ENERGY TRANSFORMATION

Energy transformation or energy conversion is the process of changing one form of energy to

another. In physics, the term energy describes the capacity to produce certain changes within a

system, without regard to limitations in transformation imposed by entropy. Changes in total

energy of systems can only be accomplished by adding or subtracting energy from them, as

energy is a quantity which is conserved, according to the first law of thermodynamics. According

tospecial relativity, changes in the energy of systems will also coincide with changes in the

system's mass, and the total amount of mass of a system is a measure of its energy.

Energy in a system may be transformed so that it resides in a different state, or a different type of

energy. Energy in many states may be used to do many varieties of physical work. Energy may

be used in natural processes or machines, or else to provide some service to society (such as

heat, light, or motion). For example, an internal combustion engine converts the

potential chemical energy in gasoline and oxygen into heat, which is then transformed into the

propulsive energy (kinetic energy that moves a vehicle). A solar cell converts solar radiation into

electrical energy that can then be used to light a bulb or power a computer.

is electromagnetic energy that travels in transverse waves.

Example: 1

Radiant energy includes visible light, x-rays, gamma rays and radio waves. Light is one type of radiant energy. Sunshine is radiant energy, which provides the fuel and warmth that make life on Earth possible. 

Heat travels from the sun by a process called radiation. Radiation is the transfer of heat by electromagnetic waves. When infrared rays strike a material, the molecules in that material move faster. In addition to the sun, light bulbs, irons, and toasters radiate heat. When we feel heat around these items, however, we are feeling convection heat(warmed air molecules) rather than radiated heat since the heat waves strike and energize surrounding air molecules.

A light bulb changes the chemical energy of the bulb into electromagnetic radiation, or light. Which in return gets transformed into heat (have you ever touched a light bulb? ouch!).

When you heat up coffee in a microwave, you are transforming electromagnetic energy into heat.

The generic name for a device which converts energy from one form to another, is a transducer.

In general, most types of energy, save for thermal energy, may be converted efficiently to any other kind of energy. Sometimes this occurs with an efficiency of essentially 100% such as when potential energy is converted to kinetic energy as an object falls in vacuum, or when it orbits nearer or farther from another object, in space. Conversion of other types of energies to heat may also occurs with nearly perfect efficiency (many types of friction do this).

Exceptions for perfect conversion efficiency (even for isolated systems) occur when energy has already been partly distributed among many available quantum states for a collection of particles, which are freely allowed to explore any state of momentum and position (phase space). In such circumstances, a measure called entropy, or evening-out of energy distribution in such states, dictates that future states of the system must be of at least equal evenness in energy distribution. (There is no way, taking the universe as a whole, to collect energy into fewer states, once it has spread to them).

A consequence of this requirement is that there are limitations to the efficiency with which thermal energy can be converted to other kinds of energy, since thermal energy in equilibrium at a given temperature already represents the maximal evening-out of energy between all possible states. Such energy is sometimes considered "degraded energy," because it is not entirely usable. The second law of thermodynamics is a way of stating that, for this reason, thermal energy in a system may be converted to other kinds of energy with efficiencies approaching 100%, only if the entropy (even-ness or disorder) of the universe is increased by other means, to compensate for the decrease in entropy associated with the disappearance of the thermal energy and its entropy content. Otherwise, only a part of thermal energy may be converted to other kinds of energy (and thus, useful work), since the remainder of the heat must be reserved to be transferred to a thermal reservoir at a lower temperature, in such a way that the increase in Entropy for this process more than compensates for the entropy decrease associated with transformation of the rest of the heat into other types of energy.

Energy transformation or energy conversion is the process of changing one form of energy to another. In physics, the term energy describes the capacity to produce certain changes within a system, without regard to limitations in transformation imposed by entropy. Changes in total energy of systems can only be accomplished by adding or subtracting energy from them, as energy is a quantity which is conserved, according to the first law of thermodynamics. According tospecial relativity, changes in the energy of systems will also coincide with changes in the system's mass, and the total amount of mass of a system is a measure of its energy.

Energy in a system may be transformed so that it resides in a different state, or a different type of energy. Energy in many states may be used to do many varieties of physical work. Energy may be used in natural processes or machines, or else to provide some service to society (such as heat, light, or motion). For example, an internal combustion engine converts the potential chemical energy in gasoline and oxygen into heat, which is then transformed into the

propulsive energy (kinetic energy that moves a vehicle). A solar cell converts solar radiation into electrical energy that can then be used to light a bulb or power a computer.

The generic name for a device which converts energy from one form to another, is a transducer.

In general, most types of energy, save for thermal energy, may be converted efficiently to any other kind of energy. Sometimes this occurs with an efficiency of essentially 100% such as when potential energy is converted to kinetic energy as an object falls in vacuum, or when it orbits nearer or farther from another object, in space. Conversion of other types of energies to heat may also occurs with nearly perfect efficiency (many types of friction do this).

Exceptions for perfect conversion efficiency (even for isolated systems) occur when energy has already been partly distributed among many available quantum states for a collection of particles, which are freely allowed to explore any state of momentum and position (phase space). In such circumstances, a measure called entropy, or evening-out of energy distribution in such states, dictates that future states of the system must be of at least equal evenness in energy distribution. (There is no way, taking the universe as a whole, to collect energy into fewer states, once it has spread to them).

