25-30). Indeed, it may also be

the case that th e ranking thus produced is itself subject to further ad hoc

modification ,>with th e aim , it w ould seem , of bringing it into yet closeraccord with what might be described as class-likecriteria.6This latter step

is, howev er, one which , in our view, risks achieving compromise at too great

a cost m terms of conceptual consistency: it becomes unclear just what thecontext of mobility is taken to be.

In turn, where a class-structural perspective is adopted, the most obvious

way of attempting to capture some of the hierarchical aspects of mobility is

then to order the classes distinguished by reference to prestige, status, or

some other ap propria te criterion of an external kind. This is, in fact, the

strategy that we shall ourselves take up, is described in the sectionthat

follows. None the less, we shall pursue it to only a rather limited extent

While at an empirical level a fairly high correlation may be expected

ac cl di 1 ^ 0/ eXample B!au and Dunc an, having ranked seventeen occupational categories

mod f v l i . h KCOn miC ' f ? 5 n the basis of median income and Vea of schooling? thenmaintain fhp by mo''1Pg', Salf sm en' retai1 abov three catego ries of craftsm en so as to

makin, . h t aH T anU, ",man,ual dlstlnction (1967: 2


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Basic

class

positions


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ow far in its seven-class form its underlying principles are ^ P rmiS^ e

The five- and three-class collapses that are also shown in Table 2 .1 are

learly less satisfactory but were una voidable in a numb er o f more_co m p ex

nalyses where cell counts wo uld otherw ise have b eco m e unreliably lo .The aim of the class schema is to differentiate positions within labour

markets and pro d u c tio n units or, more specifically, one could say, o

ifferentiate such positions in terms of the e m p l o y m e n t relations that they

ntail.9 The principles of differentiation that we adopt have been mainly

erived from classic sour ces, in particular, from M arx and Max W ebe r. Bu t

hese principles have been adapted, under the influence of various later

uthors, to try to m eet the specific requirements o f analysing class m obility

ithin the total populations of m id-twentieth-century industrial n ations,

oth capitalist and state socialist.For Marx and W eber alike, it could be said that em plo ym en t relations are

rucial to the delineation of the structure o f class po sitions w ithin m oder n

ociety even though these authors would accord a som ew hat differing

gnificance to these relations.10 From both sources, we can derive a basic,

hreefold division of class positions, as follows:

1. employers: i.e. those who buy the labour o f others and thus assum e

some degree of authority and control over them;

2. self-employed workers without emp loyees: those wh o neither buy the

labour of others nor sell their own;

2. Concepts, Data, and Strategies o f Enquiry 37

8 The origins of the present schema lie in one devised by Go ldtho rpe a nd L lewellyn (1977)r use on British data. This was then modified for purposes of the comparative mobilityalyses reported in Erikson, G oldtho rpe, and Porto carero (1979) at the sam e time as Erikso n

as involved ifi revising a Swedish classification (An dersso n, E riks on , an d W arne ryd 1981)hich already in its original form (Carlsson et ai 1974) had close similarities with that ofoldthorpe and Llewellyn. Further refinements were proposed in the course of later Britishork by Goldthorpe and Payne (1986) in collaboration with Anthony Heath. The.rathermbersome labelling of classes by combinations of roman numerals and letters is here

tained, since this enables earlier and later versions of the schem a to be system atically related.9 In earlier presentations we have referred to the class schema as aiming to bring to ge the r

dividuals holding similar market and work situations. The revised formulation here usedetcs to bring out more clearly that the schema is intended ultimately to apply to posit io ns, asfined by social relationships, rather than to per so ns although, for purposes of describinge classes distinguished, it is difficult to avoid referring to actu al incu m bents e.g. m ana gers ,o prietors , work ers , etc . We might also ad d here th at, while we then alloca te in div iduals toass positions within our schema, we do not thereby com mit ourselves logically or sociologally to the view that the'c lass o f all individuals alike will be mos t validly de term ine d byference to their own employmen t. Q uestions of deriv ed class, turning on w heth er thedividual or the family is the m ore app ropriate u nit of class com position, will be take n u n atngth in discussing the class mobility of women in Chapter 7.

