Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences...

43
Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism: Planning a Public Health Response BRADLEY D. STEIN, TERRI L. TANIELIAN, DAVID P. EISENMAN, DONNA J. KEYSER, M. AUDREY BURNAM, and HAROLD A. PINCUS RAND Corporation; University of Southern California; University of California, Los Angeles; University of Pittsburgh Millions of dollars have been spent improving the public health system’s bioter- rorism response capabilities. Yet relatively little attention has been paid to precisely how the public will respond to bioterrorism and how emotional and behavioral responses might complicate an otherwise successful response. This article synthesizes the available evidence about the likely emotional and be- havioral consequences of bioterrorism to suggest what decision makers can do now to improve that response. It examines the emotional and behavioral impact of previous “bioterrorism-like” events and summarizes interviews with experts who have responded to such events or conducted research on the effects of com- munitywide disasters. The article concludes by reflecting on the evidence and experts’ perspectives to suggest actions to be taken now and future policy and research priorities. T he importance of preparing our nation to counter and respond effectively to terrorist threats has been ev- ident since the attacks of September 11, 2001. Of particular concern is the possibility of terrorist attacks involving chemical, bio- logical, radiological, or nuclear weapons (CBRN) (Gilmore Commission 2002). Organized terrorist groups (such as al-Qaeda) have tried to ob- tain or develop CBRN weapons and have publicly proclaimed that they Address correspondence to: Bradley D. Stein, RAND, 1700 Main Street, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 (e-mail: [email protected]). The Milbank Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 3, 2004 (pp. 413–55) c 2004 Milbank Memorial Fund. Published by Blackwell Publishing. 413

Transcript of Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences...

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequencesof Bioterrorism: Planning a PublicHealth Response

BRADLEY D. STEIN, TERRI L . TANIELIAN,DAVID P. E ISENMAN, DONNA J . KEYSER,M. AUDREY BURNAM, and HAROLD A. PINCUS

RAND Corporation; University of Southern California;University of California, Los Angeles; University of Pittsburgh

Millions of dollars have been spent improving the public health system’s bioter-rorism response capabilities. Yet relatively little attention has been paid toprecisely how the public will respond to bioterrorism and how emotional andbehavioral responses might complicate an otherwise successful response. Thisarticle synthesizes the available evidence about the likely emotional and be-havioral consequences of bioterrorism to suggest what decision makers can donow to improve that response. It examines the emotional and behavioral impactof previous “bioterrorism-like” events and summarizes interviews with expertswho have responded to such events or conducted research on the effects of com-munitywide disasters. The article concludes by reflecting on the evidence andexperts’ perspectives to suggest actions to be taken now and future policy andresearch priorities.

The importance of preparing our nation tocounter and respond effectively to terrorist threats has been ev-ident since the attacks of September 11, 2001. Of particular

concern is the possibility of terrorist attacks involving chemical, bio-logical, radiological, or nuclear weapons (CBRN) (Gilmore Commission2002). Organized terrorist groups (such as al-Qaeda) have tried to ob-tain or develop CBRN weapons and have publicly proclaimed that they

Address correspondence to: Bradley D. Stein, RAND, 1700 Main Street, SantaMonica, CA 90407-2138 (e-mail: [email protected]).

The Milbank Quarterly, Vol. 82, No. 3, 2004 (pp. 413–55)c© 2004 Milbank Memorial Fund. Published by Blackwell Publishing.

413

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414 Bradley D. Stein et al.

consider obtaining them to be a religious duty (Lumpkin 2001), but theyhave not yet demonstrated the capability to effectively acquire, create,or use them. Nonetheless, CBRN weapons remain a substantial concernbecause of their potential to cause widespread death and destruction.

Terrorism using biological weapons is of particular concern becausesmall quantities of biological agents can kill or seriously injure largenumbers of people. However, even if there are few casualties, theseweapons can have serious and extensive psychological, economic, andpolitical consequences (Gilmore Commission 2002). Recognizing thethreat posed by bioterrorism, the federal government has allocated morethan $4 billion to states and communities to improve the public healthresponse to a bioterrorist attack (Gilmore Commission 2002).

Biological terrorism is likely to differ from conventional terrorism,such as a bombing or hijacking, on a number of dimensions, as illustratedin Table 1. Given these differences, we might also expect differences inthe emotional and behavioral impact of bioterrorism compared withthat of other types of terrorist events. For example, the unfamiliarity ofbiological weapons, the uncertainty in determining whether an attackhas occurred and the scope of that attack, and the possibility of contagionand of being an unknowing victim of the attack may heighten the levelof fear and anxiety associated with a bioterrorist attack (Alexander andKlein 2003; Demartino 2002; Holloway et al. 1997).