A consequence of this requirement is that there are limitations to the efficiency with which thermal energy can be converted to other kinds of energy, since thermal energy in equilibrium at a given temperature already represents the maximal evening-out of energy between all possible states. Such energy is sometimes considered "degraded energy," because it is not entirely usable. The second law of thermodynamics is a way of stating that, for this reason, thermal energy in a system may be converted to other kinds of energy with efficiencies approaching 100%, only if the entropy (even-ness or disorder) of the universe is increased by other means, to compensate for the decrease in entropy associated with the disappearance of the thermal energy and its entropy content. Otherwise, only a part of thermal energy may be converted to other kinds of energy (and thus, useful work), since the remainder of the heat must be reserved to be transferred to a thermal reservoir at a lower temperature, in such a way that the increase in Entropy for this process more than compensates for the entropy decrease associated with transformation of the rest of the heat into other types of energy.

Most of the sources of energy on Earth come from the Sun. Energy sources include:

• Non-renewable resources, such as fossil fuels (coal, petroleum (oil), natural gas,

and nuclear energy

Oil well Gasoline Natural gas Coal

• Renewable resources, such as solar, tidal, hydroelectric, wind, geothermal (heat

energy from Earth’s interior), and wood.

Solar energy Wind energy Hydroelectric energy Energy from wood

About Fossil Fuels:

Millions of years ago, fossil fuels formed from the remains of plants and

animals. Fossil fuels are rich in carbon and hydrogen and store energy from

the sun from the ancient past. Once the fossil fuels are used up, they cannot

be renewed, because they take a very long time to form.

The energy stored in fossil fuels is potential energy until the energy is released.

Fossil fuels are highly combustible and, therefore, have the potential to do work.

Our industrial society is very dependent on fossil fuels, a nonrenewable resource, as a major source of energy for

Examples of energy tranformation1- television~electrical energy-->light energy-->sound energy--

>heat energy 

2- .car~chemical energy-->mechanical energy-->Sound energy-->heat energy

3- Kinetic energy generated by the rubbing of our hands gets converted to heat energy.

4- Kinetic energy in winds gets converted to electrical energy in wind mills.

5- electrical energy in a bulb to heat energy and light energy

6- sun's energy into heat and electrical energy

7-by burning coal - chemican energy into heat and light energy

8- ball dropping from a slant - potentiol energy into kinetic energy

9- ansformation of kinetic energy of my mom's slap to heat energy on my cheek!! hehe...

10- A battery - chemical energy into electrical energy

11-A fan - electrical energy into mechanical energy

12- Water heater - electrical energy into thermal energy

or example, energy of food could be transformed in energy to play. Chemical energy from coal, oil, natural gas can be transformed into heat energy (process of burning the fuel). The heat energy can be converted into kinetic energy by gas turbines or into electrical energy by generators. 

 

Sun gives the grass thermal energy. The grass use it

to grow up and transform it to a chemical energy using the photosyntesis proces. Rabbit

eat the grass and use it as an energy source to grow up and to have power to run.

Hunting dogs like rabits, but they can run after them only if they have anough power to

do that. To have power dogs need to be feed.

 

 

If you turn on the power switch the electricity bulb will use the electricity power and will

transform in to light.

 

Bakarwal

The nomadic Gujjars and Bakerwals of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. In Jammu & Kashmir,

these nomadic people are cow/buffalo herders (esp. Gujjars) and goat/sheep herders (esp.

Bakharwals/dhangar). However, the two groups are very closely associated and intermarry, and

commonly referred to as the "Gujjars and Bakarwals." Photographed in Rajouri, Jammu &

Kashmir, India. Photo by Paul La Porte; fromhttp://laporte.uchicago.edu/india2.htm

Bakarwal (or Bakharwal) is

a nomadic tribe based in the Pir

Panjal andHimalayan mountains

of South Asia. They are

mainly goatherds and shepherds.

They are called as Dhangar in rest of

India.

Etymology

Bakarwal is derived from the Gojri/Urdu/Punjabi/Kashmiri/Dogri terms, Bakri/Bakar meaning

"goat/Sheep", and Wal meaning "one who takes care of". Essentially, the name "Bakarwal"

implies "high-altitude goatherds/shepherds".

The Bakarwals (Dhangars) belongs to the same ethnic stock as the Gujjars, and inter-marriages

freely take place among them.[1]Although, Bakarwals (Dhangars) have same gotra or clan like

Gujjars, many local shepherds, who may not necessarily belong to the community, are often

termed as Bakarwal.

Geographical distribution

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Bakarwals are spread throughout the northern part of the Himalayan Range. This includes the

states of Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab (India) in India. In Pakistan, Bakarwals are

found in the hilly northern parts of Punjab (Pakistan) as well as parts of the North West Frontier

Province.

In Jammu and Kashmir in India, Bakarwals are found in all three regions of the state including

Jammu (comprising the districts of Jammu, Kathua, Udhampur, Poonch, Rajouri and District),

the Kashmir Valley (comprising the districts

of Srinagar, Baramulla, Kupwara, Pulwama, Budgam and Anantnag) and Ladakh (comprising

the district of Ladakh and Kargil).