We would, in fact, believe that the opposition between M arxian and W eberian co nceptions ofass that is by now enshrihed in sociology textbooks is in many respects exag gerated andpecially in view of the fact that the work of neither author can be regarded ^ p ro v id in g anonical statement of his position. Our own approach has been often referred to andscusssed as Weberian!, bu t we would not regard this as particularly inform ative or oth erw iselpful: to repeat, it is consequences, not antecedents, that matter.


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I1

T a b l e 2 . 1 . The class schema

Full version Collapsed versions

Seven-class* Five-class Three-class

I Higher-grade professionals,

administrators, and officials; /

managers in large industrial

establishments; large

proprietors

II Low er-grad e'profe ssionals,' /

. Administrators, and officials;

higher-grade technicians;managers in small industrial

establishments; supervisors of

non-manual emp loyees .

lia Routine non-manual

emp loyees, higher grade

(administration and comm erce)

II6 Routine non-manual

employ ees, lower grade (sales

and services) .

I + I I

III

Service class: professionals,

administrators and managers;

higher-grade technicians;

supervisors of non-manual

workers

Rou tine non-manual workers:

routine non-manual employees

in administration and

commerce; sales personnel;other rank-and-file service

workers

I - I I I White-collar workers

Non-manual

workers

J

IVo Small pro prie tors , artisans^-etc., with employees

IV> Small pro prie tors , artisan s,

etc. .withou t employees

IVc F a r m e r s and s m a l lh o l d e r s ;

, other self-em ployed workers in

primary production ^

V Lower-grade technicians,

supervisors of manual workers

VI Skilled manual workers

V ila Sem i-and unskilled manual

workers (n ot in agriculture,

etc.)

VIIb Agricultural and other workers

in primary production

IV a + b Petty bourgeoisie: small

proprietors and artisans, et c.,with and without employe es

IVc Farmers: farmers and

smallholders and other self

employe d w orkers in primary

production

V +V I Skilled workers: lower-grade

tech nicians; supervisors of

manual workers; skilled manual

workers

Vi la Non -ski lle d worke rs : semi-and

u n s k i ll e d m a n u a l workers (notin agriculture, etc.)

VIIb Agricultural labourers.

agricultural and other workers

in primary production

I Va +b Petty bourgeoisie

IVc+VIIb Farmworkers

V +V I Skilled workers

Farm workers

Vila

Manual

workers

Note- . i . rh, the seven-class version onncci: - ^ c ^ l l usually re fe r to each Cass.

ion of the schema is the one we shall most frequently use in our analyses. We give here the nam e service


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3. employees: those who sell their labour to employers and thus place

themselves to some degree under their authority and control.

In the construction of the class schema, this threefold division may be

regarded as the starting-point, as Figure 2.1 illustrates. However, cons ider

able modification and elaboration then follow, in respect chiefly of two

closely related developm ents within the twentieth-century industrial world:

first, the transformation of property into corporate forms, whether private

or public, which has resulted in most m ajor employers being or ga niz ati on s

rather than individuals; and, secondly, the growth of employees as a

proport ion of the total active populat ion , accomp anie d by a g reater dif fer

entiation of the forms of emplo yer-em ployee relations as employing organizations have become increasingly bureaucratized.

As regards, first, the now predominantly corporateor, in socialist

societies, state-ownednature of productive property, the main implication is

that the class of emplo yer becomes one made up overwhelmingly ofsm all

employers with, say, w ork-forces that numbe r at most in tens rather than in

hundreds. Such small proprietor s are comprised by Class IVa of our schema,

while ClassIV b covers self-employed workers without employees apart in

both cases from tho se eng aged in p rim ary pro duction , who go tog eth er inClass IVc.

As ca n, the n, be seen from T able 2.1, no separate class of large employers

is provided for. L arge prop rietors are in fact included in Class I, where they

might appear to constitute a rather anomalous element. However, more

detailed examination of the cases in question, which we have been able to

make m several o f our n ational samples, suggests that, as well as being few in

num ber, they are also less straightforward than they might seem.