But precisely how the public will respond to a bioterrorist event is un-clear. Some people are concerned that the demand for health care servicesby the “worried well”—individuals without an organic etiology of theirsymptoms (Bartholomew and Wessely 2002)—will overwhelm healthresources, even in the event of a very small bioterrorist attack. Basedon prior terrorist events such as the sarin gas attacks in Tokyo in 1995,the U.S. Department of Defense estimates that an attack from a CBRNweapon would produce five psychological casualties for every one physi-cal casualty (Warwick 2001); other estimates of the ratio of psychologicalcasualties to physical casualties range from 4 to 1 to as high as 50 to 1(Demartino 2002). Some experts recommend planning for widespreadpublic panic, whereas others believe that such expectations are misguided(Glass and Schoch-Spana 2002; Pastel 2001; Schoch-Spana 2000). We donot understand under what circumstances people’s emotional reactionswill differ. These emotional reactions can range from common distressresponses such as fear and anxiety to full-blown psychiatric disorders(Institute of Medicine 2003). Nor can we now confidently predict how

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TABLE 1Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of Terrorism

Other FormsBioterrorism of Terrorisma

Speed at which attackresults in effect

Delayed and/orprolonged

Immediate

Site of attack Unknownb SpecificKnowledge of attack

boundaries or scopeScope or boundaries

unknownUsually well understood

Distribution ofaffected patients

Geographicallydispersed, particularlyin event of human-to-human transmission ofdisease

Usually in aconcentrated area

First responders Physicians, nurses,public health officials

Police, fire, EMS

Decontamination ofvictims andenvironment

Geographically dispersed Confined environment

Isolation/quarantine Required fortransmittable diseases

Not usually necessary

Medical interventions Antibiotics, vaccines Trauma, first aid,antidotes

aOther forms of terrorism include the use of explosives or other kinetic events, as well as chemical,radiological, and nuclear terrorism.bUnless authorities are informed about the site of the attack.

individuals’ behavioral reactions to a bioterrorist attack (e.g., seekinghealth care services) may complicate planned public health responses.

This article synthesizes the available evidence about the psychologicalconsequences associated with a bioterrorist event to suggest steps thatdecision makers can take now to improve their response and to iden-tify the research questions that must be addressed to better prepare thenation to cope with such events. We begin by examining a range ofpsychological consequences of previous bioterrorist-like events for var-ious populations. We categorized these psychological consequences asemotional consequences and behavioral consequences. Emotional conse-quences include clinical psychiatric disorders like posttraumatic stressdisorder (PTSD), in which individuals display the full constellation of

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416 Bradley D. Stein et al.

symptoms and impairment required by clinicians to make a diagnosis.Emotional consequences also include less severe generalized distress andanxiety as well as symptoms of psychiatric disorders that may not meetclinical diagnostic criteria. Behavioral consequences cover such actionsas seeking medical services; increasing one’s use of tobacco, alcohol, orillicit drugs; avoiding an area; or evacuating a community. Next, wesummarize our interviews with experts who have conducted research oncommunitywide trauma and disaster victims or have designed and imple-mented psychological response strategies for such events. We concludeby reflecting on the evidence and the experts’ perspectives to suggestactions to be taken now and to recommend future research and policypriorities.

Methods

We conducted a literature and Web site review from November 2001 toJuly 2002 to collect information about the psychological consequencesof communitywide trauma from manmade, technological, or other ter-rorist disasters or incidents, such as large-scale terrorist events (e.g., theWorld Trade Center bombing, 1993; the Oklahoma City federal build-ing bombing, 1995; and the September 11 attacks on the Pentagonand the World Trade Center, 2001). We also looked for informa-tion about feared and actual chemical attacks (e.g., Israel SCUD mis-sile, 1994; Tokyo sarin gas, 1995). The intentional nature of many ofthese events is comparable to bioterrorism, although many are differ-ent in other respects, such as uncertainty of exposure, as highlighted inTable 1. Our key word search terms included psychological consequences oftrauma, terrorism, bioterrorism, biological warfare, and disasters. We also listrelevant references that have come to our attention since the originalreview.

We searched for studies of known events with one or more of theaspects of bioterrorism identified in Table 1 that were not associatedwith terrorism, such as outbreaks of infectious disease (e.g., the severeacute respiratory syndrome [SARS] epidemic in 2003 and the earlydays of HIV/AIDS) and industrial events (e.g., the nuclear meltdownat Three Mile Island, Pennsylvania, in 1979). These events differ frombioterrorism in that they were unintentional, but they are better ana-logues of bioterrorism in regard to their uncertainty of exposure than are

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 417

many communitywide disasters. Our team members also read articlesand books from conference proceedings and reference lists. We reviewedthe titles and abstracts of all relevant sources for articles, book chapters,and reports.