Bakarwal

Significant populations in:

Jammu and Kashmir, Uttarakhand,Himachal Pradesh, Punjab (India)

Language Gojri, Kashmiri, Urdu, Dogri.

dhangar.

Religion Islam, Hindu

In Pakistan, Bakarwals inhabit the Northern Areas (Gilgit, the Hunza Valley and Baltistan)

and Azad Kashmir (Mirpur and Muzaffarabad).

They are also found in the PRC controlled regions of the state, namely Aksai Chin and the

Shaksgam Valley.

Life

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Bakarwals lead a lonely and tough life in the high-altitude meadows of the Himalayas and the

Pir-Panjal. Every year, they take their sheep high into the mountains, above the tree-line to graze

in the lush meadows. It may take them as many as sixty days to reach these meadows. During the

summer, they move from one meadow to the other. They generally travel in pairs but sometimes

they may go alone or in larger groups (depending on how many sheep/goats need to be taken

care of). During this migration their whole family accompany with their sheep and goats.

They are accompanied by their dogs, the famous bhotia or bakarwal dogs, and their pack-

animals. The Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir Bimal Misri The glaciation in the Indian sub

continent continued for a long time. However, the formation of the Himalaya came into being

about 25 million years ago. After its formation, this great mountain system remained under

glaciers and sheets of snow and their melting continued till about 10,000 years ago. Since the

emergence of the Himalaya and the surrounding plains was a gradual process, the settlement of

human population in the Himalaya too was a slow exercise. The early settlers must have chosen

the outer Himalaya or the hills adjoining plains as their first abode. With the process of snow

melting they must have migrated above in the vertical fashion thereby creating Himalayan

settlements. The migration from one particular altitude to another above may have been

necessitated by various factors like availability of additional area and the inherent quest of the

human mind to explore and know new areas. It is, perhaps, because of these reasons that we find

human settlements in Himalaya right from Jammu (aft 350 m) to Changthang (aft 5200 m). The

accounts of human settlements in the Himalaya may have been lost in the antiquity, yet a fair

assumption can be made about the "recent" settlers. According to the recorded history of human

transhumance and settlement, the Aryans came into Himalayan pastures during 1500 BC

(Debenhem, 1977). By this time the Aryans of Central Asia had domesticated the horse and this

provided an unlimited mobility to the Aryans. When they observed the vast potential of the

Himalayan pastures, they migrated and initially settled here. Later, they spread to the plains and

the entire north western India came under influence of the Aryans. The migration of the Aryans

from top to down and the movement of original inhabitants from lower altitudes to higher ones

gave rise to a number of ethnic identities in the Himalaya. However, the influence of the Aryans

on transhumance and pastoralism, remained a dominant characteristic. The intermingling of the

Aryans and the native population gave rise to various ethnic identities in this area. Most of these

were initially pastoralists but later they took to settled agriculture. However, some of the

communities maintained their tradition and are still practising the migratory livestock rearing.

The most important communities are Gaddis, Bhotyas, Jahads, Changpas, Bakarwals and

Gujjars. This paper aims at presenting the findings of a survey undertaken on the Gujjarsof

districts of Jammu and Udhampur of Jammu and Kashmir state. 54

Anthropological aspects

Though nothing can be said with certainty about the origin and rise of the Guijars, it is evident

from various theories and hypothesis that they are an ancient tribe of India. mIt is, generally,

believed that these people migrated to India before 6th century AD from central Asia and settled

in Gujarat and Rajasthan. They are believed to be the descendants of the ancient Yuchis or

Kushans. During 7th century, a devastating drought occurred in Rajasthan and Gujarat and some

of the Gujjars migrated to the Shiwalik hills i.e; the outer Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh,

Haryana and other Himalayan areas. According to Cunningham, the noted explorer, the Gujjars

are prominently present in every part of the north western India from the Indus to Ganges and

from Hazara mountains to the peninsular Gujarat. In Jammu and Kashmir, numerically they are

the third largest ethnic group and are spread throughout Jammu and Kashmir. They are not found

in Ladakh but some of them migrate along with their flocks of sheep, goat and cattle to Dras area

of Ladakh.

Ethnicity

Initially the Gujjars were Hindus but during the rule of Mughal king Aurangazeb, most of them

converted to Islam but retained their Hindu gotras or subcastes. The common gotras are: Bhati,

Chandel, Chauhan, Baniya, Lodha, Bhensi, Chopra, Chechi, and Khatana. The Gujjars of Jammu

and Kashmir have also retained these gotras and marriage in the same gotra is strictly prohibited.

They speak a dialect which is different from Dogri and Kashmiri, the major languages of the

state.

Family set up

Traditionally the Gujjars believed, to an extent, in patriarchal family set up. The patriarchal

dominance is still existing but the extended family system has started diminishing. It is not

uncommon to find nucleus families now. The survey conducted in two districts of Jammu and

Udhampur revealed that 51.9 per cent families are still extended while 48 per cent families are

nucleus. The family pattern in various subcastes is presented in table 1.

Population structure

After the Independence of India, the occupational avenues have undergone a tremendous change.