To begm w ith, it should be emphasized that we areno tdealing here, other

than quite exceptionally, with members of a capitalist elite or leaders of

industry. R athe r, large proprieto rs turn out to be most typically the owners

of stores, hotels, restaurants, garages, small factories, or building or trans

po rta tio n f irms. In de ed , it mig ht be a rgued that, since the ir operat ion s tend

to be on only a slightly more ambitious


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which takes the form not only of reward for work don e, through a salary andvarious perquisites, but also comprises importantprospective elementsforexample, salary increments on an established scale, assurances of security

both in employment and, throug h pensions rights, after reti reme nt, and,above all, well-defined career opportunities.

As argued at greater length elsewhere (Goldthorpe 1982), a servicerelationship, rather than one formulated in terms of a labour contract, islikely to be found where it is required of employees that they exercise

delegated authorityor specialized knowledge and expertisein the interests oftheir, employing organization. In the nature of the case, such employeesmust then b e accorded a legitimate ar ea of autonomy and discretion and, tothis extent, their performance will depend on the degree of moral commit

ment that they feel towards the organization rather than on the efficacy ofexternal sanctions. A service relationship can thus be understood as the

means thro ugh which an employing organization seeks to create and sustainsuch commitment; or, that is, as a functional alternative to direct control in

regard to those employees whom the organization must to some significantextent trust to make decisions and to carry them through m ways that areconsistent with organizational values and goals .14

It is, therefore, the distinction between employees involved in a service

relationship with their employer and those whose employment relationshipsare essentially regulated by a labour contract that underlies the way in-

which, within our class schema, different employee classes have been

delineated. The most obvious division to be made in this respect is that

betw een the pre dom ina ntly salar ied p rofession al, higher technical, admin

istrative, and m anagerial positions of Classes I and II and the predominantly'wage-ea rning manu al occupatio ns of Classes VI and VII. The former may be

taken as those positions with which a service relationship is most character

istically associated , a nd thus as co nstituting the basis of the service class jar

salariat of modern industrial societies; the latter, as those where the labour

contract usually prevails, and which thus constitute the basis of the working

class. We find it of interest and significance that something close to this

division receives rather widespread linguistic recognition: for example, |in

the distinction made in English between staff and workers; in French,

betw een cadreso r employesand ouvriers] in German, between Beam teor

Angestellt eandArbe iter; or in Swedish between tjansteman(literally, service

men) and arbetare.We would, furthermore, see a reflection of a similar

division in the distinction drawn in state socialist societies between intellig

14 While one would, then, from this point of view, expect to find a close association between

ty pe o f employm ent relationship and the content of work tasks, and roles, it should be

emphasized that it is the/orm errather than the latter that, for us, is decisive in determining class

position. Thus, in the case suggested by some exponents of the proletarianization thesis (e.g.

Crompton 1980) o f employ ees who are performing routine administrative work'altho'ugh with

the cosm etic title of manager, the crucial question is whether this title does or does not carry

wi it the advantages, of a service relationship with the employing organization.

42 2. Concepts, Data, and Strategies of Enquiry

entsia and wor kers (cf. Szczepansk. 1970; Hard in 1976), even though thehistorical context and wider connotations are he re of course m some respe

" ^ 0 , at the same time to recognize that the contrast that we

have set upbetween a service relationship and employment regulated via a

labour contract is one of an ideal-typical kind, and that^ a c t u a l empioymen

relationships will often only approxim ate one type or the^o th Y

indeed fall rath er ambiguously between them. Consequ e Y-

2. 1again brings out, we elaborate on our basic division of employees in two

2 . Concepts, Data, and Strategies of Enqu iry 43

ways.First, the distinctions between Classes I and II and Classes VI

made within the service class and the working class respectively. Po rtio nscovered by.Class I may be taken as those to which the largest responsibi

in decision-making attach and which will in turn offer the fullest rang

beneficial con ditions assoc iated with the service rela tionsh ip; while in the

case of the lower-level positions of Class II, certain of these feature s m ay beattenuated. Conversely, it is with non-skilled labour as represe nted by Class