To complement the literature review, we interviewed (1) expertswith clinical and research experience assessing and responding to theemotional and behavioral consequences of terrorism and disasters and(2) senior policy and operational decision makers with expertise and ex-perience in devising and implementing disaster and terrorism responseplans and strategies. We found the interviewees through the literature(e.g., if they had published widely on the topic) or on the basis of theirposition (e.g., if they were in a position charged with responding to adisaster). The RAND Human Subject Protection Committee reviewedand approved all our study procedures.

These semistructured interviews were designed to explore the chal-lenges of managing emotional and behavioral issues resulting frombioterrorism and to examine how these might differ systematically fromthose of other types of terrorist events. We also asked about additionalresources, tools, and strategies that might be needed at local and statelevels to prepare for and respond adequately to bioterrorism.

We asked those interviewees with clinical and research experience tocomment on (1) whether the psychological effects of bioterrorism mightdiffer from the effects of other terrorist events, and what these differencesmight be; (2) to what extent the available data and earlier studies mightallow experts to predict the emotional and behavioral consequences of abioterrorist attack; (3) whether they believed the emotional or behavioralconsequences of a bioterrorist attack might be different for populationsnot in close geographic proximity to the attack and what these differencesmight be; (4) whether preparedness strategies for bioterrorism needed tobe different from strategies for other traumatic or terrorist events and,if so, how; and (5) what the most important advice they could give tosenior operational decision makers would be regarding the capacities,preparation, acute response, and long-term response for managing thepsychological aspects of bioterrorism.

We asked senior policy and operational decision makers to discuss(1) the current status of federal, state, and local plans to address theemotional and behavioral effects of terrorism; (2) any critical gaps inbioterrorism preparedness; (3) differences between the responses to ter-rorism and those to bioterrorism; and (4) the information that they would

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need to respond adequately to bioterrorism, as well as the informationmost needed by the public.

Results

Literature Review

Our literature review yielded little empirical information about the emo-tional and behavioral consequences of bioterrorism. We found no em-pirical studies examining the emotional and behavioral consequencesof actual bioterrorism events for directly exposed individuals, and fewempirical studies of the emotional and behavioral consequences of bioter-rorism for other populations.

Given the lack of terrorism-specific empirical data, we then looked atempirical studies of other events to help us understand and predict theemotional and behavioral consequences of bioterrorism. We organizedour findings according to the different populations commonly identifiedin the trauma field (Norris 2001):

• Direct victims, who have suffered an injury, trauma, or other de-structive result from an event (Frederick 1987).

• The general public, whose exposure to an event is most commonlythrough the media—TV, radio, newspapers, and the Internet—aswell as through conversations with family and friends.

• First responders, such as police, firefighters, or emergency medicaltechnicians, whose occupations require them to respond to the needsof those exposed to a disaster.

• Vulnerable populations, who may be more susceptible to the emo-tional and behavioral consequences of a disaster as a result ofpredisposing personal characteristics, such as children (Flynn andNelson 1998), those with preexisting psychological problems(Kessler et al. 1999; North et al. 1999), and those with physicaldisabilities (Orr and Pitman 1999).

Some characteristics of bioterrorism may influence the compositionof these groups. Uncertainty about exposure to a biological agent andwhether one was directly exposed is likely to increase fear and anxietyamong the general public. Similar to what may happen in some chemical

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events, this uncertainty may occur even in situations with low levels ofexposure and not only in the early phases of an attack but even formonths or years after an attack (Hyams, Murphy, and Wessely 2002).The risk of emotional and behavioral consequences for these individualsmay mirror those of victims for whom exposure is documented. Similarly,the first responders to a bioterrorist event are likely to encompass morethan the traditional emergency response community (fire, emergencymedical service [EMS] personnel, police, search and rescue), to includehospital emergency department personnel, primary care physicians, andothers working in the public health care system (Benedek, Holloway, andBecker 2002). In fact, if a covert release of a biological agent does notimmediately result in symptoms, the traditional first responders may notbe called, and the first responders would be mainly health care workers(Gilmore Commission 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002). In a covert bioterroristattack during which the first indication of the event is the increasedpresentation of affected individuals at health care facilities, health careworkers may initially have the highest morbidity rates, as was observedin health care workers in China and other countries in Asia following theoutbreak of SARS (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2003).

Much of the literature we reviewed provides a theoretical or conceptualdiscussion of the psychological consequences of disasters and terrorism,comments on the resources and strategies needed to prepare for theemotional and behavioral consequences of terrorism and disasters, ordescribes the emotional and behavioral sequelae in victim populations,with a heavy emphasis on assessing symptoms of PTSD in various victimpopulations. The assessment of disorders such as PTSD offers usefulinformation for predicting the early and longer-term clinical mentalhealth needs of affected populations. This literature does not, however,offer much information about other emotional and behavioral responsesand their effect on functioning. Such information would be useful forplanning early large-scale intervention strategies and predicting howthe majority of people, who are unlikely to develop clinical psychiatricdisorders such as PTSD, would respond to a bioterrorist event.