With the spread of education and other amenities of life the traditional occupational structure has

considerably changed. The Gujjars who had been a nomadic tribe are extensively becoming

sedentary having a settle life. Though animal rearing is still practised, the arable agriculture has

also attained a prominence in the occupation of the Guijars. From the occupation point of view

the Gujjars of the area of study are divided into three main categories:

1. Dodhi (producing and trading milk and milk products)

2. Zamindar (practising arable agriculture along with livestock rearing)

3. Others (nomadic graziers and other professionals)

The population structure of GuJiars of Udhampur and Jammu districts is presented in tables 2

and 3. The survey revealed that in Udhampur the total number of the Gujjars is 43,101 out of

which males constitute 19,291 while there are 23,810 females constituting a sex ratio of 100:123.

In the entire district the number of Dodhis,Zamindars and others is 1,158, 37,744 and 199

respectively. In Jammu district also the pattem of population structure is almost identical. The

population is dominated by Zamindars who constitute 19,356 numbers, while Dodhis and others

are 3,379 and 387 respectively in number. The shift from nomadism to a settled life is

significantly higher in these districts. The situation in other districts of the state is almost similar.

After Independence, the"land to tiller" policy was adopted in the state and absentee landlordism

was abolished. Consequently the cost of land saw a sharp decline. The Gujjars, some of whom

werecultivators, became the owners of the land; others purchased the cheaply priced landsand

became Zamindars. The Govt. of Jammu and Kashmir also introduced the reservations for

Gujjars in educational and professional institutions and also in jobs.This had a significant effect

on the occupation of the Gujjar parents who wanted to stay along with their children pursuing

studies. Thus the nomadism started dying a gradual death; instead settled way of life became a

practice. However, the nomadic livestock rearing is still practised extensively by the Bakarwals

a tribe identical to the Gujjars who have descended from the same ancestry. The Gujjars in other

districts of the Jammu and Kashmir state, particularly in Kashmir, have also preferred to be

sedentary by migratory livestock rearing, still a significant occupation there. Livestock

rearing .All the categories of the Gujjars surveyed under this study are still practicing livestock

rearing. The Zamindars who own cultivable lands still possess a few buffaloes and cows. They

retain sufficient milk for their consumption and the surplus is sold to Dodhi Gujjars. The Dodhi

Gajjars on the contrary, are exclusively engaged in milk production. They, generally, do not own

large land holdings and buy the fodder from Zamindars. Their herd strength is much larger than

the Zamindars and they also collect milk from other producers in the area and sell this in the

neighbouring towns and cities. Any Dodhi who musters enough financial resources, ultimately,

buys land and becomesa Zamindar, a status symbol for the Gujjar. Herd strength ,The shift in

occupation has significantly effected the herd strength of the Gujjarsin the area. Dodhi Gujjars

who sustain on sedentary livestock rearing only prefer to possess maximum numbers of

buffaloes which could provide commercially viable quantities of milk. Since the demand of the

low fat milk is becoming popular in the urban areas, the Dodhis have to meet this demand by

providing the milk of cow. The average number of the animals owned by a Dodhi Gujjar is

presented in table 4. On an average, a Dodhi Gujjar in the area owns 10 buffaloes, 7 cows and 3

horses. The horses are used to pull the cart loaded with milk to the nearby urban areas. On the

contrary, the Zamindar Gujjar, who's basic occupation is the arable agriculture possesses, on an

average, 5 buffaloes and 3 cows only. He does not needhorses to cart the milk since his milk is

purchased by the Dodhi Gujjar. The other categories of the Gujjars have a very diverse herd

strength. Those who are settled inprofessions and have to lead a sedentary life possess 2-3

buffaloes and cows and the entire milk produced is used by the family. The nomadic people who

form a very insignificant proportion possess, on an average 4 buffaloes, 5 cows, 42 sheep and 40

goats per family. These Gujjars still practise the migratory system of animal rearing and their

herd strength remains almost static.Fodder requirements The age old tradition of livestock

rearing has influenced the sedentary system of livestock rearing of Gujjars who possess an

unparallel wisdom in this pursuit. Their standard daily feeding regime consists of feeding green

fodder @ 40, 25, 5, 8 and 30 kg per head of buffalo, cow, sheep, goat and horse, respectively.

Though the greenfodder is not available round the year the dry weight fed to the animals mostly

in the form of wheat straw is taken as an equivalent of 20 per cent of the green weight.

According to this calculation the total requirement of dry matter for 52 families of the area

amounts to 3,900 tonnes of dry matter. 58 Availability of fodder The fodder availability calendar

has been presented in table 5. According to the information gathered from various categories of

the Gujjars, it is evident that most of the Zamindars produce their own green fodder. During rabi

season the most preferred crop is berseem while during kharif, maize is cultivated as a fodder

crop. During the peak scarcity period in May-June when nothing green is available the

Zamindars feed the wheat straw produced at their own fields. The Zamindars may also mix

concentrates with the straw. As far as the Dodhi Gujjars are concerned, most of them cultivate

berseem from December to March. They purchase green fodder from April to August. However,

from June to August they mix the purchased green fodder with the straw produced at their fields

and feed the animals. From August to December most of the Dodhis have to purchase even the

wheat straw from the market. In order to maintain a continuous supply of milk and the animal

health, the Dodhis Gujjars invariably mix concentrates with the dry wheat straw for feeding the

animals. The "others" in the districts of Udhampur and Jammu have to purchase both green and

dry fodder. The nomadic ones still practise the migration and purchase wheat straw only for

buffaloes and cows during winter when they are at the lower altitudes. The purchased straw

forms a very little proportion of the feeding, most of which is provided by grazing in forest and

other areas.