VII, where there is least need for employees to be allowed autonomy and

discretion and where external controls can be most fully relied on, t hat the

labour contract will tend to operate in its purest form; while, with skilled

labour as represented by Class VI, modifications directed tow ards ma kingthe money-for-effort exchange somewhat less specific and shor t term are

more likely to be found.16Secondly, we distinguish two classes which may be regarded as intermedi

ate in the sense that they comprise positions with associated employment

relationships that would appear characteristically to take on a very mixed

form. Class III covers the range of routine non-manual positions, usually

involving clerical, sales, or personal-service tasks* which exist, so to speak,

on the fringes of professional, administrative, and managerial bureaucracies;

and Class V takes in lower-grade technical and first-line supervisory positions

whose incumbents usually work closely with rank-and-file manu al employee s,

although being in certain respects differentiated from them. In both cases,

the extent to which a service relationship could be said to prevail over the

15 For debates on th e"class role of the intelligentsia in Eastern Euro pean nations, see.

Konrad and Szelenyi (1979), Starski (1982), and Frentzel-Zagorska and Zagorski (1989).

16 For exam ple, workers in Class VI could be regarded as more likely than those in Class VII

to be included in internal;or craft-specific labour markets. It might be addedjhere that

employers appear increasingly prepared to introduce service elements into the em ployment

relationships o f various graces of manual worker in positions involving high levels of skill or

responsibility, so that the latter might then be m ore appropriately allocated to Class V (see

following text). And, certainly, we would not regard the manuality or otherwise of work

performed as being in itself relevant to class allocationconsistently with the position taken in

n. 14 above. H owev er, oyer the period to which our data relate; which, as will be seen, extends

several decades back from the mid-1970s, the m anual-non-man ual division does in fact appear

to have corresponded rather closely with that we have noted of workers versus 'sta ff, et c., so

far as employment relations are concerned.

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presuppositions of a labour contract is problematic. EmpLoying organizations

appear to display a frequent uncertainty over whether the roles performed

by such personnel are o nes that would justify staff status or whether they

are to be treated essentially as labour. It is notable that difficulties arising

from this uncertainty in regard, say, to methods o f remuneration, timekeeping, prom otion chances, union representation, etc. have been a

recurrent theme in studies of employer-employee relations concerning the

groups in question.17

It should be added that the subdivision of Class III into Ilia and III6 that is

further indicated in Table 2.1 w as prom pted by the application of the schema

in studies of womens mobility, and is used only in analyses where women

are inv olv ed . Th e purpose of the subdivision is to isolate in Class III6 a range

of routine and very low-skill non-manual positions which are largely occupied

by women and to which (especially when held by women) very little

ambiguity in fact attaches. That is to say, these positions tend, in contrast to

those retained in Class Ilia, to be more-or-less undifferentiated in their

con ditions of emp loym ent from those o f non-skilled manual workers. Thus,

in analyses in which the subdivision is applied , Class IIIi> is usually collapsed

with Class V ila .

There remains one other feature of the class schema on which some

comment should be made: namely, the sectoral division through which

proprietors and wage-workers in agriculture and other primary production

are separately identified as Classes IVc and Vllfc. This elaboration would

seem necessary in view of various distinctive aspects assumed by class relations within primary production in con sequ ence, for example, of the

major form of property ownership being in land, of the organization of

produ ction rem aining often family-based, and of the frequent substitution,

eve n in the case o f labour drawn from outside the family, of payment-in-kind

for money wages. Ideally, we would also have wished to introduce into the

schema some degree of differentiation among agricultural proprietors, in

regard to form of tenure, size and value of holding* etc. However, there

appeared little po int in so doing, since relevant information, at least in! a

form that would permit cross-national'comparisons, is not sufficiently

available in the data-sets on which we rely. 1From what has a lready been said in this and the preceding section it will be

apparent that the class schema is not constructed around any single hierarch

ical principle from which a regular ordering o f the classes could be derived.

If, therefore, for particular analytical purposes, such an ordering would

seem desirable, it must be produced by reference to external criteria. As we

have already remarked, we would doubt if any very ambitious moves in this!: |

-- S ee , fo r exam ple , on cler ic al w orke rs , M il ls (1 951), L ockw ood (195 8/ 19 89 ), C ro zie r

(1965), Kocka (1980a, 1981); on forem en an d supervisors, T hurley and W irdenius (1973) and

Child (1976); and on technicians, Roberts, Loveridge, and Gennard (1972) and Low-Beer(1978).