The following tables highlight our findings from empirical stud-ies of the major emotional and behavioral consequences for each vic-tim group associated with three types of large-scale trauma: mass vio-lence/conventional terrorism, industrial events/chemical terrorism, andinfectious disease outbreaks. The tables are organized by victim popula-tion and type of event. Table 2 lists examples of studies that examined

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420 Bradley D. Stein et al.

emotional and behavioral consequences for direct victims; Tables 3 and4 describe these issues in the general population and first responders,respectively; and Table 5 focuses on two large vulnerable populations,children and individuals with drug and alcohol problems.

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences for Direct Victims. Research ondisasters has found that mass violence is the most psychologically dis-turbing type of disaster. One review suggested that as many as two-thirdsof those directly exposed are psychologically impaired to some degree(Beaton and Murphy 2002). As Table 2 explains, those directly exposedto mass violence and conventional terrorism experience a wide rangeof emotional and behavioral consequences, such as clinical PTSD, post-traumatic stress symptoms that do not meet the criteria for PTSD, otheranxiety disorders, depression, and substance use problems. The docu-mented prevalence of such problems varies widely for different eventsand may be attributed to differences in study methodologies (includingscreening methods and timing), as well as to differences in the popu-lations studied and the traumatic events. Most studies screen victimsto identify symptoms of posttraumatic stress and to determine whetherthe victims meet the criteria for PTSD. The severity of symptoms maynot meet the criteria for some victims at the first screening, but if leftuntreated, these symptoms may become more severe in the followingmonths and thus meet the criteria later.

Technological and industrial events and terrorism using chemicalagents may also be important analogues of a bioterrorist event, but theydiffer from bioterrorism in important ways. Because these events are notintentional, they are likely to generate less fear and anxiety. Terroristattacks using chemical agents do not present the same risk of contagionas many bioterrorist events do. In many cases, individuals in close geo-graphic proximity to the event may also depend on the source of thedisaster for jobs and for economic support of the region. Despite thesedifferences, studies show that even several years after these events, manypeople continue to have emotional distress and physical (e.g., somatic)symptoms unrelated to the amount of exposure.

Reports of the emotional and behavioral reactions by persons affectedby SARS and botulism may also inform expectations for likely reactionsto bioterrorism, including the need for psychosocial interventions torelieve anxiety and depression. Before much is known about a novelinfection, such as SARS or HIV/AIDS, those victims directly exposed andthose thought to be potential vectors may also be stigmatized (Blendon

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ere

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posu

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indi

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mpt

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for

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ere

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eli

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ctly

rela

ted

toex

posu

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.g.,

thro

at,s

kin,

inha

lati

on).

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ehi

ghly

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sed

grou

p,th

ose

wit

hem

otio

nald

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ess

wer

esi

gnif

ican

tly

mor

eli

kely

toha

veph

ysic

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mpt

oms

that

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appe

arto

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used

byex

posu

reto

the

chem

ical

.Em

otio

nal

dist

ress

was

also

sign

ific

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late

dto

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mpt

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inin

divi

dual

sw

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lyin

term

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vels

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posu

reto

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chem

ical

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Day

alet

al.1

994

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nga

sat

tack

inTo

kyo

subw

ay,M

arch

1995

.M

ore

than

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divi

dual

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peri

ence

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me

degr

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sure

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ely

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ught

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edto

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gas

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nsid

ered

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holo

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ies.

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yof

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ein

volv

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this

atta

cksu

ffer

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me

phys

ical

sym

ptom

sor

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iona

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acti

ons

for

atle

ast

one

year

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gth

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tack

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mur

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roxi

mat

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dual

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low

ing

the

sari

nat

tack

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mat

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ptom

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xm

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tim

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the

sari

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inue

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rror

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inci

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ost

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mon

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epr

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ms

and

depr

esse

dm

ood.

Kaw

ana,

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mat

su,a

ndK

anda

2001

Page 12: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

424 Bradley D. Stein et al.T

AB

LE

2—C

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a,Il

lino

is,O

ctob

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83.

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ing

smal

l-gr

oup

disc

ussi

ons

(int

ende

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rin

form

atio

nsh

arin

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2003

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and

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etal

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3

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Susp

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thra

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AD

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pose

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com

pare

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ith

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atch

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2003

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 425

and Donelan 1988; Gostin, Bayer, and Fairchild 2003), which in turnmay intensify the emotional consequences of the disorder.