Migration

The migratory grazier, who forms an insignificant proportion of the Gujjar populationof the

area, still practise the age old migration to subalpine and alpine pastures during summer. During

winter they stay in the Shiwaliks, i.e., the lower most hills adjoinin gplains and do not go beyond

the boundaries of the state as their ancestors used to do.59 The migration starts from Jammu by

the middle of February and the flocks reach Udhampur by end of February when the Gujjars of

Udhampur also start upward migration. The migratory route is almost parallel to the Jammu-

Srinagar national highway; however, up to Ramban they adopt a shorter route avoiding the

traffic hazards on the highway. From Ramban to Banihal they adopt the national highway as

their route but they make every effort to avoid the busy road. After crossing the Jawahar tunnel

they disperse and proceed towards the subalpine and alpine pastures which they have been using

for a long time. The most preferred migratory routes adopted hereafter are:

Lowermunda – Duru, - Pahalgam ,- Aru – Liderwat, - Kolahi Lowermunda, - Kulgam - Shopyan

,- Sedav – Aharbal, - Kongwattan – Konsemag,Lowemmunda – Srinagar,- Kangan - Sonmarg.

The grazing continues up to middle of September when the downward movement starts.

Grazing in highland pastures

The migratory flocks are accompanied by both male and female members of the family but the

females do not go beyond the subalpine areas where most of the Gujjars have constructed their

summer houses (mud huts). The women stay here till the return of flocks from alpine areas.

Buffaloes and cows are not taken for grazing in alpine areas and they remain here during

summer. The milk collected is converted into butter, ghee (clarified butter), cheese and milk

bread and these-are regularly sent down to the villages for sale. The pastures which have a larger

concentration of Gujjars are frequently visited by the traders who purchase these products and

take these down to the cities. There are no dwellings in the alpine areas and the graziers have to

brave the rains and cold climate in open, sitting under a rare tree or a rock cliff.Every flock of

sheep has 2-3 goats who act as guide for grazing. The sheep always follows the goat for

foraging. Besides the goats, every flock has 2-3 ferocious dogs who guard the sheep during

night. The night dwellings for the sheep and goat are well marked and can be easily identified

being a flat, circular patch of bald land. In most of the pastures the graziers earmark certain

grazing areas and do not use these nfor grazing. These preserved areas are opened for grazing

before downward migration. The Gujjars believe that grazing in these areas fattens the sheep and

goat and it helps in withstanding the arduous journey to the lower hills. The Gujjars are well

aware of the traditional herbal system of medication for animals. In case of a wound they

fumigate it with burning a common grass Stip asibirica. Similarly Thymus, Aconitum,

Podophylum, Plantago, Rhododendron, etc., are used for various ailments of livestock. A Gujjar

considers the summer time, when he is in subalpine or alpine pastures as the best. Though most

of them have converted to be sedentary settlers, still the older ones have a passion for migratory

grazing and a sojourn in alpine pasture during summer.

Raikas from Rajasthan

The Raikas is south Rajasthan have been known as camel experts for centuries. They belong to a pastoral caste who keep large herds of female camels for supplying work to various clienteles.

ILEIA Newsletter • 13 nº 2 • July 1997

Rai kas from RajasthanThe Raikas in the Pali district of south-central Rajasthan of western India have been known as camel experts for centuries. They belong to a pastoral caste who keep large herds of female camels for supplying work camels to various clienteles. Presently, the Raikas face complex problems which are undermining their subsistence base. At the root oftheir problems is the lack of grazing opportunities because  of an expansion in crop cultivation due to increased irrigation, shortening  of fallow, double cropping, etc. But deterioration and alienation of communally owned pastures, and closure of some of their traditional pasture areas for wildlife preserves and reforestation, are also important causes.

Selling camel milk was taboo, but with the help of the local spirit healer,  who sympathised with the idea, a breakthrough was reached

During the rainy season, when crops are grown, the camels have literally no place to go to. The only place left are the Aravalli forests which are also mostly ‘protected’, i.e. closed for grazing and are infested with flies which transmit diseases. The ensuing malnutrition predisposes camels to diseases, such as trypanosomiasis and mange, resulting in high adult mortality. Herd sizes have thus decreased - and since income is (mostly) a function of  herd size, camel breeding is no longer profitable. Another contributing factor, at least in the groups we are working with, is a lack ofinvestment in breeding bulls, so the quality of the camels produced has also deteriorated and this is reflected in the prices obtained.