44 2 . Concepts, Data, and Strategies o f Enquiry


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direction could be justified. However, good grounds would appear to exist

for introducing within the seven-class version of the schema a threefold

hierarchical division which could be more-or-less equally well taken as

ordering class positions in terms of their prestige, socio-economic status,

or general desirability. We w ould, in fact, regard sc ale s purpo rting to rank

occupations according to such criteria as all reflecting in a rather similar way

differences in, on the one hand, levels o f job rewards and, on the othe r, job-

entry requirements (cf. Goldthorpe and Hope 1972, 1974).

In Table 2.2 w e show the results achieved if we assign scores to the classes

of the schema on the Treiman international occupational prestige scale

(Treiman 1977a) and also on a number of scales available for individual

nations that will be represented in our subsequent analyses. On each scale we have obtained a score for every occupational and employment status

grouping comprised by a particular class to the ex tent that a m apping

between the categories of the scale and those of the class schema proved

2 . Concepts, Data, and Strategies o f Enquiry 45

T a b l e 2 .2 . Scores fo r classes o f the schema on dif ferent oc cup ational scales as a basis

fo r a th reefo ld hierarchical d iv is io n

Class

Scale* I+II III IV a+ 6 IVc V + V I V ila V H b

Treiman 56 35 42 44 35 29 24

Hope-Goldthorpe

(England) 63 36 39 47 40 29 31

Wegener (FRG) 92 50 49 50 49 39 30

Irish OccupationalIndex (all Ireland) 58 30 42 42 37 24 -26

de Lillo-

Schizzerotto (Italy) 71 41 51 48 34 20 11

Naoi (Japan) 62 41 37 37 41 33 30

Duncan (USA) 66 27V.

46 25 33 17 14

Division 1 , 23

Note:

* The international Treiman scale and those for the FRG, Ireland, and Japan are intended asscales of occupational prestige, although constructed in different ways; the English scale andalso,it would seem, the Italian, areintended as ones of the general desirability of occupations inpopular estimation; and the US scale, while originally constructed as a proxy for a prestige scale, is now generally interpreted as one of the socio-economic status of occupations. Forfurther details see Treiman (1911a) Goldthorpe and Hope (1974) Wegener (1988) Boyle


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poss ible and we ha ve the n ta ke n the median o f these values as the overa ll

class score Althou gh scores are not, of course, directly comparable from

scale to scale, it is still evident enough that Class T+II, the service class or

salana t consistently ranks above all others, and that Classes Vila and VIIb

those of non-skilled worke rs in industry and o f agricultural workers, consist

ently rank below all others, while the relative positions of the remaining

cla ssy are cross-nationally ra ther variable. A threefold hierarchical division

of the schema gu .ded by these results, and as indicated in Table 2.2, wouldtherefore seem well founded.

There is, however, one modification that we would wish to make in the

case of the class of farmers, IVc. In the course of industrialization, agriculture

typically undergoes a radical transformation. Peasant, or other kinds of

largely subsistence, farming give way to more decisively market-oriented

forms of production, and then in turn commercialized family farming is in

part supe rse ded by re lat ive ly larg e-scale agribusin ess. In this process , a

substantia] decline in the number of farmers goes together with a steady

increase in the a verage size of farms and in levels of capital investment and

sales values (see, e .g., Ren borg 1969; Newby 1978). As we have mentioned

above, we can not, w ith the da ta at our disposal, differentiate among farmers

in such a way that would allow us to capture these changes directly in our

analyses. But in those cases where we utilize our hierarchical division, we

can, even if only cr udely, still try to give some recognition to what is in effect

he collective upward mobility of farm ers by treating Class IVc differently as

a class of origin and of destination. That is to say, we can take Class IVc,

following Table 2.2., as falling in the in terme diate division when considered

as a destination class, but then relegate it to the lowest division, along with

Classes Vila and Vffij, when considered as an origin class.