To date, there have been few bioterrorist events, and no empiricallybased articles documenting the emotional and behavioral reactions ofdirect victims of bioterrorist events, including the populations exposedand treated during the anthrax attacks in the fall of 2001 in the UnitedStates. One study did report on emotional reactions following a hoaxevent in South Wales and found that individuals had significantly moresymptoms of anxiety immediately following the hoax (Mason and Lyons2003).

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences for the General Population. Table 3shows how large catastrophic events, similar to a bioterrorist event, affectthe general population.

Before September 11, 2001, the only study of how intentional massviolence or conventional terrorism affected the public examined the ef-fects of the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City in April1995. It documented posttraumatic stress symptoms among residentswho did not hear, see, or feel the explosion.

Studies conducted in the immediate aftermath of the September 11terrorist attacks discovered a range of emotional and behavioral reactions,both in the cities where the attacks occurred and across the country.Subsequent surveys found a decrease in the prevalence of more severeemotional distress reactions in the general public (Silver et al. 2002;Stein et al. 2004) but also noted changes in health-related behaviors, suchas a persistent increase in the use of cigarettes, alcohol, and marijuanain New York (Vlahov et al. 2004) and an increase in missed doses andsuboptimal doses of antiretroviral therapies in HIV-positive men in NewYork City (Halkitis et al. 2003).

Several studies have followed community members in surroundingareas after industrial events (e.g., unintentional releases of hazardouschemical or radioactive substances) and could be helpful in understand-ing the emotional and behavioral consequences for persons geographi-cally distant from an event. These studies found that at the time of anevent, many individuals may be fearful, anxious, and present for screen-ing related to the noxious agent. In at least one event (e.g., the Chernobylnuclear disaster in the Soviet Union in 1986), the emotional impact maypersist for years, manifested as a higher rate of depression and mooddisorders (Havenaar et al. 1997).

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426 Bradley D. Stein et al.

TA

BL

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 427

Fiv

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ch19

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Page 16: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

428 Bradley D. Stein et al.

TA

BL

E3—

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tinu

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inth

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high

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pose

d.

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enaa

ret

al.1

997

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iolo

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iden

tin

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ania

,Bra

zil,

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ere

actu

ally

expo

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ptom

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andi

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ent

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ital

s:43

%w

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iden

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chol

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ties

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tido

tefo

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ich

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.199

2

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 429

Dur

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the

peri

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port

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the

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rael

ipop

ulat

ion.

Lom

ranz

etal

.199

4

Sari

nga

sat

tack

inTo

kyo

subw

ay,M

arch

1995

.M

ore

than

4,50

0in

divi

dual

sfr

omth

eTo

kyo

popu

lati

onw

ere

labe

led

“psy

chol

ogic

alca

sual

ties

”be

caus

eth

eypr

esen

ted

wit

hph

ysic

alsy

mpt

oms

unre

late

dto

dire

ctex

posu

reto

the

sari

nga

s.It

isno

tkn

own

how

man

yw

ere

atth

esu

bway

atth

eti

me

ofth

eat

tack

,how

man

yw

ere

resp

onde

rs,a

ndho

wm

any

wer

ein

gene

ralp

opul

atio

n.

Kaw

ana,

Ishi

mat

su,a

ndK

anda

2001

Bio

logi

calT

erro

rism

Ant

hrax

lett

ers

mai

led

thro

ugh

U.S

.Pos

tal

Serv

ice

inN

ewY

ork,

Dis

tric

tof

Col

umbi

a,N

ewJe

rsey

,and

Flor

ida,

Oct

ober

2001

.

Mor

eth

an30

,000

peop

lew

ere

offe

red

prop

hyla

ctic

anti

biot

ics,

desp

ite

the

rela

tive

lyna

rrow

scop

eof

the

atta

ck.

Ger

berd

ing,

Hug

hes,

and

Kop

lan

2002

Two

mon

ths

foll

owin

gth

efi

rst

conf

irm

edca

se,m

ore

than

75%

ofA

mer

ican

ssu

rvey

edbe

liev

edth

eyw

ould

surv

ive

ifth

eyco

ntra

cted

inha

lati

onal

anth

rax.

Ble

ndon

etal

.200

1

Less

than

25%

ofA

mer

ican

ssu

rvey

edw

ithi

ntw

oto

four

wee

ksof

the

anth

rax

atta

cks

repo

rted

taki

ngem

erge

ncy

prec

auti

ons

beca

use

ofco

ncer

nsof

biot

erro

rism

;the

rew

asno

diff

eren

cebe

twee

nar

eas

wit

han

dw

itho

utan

thra

xca

ses.

Less

than

10%

ofA

mer

ican

sre

port

edav

oidi

ngpu

blic

even

tsow

ing

toco

ncer

nsof

biot

erro

rism

;the

rew

asno

diff

eren

cebe

twee

nar

eas

wit

han

dw

itho

utan

thra

xca

ses.