The applied research project 'Camel Husbandry Improvement Project' aimed at a better understanding of the complex problems faced by the Raikas. To track the reproductive performance of individuate animals, ear-tagging was essential, but not popular. Of course the Raikas know their animals individually, but many animals have the same name in a herd and for the researcher this can create confusion. The practice of exchanging animals between herds on a temporary basis also created complications. However, lured by the promise of free prophylactic treatment for ‘trypanosomiasis’, eventually more families wanted to participate than the project could support.Problems of empowermentThere are many possible technical remedial measures that can be taken. Our diagnosis is that the traditional extensive management system, with the large herds that the Raikas are used to - and which worked well earlier when there was lots of  space - is no longer viable in the current scenario. We are now at a stage where project staff are trusted by theRaikas and are approached by them whenever livestock related problems arise. The major challenge, however, is to ‘empower’ the Raikas to take on these measures themselves. The community is run by the more conservative old men, and `committees' that could be responsible for innovations are alien to them. Another problem is that the young and able bodied men are too busy herding to want to attend meetings. This surfaced when the project was to make available a superior breeding bull,

and to avoid conflict, agreement was needed on how this benefit should be distributed and who would be responsible for selecting a good animal at the fair.

Surprising success

At some levels, however, change can happen astoundingly quickly. Only three years ago the idea of selling camel milk was total taboo. It was regarded as equivalent to ‘selling one’s son’, and Weal lore held that' hose who tried it met with great misfortune. The majority of Raikas were very reticent about it. We confided the problem to a local spirit healer, or Bhopa, who commanded great respect in the community. Sympathetic to the idea, this wise man furnished us with a few handfuls of wheat grains that he had endowed with a 'mantra' and told us to distribute them among the camel breeder as a token of his support for camel milk marketing. This was the breakthrough. Attitudes changed overnight. Within a few months, and assisted in the collection of the milk and arrangement of markets by the project, practically everybody became involved.

Having a daily or weekly cash income, instead of the yearly income from camel sales at the market in Pushkar, was a new experience for the Raikas. Especially the women took this up avidly, exponentially exceeding the indicators for participation and income increase that had been set by the funding agency. The project is now passing from the data collection stage to helping people with social and economic ‘empowerment’.The trust between the Raikas and the project is established and the veterinary support and marketing help is appreciated. But the dilemma of the development worker remains: How to find a balance between research and seeking ways of helping others without being intrusive or interfering in their lives?Ilse Köhler-Rollefson, League for Pastoral Peoples, Pragelatostr. 20, 64372 Ober-Ramstadt, Germany.Hanwant Singh Rathore, Lokhit Pashu-Palak Sansthan, Bhagwan Mahaveer Colony, Mundara Road, Sadri 306702, Pali District, Rajasthan, India.

 Maasai people

For the Apache warrior, see Massai. For the weekly Torah portion, see Masei (parsha). For the

surname, see Massé. For the billiards technique, see Glossary of cue sports terms#massé.

The Maasai 

(sometimes spelled "Masai" or "Masaai") are a Nilotic ethnic group of semi-nomadic people

located in Kenya and northern Tanzania. They are among the best known of African ethnic

groups, due to their residence near the many game parks of East Africa, and their distinctive

customs and dress.  They speak Maa (ɔl Maa),a member of the Nilo-Saharan language family

that is related to Dinka and Nuer, and are also educated in the official languages of Kenya and

Tanzania: Swahili and English. The Maasai population has been reported as numbering 841,622

in Kenya in the 2009 census,compared to 377,089 in the 1989 census.

The Tanzanian and Kenyan governments have instituted programs to encourage the Maasai to

abandon their traditional semi-nomadic lifestyle, but the people have continued their age-old

customs.Recently, Oxfam has claimed that the lifestyle of the Maasai should be embraced as a

response to climate change because of their ability to farm in deserts and scrublands. Many

Maasai tribes throughout Tanzania and Kenya welcome visits to their village to experience their

culture, traditions, and lifestyle.

History

Overview

The Maasai are a Nilotic group inhabiting the African Great Lakes region. Nilotes speak Nilo-

Saharan language, and came to Eastern Africa by way of South Sudan.[7] Most Nilotes in the

area, including the Maasai, the Samburu and the Kalenjin, are pastoralists, and are famous for

their fearsome reputations as warriors and cattle-rustlers.[7] As with the Bantu, the Maasai and

other Nilotes in Eastern Africa have adopted many customs and practices from the

neighboring Cushitic groups, including the age set system of social organization, circumcision,

and vocabulary terms.[8][9]

Origin, migration and assimilation

Maasai man

According to their own oral history, the Maasai originated from the lower Nile valley north

of Lake Turkana (Northwest Kenya) and began migrating south around the 15th century, arriving

in a long trunk of land stretching from what is now northern Kenya to what is now central

Tanzania between the 17th and late 18th century. Many ethnic groups that had already formed

settlements in the region were forcibly displaced by the incoming Maasai,[10] while other, mainly

southern Cushitic groups, were assimilated into Maasai society. The resulting mixture of Nilotic

and Cushitic populations also produced the Kalenjin and Samburu.[11]

Settlement in East Africa

The Maasai territory reached its largest size in the mid-19th century, and covered almost all of

the Great Rift Valley and adjacent lands from Mount Marsabit in the north to Dodoma in the

south.[12] At this time the Maasai, as well as the larger Nilotic group they were part of, raised

cattle as far east as the Tanga coast in Tanganyika (now mainland Tanzania). Raiders used spears

and shields, but were most feared for throwing clubs (orinka) which could be accurately thrown

from up to 70 paces (appx. 100 metres). In 1852, there was a report of a concentration of 800

Maasai warriors on the move in what is now Kenya. In 1857, after having depopulated the

"Wakuafi wilderness" in what is now southeastern Kenya, Maasai warriors

threatened Mombasa on the Kenyan coast.[13][14]

Maasai warriors in German East Africa, c. 1906-1918.