In conclusion of this section, we would again wish to emphasize that the

chema we have p resente d is to be regarded not as an attempt at providing a

efinitive map of the class structures of individual societies but essentially

s an instrument de travail.18As we have sought to ma ke clear, its construc

ion and adap tation have indeed been guided by theoretical ideasbut also

y mo re prac tic al co ns ide rat ions of the conte xt in w hich, and purpo ses for

which, it is to be used and o f the natu re of the data to which it is to be applied.

n turn, the crucial test qf the schema, as of any other conceptual device,

must lie in its performance: it must be judged by the value that it proves to

ave in enquiry and analysis. But any such judgement, we would then

uggest, will need to m eet two re quirem ents: first it must be made across the

ntire ran ge of applica tions in which the sch ema is involvedand, as will Be

18 Thus, it does not aim at responding to the question posed by Runciman (1990) of Howany classes are there? the only.sensible answer to which is, we would believe, As many as it

roves empirically useful to distinguish for the analytical purposes in hand. Even while

reserving the underlying idea of the schema that classes are to be defined in terms of

mploym ent relations, the differentiation of these, following the pattern of Figure 2 . 1 , could

bviously be much further extended, were there good reason to do so.

46 2 . Concepts, Data, and Strategies of Enquiry 2 . Concepts, Data, and Strategies of Enquiry 47

seen, these are ra ther diverse; and, secondly, it should be made in comparison

with what might be offered by the available alternatives.

D A T A

At the end of the previous chapter we argued that one major reason for the

unsatisfactory state of comparative mobility research is that data of the kind

that have be en typically utilized are seriously inadequate: in particular, theylackcomparability from one national case to anothe r, and indeed to such an

extent tha t one might question the value of basing any analysis upon them.

In this section we seek first of all to amplify this point and then to describe

how, for the purposes of the present work, we have attempted to generate

data to which greater reliability might attach.Until recently, most comparative research has been based on the published

results of national mobility enquiries: that is, on the results of these

enquiries as reported in books and journal articles. Such data are, of course,

readily accessed and , as their range has widened, they have offered temp ting

poss ibiliti es to the quantit ativ ely orient ed macrosociologis t. It w ould, none

the less, seem clear that with such data severe, and in fact largely intractable,

problems of compara bili ty are encounte red in (at leas t) two respec ts.

First, national enquiries, as might be expected, differ in many of the

technical details of their design and conduct: for examp le, in their precise

po pul atio n cov erage, in the ir sampling and weightin g pro cedures, in the

wording of questionnaire items, etc. In the literature to which we here refer,

such problems have in fact received little attention whether because it has

bee n brav ely, bu t unjustifi ably , assum ed that the y can be of no great

consequence or b ecause, in working with already processed data , what can

be done fo overcome the m is in any event very limi ted.

Secondly, as we have been concerned to emphasize above, mobility can

be studied from dif ferent con ceptua l sta ndp oin ts, and attem pts to ren der

these operatio nal in different national contexts have created great diversity

in the social categorizations by reference to which mobility has been d efined,

observed, and measured . In th e face of this difficulty, the stand ard practice

19 The most obvious extant alternatives are the two different class schema ta proposed by

Wright (1978, 1985) of an explicitly Marxist character (and see also the further comments of

interest in Wright, 1989b). We do not ourselves find the theoretical basis of either of these

sociologically convincing; and, furthermore, serious problems arise in implementing at least the

earlier version in intergeneiational mobility studies, since class allocation in part depends on

interview data on individuals' subjective assessments of their degree of authority and autonomy

in work, which are unlikely to be available for the parental generation. Ho wever, comparisons

made betw een the results of using our own and Wrights schemata across a range of issues in thefield of class analysis must form the m am basis of any com petitive evaluation (cf. Goldthorpe

1990: 406-9). In this respect, the major contribution thus far is that of Marshall and his

colleagues (Marshall et al:1988; Marshall and Rose 1990), which indicates that a version of the

class schema here used performs appreciably better in displaying a variety of class effects than

does either o f Wrights proposals.

Erikson y Goldthorpe - The Constant Flux Cap. 2

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