Ble

ndon

etal

.200

1

The

rew

asno

larg

e-sc

ale

incr

ease

inth

ede

man

don

the

heal

thca

resy

stem

foll

owin

gth

ean

thra

xat

tack

s.“H

is/h

erow

ndo

ctor

”w

asvi

ewed

asm

ost

trus

twor

thy

sour

ceof

reli

able

info

rmat

ion

inth

eev

ent

ofbi

oter

rori

smin

aco

mm

unit

y.

Ble

ndon

etal

.200

1

Page 18: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

430 Bradley D. Stein et al.

TA

BL

E3—

Con

tinu

ed

Type

ofE

vent

Gen

eral

Pop

ulat

ion

Sour

ce

Inth

em

onth

foll

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gth

efi

rst

repo

rted

anth

rax

case

,the

rew

asa

wid

espr

ead

incr

ease

ofpr

escr

ipti

ons

for

cipr

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crea

se)a

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e(3

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crea

se)c

ompa

red

wit

hth

esa

me

tim

ea

year

earl

ier,

mor

eth

anw

asw

arra

nted

base

don

conf

irm

edor

susp

ecte

dan

thra

xex

posu

real

one.

Shaf

fer

etal

.200

3

Infe

ctio

us

orF

ood

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er-B

orn

eD

isea

seO

utb

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sP

lagu

eou

tbre

akin

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t,In

dia,

wit

h53

deat

hs,1

67co

nfir

med

case

s,an

dm

ore

than

5,00

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spec

ted

case

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nuar

y19

94.

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sex

odus

wit

h60

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gth

ear

ea.I

nves

tiga

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beli

eve

that

muc

hof

this

beha

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isli

kely

asso

ciat

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ith

wid

espr

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anxi

ety

abou

tin

fect

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iden

cein

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heal

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resy

stem

’sab

ilit

yto

effe

ctiv

ely

trea

tan

dm

anag

eth

eou

tbre

ak,

and

peop

le’s

beli

efth

atth

eyco

uld

esca

peth

eil

lnes

s.

Ram

alin

gasw

ami2

001

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olio

utbr

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inW

alke

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ende

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00il

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alke

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ahe

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02

Page 19: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 431

SAR

Sou

tbre

akin

Sing

apor

e,20

02/2

003.

Dur

ing

the

firs

tth

ree

mon

ths

ofth

eSA

RS

outb

reak

,3%

ofSi

ngap

ore

resi

dent

sre

port

edhi

ghle

vels

ofan

xiet

y;42

%re

port

edm

oder

ate

leve

lsof

anxi

ety.

Anx

iety

was

unre

late

dto

perc

eive

dli

keli

hood

ofco

ntra

ctin

gSA

RS.

Indi

vidu

als

wit

hhi

ghor

mod

erat

ele

vels

ofan

xiet

y,w

omen

,and

thos

eov

er35

year

sol

dw

ere

mor

eli

kely

than

othe

rsto

take

prev

enti

vem

easu

res.

Qua

han

dH

in-P

eng

2004

SAR

Sou

tbre

akin

Hon

gK

ong,

2003

.T

hirt

een

perc

ent

ofH

ong

Kon

gre

side

nts

surv

eyed

duri

ngth

eSA

RS

outb

reak

wer

equ

ite

orve

ryan

xiou

sab

out

SAR

S.A

nxie

tyan

dpe

rcep

tion

ofri

skfr

omSA

RS

was

asso

ciat

edw

ith

prec

auti

onar

ym

easu

res

agai

nst

SAR

Sbu

tw

asun

rela

ted

tore

cent

use

ofhe

alth

serv

ices

.

Leun

get

al.2

003

SAR

Sou

tbre

akin

Toro

nto,

2003

.N

inet

y-se

ven

perc

ent

ofTo

ront

ore

side

nts

and

93%

ofU

.S.

resi

dent

ssu

rvey

eddu

ring

the

SAR

Sou

tbre

akre

port

edth

eyw

ould

agre

eto

bequ

aran

tine

dif

expo

sed

toSA

RS.

Twen

ty-f

our

perc

ent

ofTo

ront

ore

side

nts

who

wer

equ

aran

tine

dor

had

afa

mil

ym

embe

ror

frie

ndqu

aran

tine

dfo

rSA

RS

repo

rted

itw

asa

maj

orpr

oble

m;5

1%sa

idit

was

am

inor

prob

lem

.Em

otio

nald

iffi

cult

yfr

ombe

ing

conf

ined

was

the

mos

tco

mm

onm

ajor

prob

lem

.