Because of this migration, the Maasai are the southernmost Nilotic speakers. The period of

expansion was followed by the Maasai "Emutai" of 1883-1902. This period was marked by

epidemics of contagious bovine pleuropneumonia, rinderpest and smallpox. The estimate first

put forward by a German lieutenant in what was then northwest Tanganyika, was that 90 percent

of cattle and half of wild animals perished from rinderpest. German doctors in the same area

claimed that "every second" African had a pock-marked face as the result of smallpox. This

period coincided with drought. Rains failed completely in 1897 and 1898.[15]

The Austrian explorer Oscar Baumann travelled in Maasai lands in 1891-1893, and described the

old Maasai settlement in the Ngorongoro Crater in the 1894 book Durch Massailand zur

Nilquelle ("Through the lands of the Maasai to the source of the Nile"): "There were women

wasted to skeletons from whose eyes the madness of starvation glared ... warriors scarcely able

to crawl on all fours, and apathetic, languishing elders. Swarms of vultures followed them from

high, awaiting their certain victims." By one estimate two-thirds of the Maasai died during this

period.[16]

Starting with a 1904 treaty,[17] and followed by another in 1911, Maasai lands in Kenya were

reduced by 60 percent when the British evicted them to make room for settler ranches,

subsequently confining them to present-day Kajiado and Narok districts.[18] Maasai in

Tanganyika (now mainland Tanzania) were displaced from the fertile lands between Mount

Meru and Mount Kilimanjaro, and most of the fertile highlands near Ngorongoro in the 1940s.[19]

[20] More land was taken to create wildlife reserves and national parks: Amboseli, Nairobi

National Park, Masai Mara, Samburu, Lake Nakuru and Tsavo in Kenya;

and Manyara,Ngorongoro, Tarangire[21] and Serengeti in what is now Tanzania.

Maasai are pastoralist and have resisted the urging of the Tanzanian and Kenyan governments to

adopt a more sedentary lifestyle. They have demanded grazing rights to many of the national

parks in both countries.

The Maasai people stood against slavery and lived alongside most wild animals with an aversion

to eating game and birds. Maasai land now has East Africa's finest game areas. Maasai society

never condoned traffic of human beings, and outsiders looking for people to enslave avoided the

Maasai.[22]

Though the Maasai people stood against slavery and the traffic of humans beings, they were able

to conquer such large areas of land by displacing the people who had previously lived in the area.

Essentially there are twelve geographic sectors of the tribe, each one having its own customs,

appearance, leadership and dialects. These subdivisions are known as the Keekonyokie, Damat,

Purko, Wuasinkishu, Siria, Laitayiok, Loitai, Kisonko, Matapato, Dalalekutuk, Loodokolani and

Kaputiei

Culture

Maasai warriors confronting a spotted hyena, a common livestock predator, as photographed

in In Wildest Africa (1907)

Maasai society is strongly patriarchal in nature, with elder men, sometimes joined by retired

elders, deciding most major matters for each Maasai group. A full body of oral law covers many

aspects of behaviour. Formal execution is unknown, and normally payment in cattle will settle

matters. An out-of-court process is also practiced called 'amitu', 'to make peace', or 'arop', which

involves a substantial apology. The Maasai are monotheistic, worshipping a single deity

called Enkai or Engai. Engai has a dual nature: Engai Narok (Black God) is benevolent, and

Engai Nanyokie (Red God) is vengeful.The "Mountain of God", Ol Doinyo Lengai, is located in

northernmost Tanzania. The central human figure in the Maasai religious system is the laibon

who may be involved in: shamanistic healing, divination and prophecy, and ensuring success in

war or adequate rainfall. Whatever power an individual laibon had was a function of personality

rather than position.[31] Many Maasai have become Christian, and to a lesser extent, Muslim. The

Maasai are known for their intricate jewelry.

Maasai people and huts with enkang barrier in foreground - eastern Serengeti, 2006

A high infant mortality rate among the Maasai has led to babies not truly being recognized until

they reach an age of 3 moons, ilapaitin.For Maasai living a traditional life, the end of life is

virtually without ceremony, and the dead are left out for scavengers.A corpse rejected by

scavengers (mainly spotted hyenas, which are known as Ondilili or Oln'gojine in the Maasai

language) is seen as having something wrong with it, and liable to cause social disgrace;

therefore, it is not uncommon for bodies to be covered in fat and blood from a

slaughtered ox. Burial has in the past been reserved for great chiefs, since it is believed to be

harmful to the soil.

Traditional Maasai lifestyle centres around their cattle which constitute their primary source of

food. The measure of a man's wealth is in terms of cattle and children. A herd of 50 cattle is

respectable, and the more children the better. A man who has plenty of one but not the other is

considered to be poor. A Maasai religious belief relates that God gave them all the cattle on

earth, leading to the belief that rustling cattle from other tribes is a matter of taking back what is

rightfully theirs, a practice that has become much less common.