Ble

ndon

etal

.200

4

Page 20: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

432 Bradley D. Stein et al.

Several studies examined the impact on the general population of theSARS outbreak in 2003. These studies found higher levels of anxietyin much of the general population. This anxiety was often related tothe increased use of precautionary measures against SARS but was notassociated with a greater use of health services (Blendon et al. 2004;Leung et al. 2003; Quah and Hin-Peng 2004).

Until the anthrax attacks, our nation had not yet experienced a deadlybioterrorist event. Several years ago, some salad bars in Oregon wereintentionally poisoned in order to influence a local election, but no em-pirical data were collected on the emotional and behavioral consequencesof this event. At the time of our literature review, no studies had beenpublished that assessed the emotional reactions of those people exposedto anthrax in the fall of 2001. Reports of the public health response andsurveys of attitudes toward and opinions about the anthrax attacks andthe risk of bioterrorism are informative, however. Despite the relativelynarrow scope of the attack, more than 30,000 individuals were offeredprophylactic antibiotics by public health officials (Gerberding, Hughes,and Koplan 2002), and many more appear to have sought antibiotics ontheir own (Shaffer et al. 2003). But the majority of Americans reportedthat they did not take emergency precautions or visit their doctor, withno difference in behavior in those living in areas either with or withoutanthrax cases (Blendon et al. 2001).

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences for First Responders. Firstresponders—those who respond to disasters and terrorist events and carefor both survivors and those lost—must enter dangerous environmentswhere their own health and well-being may be harmed and where theymay witness mass carnage and destruction. A fair amount of literaturediscusses the emotional repercussions of such experiences in the first re-sponder communities, traditionally thought of as police, fire, and EMSpersonnel, particularly in those who responded to the Oklahoma Citybombing and the World Trade Center attacks (Table 4). These studiessuggest that the experience of responding to these events placed theseindividuals at a significantly higher risk for symptoms of PTSD.

The emotional and behavioral reactions of health care workers re-sponding to the SARS epidemic were examined in medical personnel inHong Kong and Toronto. Their emotional distress was higher than thatof the general population, and while most continued to care for theirpatients, a number of hospital staff were reported to have refused work

Page 21: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 433

TA

BL

E4

Psy

chol

ogic

alC

onse

quen

ces

ofE

vent

sM

easu

red

inF

irst

Res

pond

ers

Type

ofE

vent

Fir

stR

espo

nder

sSo

urce

Inte

nti

onal

Mas

sV

iole

nce

/Con

ven

tion

alT

erro

rism

Bom

bing

ofM

urra

hFe

dera

lB

uild

ing,

Okl

ahom

aC

ity,

Apr

il19

95.

Thi

rtee

npe

rcen

tof

181

mal

efi

refi

ghte

rsan

dre

scue

wor

kers

who

resp

onde

dto

the

bom

bing

met

crit

eria

for

PT

SDth

ree

year

sfo

llow

ing

the

disa

ster

.Hig

hra

tes

ofal

coho

ldis

orde

rs(2

4%fo

llow

ing

disa

ster

;47%

life

tim

epr

eval

ence

)wer

eob

serv

edin

mal

efi

refi

ghte

rsan

dre

scue

wor

kers

who

resp

onde

dto

the

bom

bing

,but

virt

uall

yno

new

case

soc

curr

edaf

ter

the

bom

bing

.

Nor

th,T

ivis

,et

al.2

002

Terr

oris

tat

tack

son

Wor

ldTr

ade

Cen

ter

and

Pen

tago

n,Se

ptem

ber

2001

.

Inre

port

sdi

scus

sing

the

men

talh

ealt

hre

spon

seto

the

Pen

tago

nat

tack

s,au

thor

sci

ted

anec

dota

lrep

orts

ofth

eem

otio

nal

cons

eque

nces

ofre

cove

ring

bodi

es,p

ulli

ngvi

ctim

sfr

omth

esc

ene,

and

goin

gth

roug

hth

eru

bble

and

rem

ains

.The

auth

ors

also

note

dth

atw

orke

rsre

port

edsl

eepi

ngdi

ffic

ulty

,str

ess,

and

anxi

ety

duri

ngth

eir

mis

sion

asw

ella

sin

the

afte

rmat

h.A

ltho

ugh

thes

esy

mpt

oms

wer

eno

tcl

inic

ally

asse

ssed

and

empi

rica

lly

docu

men

ted,

they

wer

ew

idel

yci

ted

inre

port

san

dar

ticl

es.

Rit

chie

and

Hog

e20

02

Ina

men

talh

ealt

hne

eds

asse

ssm

ent

for

New

Yor

kSt

ate

cond

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don

em

onth

foll

owin

gth

eat

tack

s,re

sear

cher

ses

tim

ated

that

appr

oxim

atel

y24

%of

resc

uew

orke

rsw

ould

mee

tcr

iter

iafo

rP

TSD

and

requ

ire

trea

tmen

t.