Social organization

Young Maasai warrior (a junior Moran) with headdress and markings

The central unit of Maasai society is the age-set. Young boys are sent out with the calves and

lambs as soon as they can toddle, but childhood for boys is mostly playtime, with the exception

of ritual beatings to test courage and endurance. Girls are responsible for chores such as cooking

and milking, skills which they learn from their mothers at an early age. Every 15 years or so, a

new and individually named generation of Morans or Il-murran (warriors) will be initiated. This

involves most boys between 12 and 25, who have reached puberty and are not part of the

previous age-set. One rite of passage from boyhood to the status of junior warrior is a

painful circumcision ceremony, which is performed without anaesthetic. This ritual is typically

performed by the elders, who use a sharpened knife and makeshift cattle hide bandages for the

procedure. The Maa word for circumcision is emorata. The boy must endure the operation in

silence. Expressions of pain bring dishonor, albeit temporarily. Any exclamations can cause a

mistake in the delicate and tedious process, which can result in lifelong scarring, dysfunction,

and pain. The healing process will take 3–4 months, during which urination is painful and nearly

impossible at times, and boys must remain in black clothes for a period of 4–8 months.

During this period, the newly circumcised young men will live in a "manyatta", a "village" built

by their mothers. The manyatta has no encircling barricade for protection, emphasizing the

warrior role of protecting the community. No inner kraal is built, since warriors neither own

cattle nor undertake stock duties. Further rites of passage are required before achieving the status

of senior warrior, culminating in the eunoto ceremony, the "coming of age".

Maasai flag

When a new generation of warriors is initiated, the existing Il-murran will graduate to become

junior elders, who are responsible for political decisions until they in turn become senior

elders. This graduation from warrior to junior elder takes place at large gathering known as

Eunoto. The long hair of the former warriors is shaved off; elders must wear their hair short.

Warriors are not allowed to have sexual relations with circumcised women, though they may

take girlfriends from among the uncircumcised girls. At Eunoto, the warriors who managed to

abide by this rule are specially recognized.

TEN GREAT SCIENTIST

Girl Child

Women are the receiving end in Indian society. They are will treated or tortured at every stage. A girl child is in bondage from her very childhood. She is under constant, vigil First by the parents, then her husband and finally her own children. Not only that, she is often condemned to death even before she is born. This is called female killing in the womb itself.

In ancient India the birth of a girl child was hailed as auspicious. An old Indian proverb lies down that a home without a daughter is like a body without soul. The coming of a daughter in the house was compared with the advent of Laxmi, the Goddess of wealth and Saraswati, the Goddess of fine arts. The usual blessing of a father at the time of his daughter’s marriage was: “May you excel in learning and public speaking”. No ceremony was considered complete without presence of women. The belief was that “No hone is complete without a woman.”

The situation, however drastically changed during the Middle Ages when Idnia was subjected to frequently foreign invasions. The invaders botty also comprised of women suffered badly, infanticide and ‘Purdah’ became prevalent. Sending a girl to school became risky. There was, therefore, sudden decline in female literacy and the position of women in society. This tradition lasting till today and the killing of fetus is started with a boom.

The problem of female fetus is widespread in urban centers. With the help of new techniques it has become possible to determine the sex of the unborn baby or the fetus, and if it is found to be a girl child than, this is followed by abortion. Clinics offering such service have come up all over the country.

There are severing laws against the misuse of parental diagnostic techniques, which are meant only for detecting abnormalities in the unborn infant. The doctors, however, violate this law. Not a single case has been field so far under the law, which forbids such an unethical practice.

To day, the problem is quite widespread in the northern states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajastan. There are pockets of Tamilnadu where killing a girl child is practiced traditionally. The tribes, the Toda, The Kallar and the Gounder, earlier lived in war zones are facing torture of army solider. They started to kill the girl child in order to keep the population of women down and thus save them from rape by invading armies. In Rajasthan also, a girl child is looked upon as a curse because her father has to lie low before the father of boy at the time of match finding.

Upon attaining puberty, a girl is considered to be a security risk, a likely source of trouble for the family’s honor and reputation. Then there are economic reasons for her killing. She is a liability for her parents from the cradle ceremony to the marriage. There has been not let up in the dowry system, which breaks the back of the parents. She is got rid of in order to save the family properly from partition. In some communities there is a dirty superstition that is a daughter is killed, the next child will be a son. In China also, the eldest male child inherits

the property look upon the male child as their protector and supporter in old age. This gender-bias leads to the killing of girl child.

The greatest tragedy is that women themselves permit the death of their daughters as mercy killing. Unwanted baby girls are often left on the road or in the maternity homes at night> This is due to the unhealthy sex before marriage or due to the husband of may died, who is the only source to take of her and her baby. This unhealthy practice has caused great imbalance in the ratio of boys and girls in several states and communities. To prevent this situation we must provide proper education and the laws, that are presently could not trap the criminal, should be strict. So those, all the person who are engaged in this child infanticide crime, think twice before doing it.