Her

man

,Fel

ton,

and

Suss

er20

02

Page 22: Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism ... · Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 415 TABLE 1 Differences between Bioterrorism and Other Forms of

434 Bradley D. Stein et al.

TA

BL

E4—

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tinu

ed

Type

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vent

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stR

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IV/A

IDS,

Los

Ang

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,19

85.

Man

yph

ysic

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repo

rted

conc

erns

abou

tco

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was

ade

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ith

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San

dth

atm

ore

know

ledg

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wou

ldli

kely

incr

ease

the

num

ber

ofph

ysic

ians

wil

ling

toca

refo

rA

IDS

pati

ents

.

Ric

hard

son

etal

.198

7

HIV

/AID

S,C

hica

go,1

987.

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rly

90%

ofth

enu

rses

and

mor

eth

anha

lfof

the

phys

icia

nssu

rvey

edre

port

edw

orri

esab

out

trea

ting

pers

ons

wit

hA

IDS.

Seve

nty-

two

perc

ent

ofnu

rses

and

57%

ofph

ysic

ians

wor

ried

abou

tth

eir

own

heal

th;5

6%of

nurs

esan

d41

%of

phys

icia

nsw

orri

edab

out

bein

gin

fect

edby

trea

ting

thes

epa

tien

ts;a

nd37

%of

nurs

esan

d25

%of

phys

icia

nsw

orri

edab

out

infe

ctin

gth

eir

fam

ilie

s.N

urse

sw

ere

also

less

like

lyth

anph

ysic

ians

orso

cial

wor

kers

tore

port

alw

ays

bein

gco

mfo

rtab

leta

lkin

gw

ith

AID

Spa

tien

ts.

Dw

orki

n,A

lbre

cht,

and

Coo

ksey

1991

SAR

Sou

tbre

akin

Toro

nto,

2003

.O

nem

onth

foll

owin

gth

efi

rst

SAR

Sca

se,r

etro

spec

tive

anal

yses

indi

cate

dth

atth

epr

omin

ent

reac

tion

sam

ong

hosp

ital

staf

fw

ere

fear

,anx

iety

,ang

er,f

rust

rati

on,f

atig

ue,i

nsom

nia,

irri

tabi

lity

,and

decr

ease

dap

peti

te.A

nxie

tyw

orse

ned

whe

nis

olat

ion

proc

edur

esch

ange

d,st

affe

nter

edqu

aran

tine

/tr

eatm

ent,

staf

fdev

elop

edfe

vers

,or

staf

fwer

ead

mit

ted

wit

han

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ear

sour

ceof

infe

ctio

n.M

any

staf

fwer

eco

nfli

cted

betw

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thei

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ofes

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alre

spon

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ashe

alth

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prov

ider

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dfe

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tyab

out

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ess

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don

es.N

urse

son

the

SAR

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itdi

dno

tre

fuse

wor

k

Mau

nder

etal

.200

3

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 435

assi

gnm

ents

,but

som

epr

ofes

sion

alan

dno

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fess

iona

lsta

ffon

gene

ralm

edic

alfl

oors

refu

sed

toca

refo

rpa

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tsw

ith

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S.Tw

enty

-nin

epe

rcen

tof

resp

onde

nts

ina

hosp

ital

surv

eydu

ring

the

SAR

Sou

tbre

akex

peri

ence

dem

otio

nald

istr

ess,

mor

eth

ando

uble

that

seen

ina

gene

ralp

opul

atio

nsu

rvey

.Nur

ses

and

alli

edhe

alth

care

prof

essi

onal

sha

dsi

gnif

ican

tly

grea

ter

emot

iona

ldis

tres

sth

andi

ddo

ctor

san

dst

affn

otw

orki

ngin

pati

ent

care

.Par

t-ti

me

empl

oyee

sw

ere

also

mor

eli

kely

toha

vesi

gnif

ican

tem

otio

nald

istr

ess.

Nic

kell

etal

.200

4

SAR

Sou

tbre

akin

Hon

gK

ong,

2003

.Si

xtee

npe

rcen

tof

fam

ily

phys

icia

nssu

rvey

eddu

ring

and

imm

edia

tely

afte

rth

eSA

RS

outb

reak

repo

rted

spen

ding

less

tim

ew

ith

pati

ents

;7%

avoi

ded

phys

ical

exam

inat

ions

.P

hysi

cian

sin

priv

ate

clin

ics

wer

em

ore

like

lyth

anth

ose

inpu

blic

clin

ics

toqu

aran

tine

them

selv

esfo

ra

ten-

day

peri

odaf

ter

cont

acti

nga

SAR

Spa

tien

t(5

8%ve

rsus

31%

).P

hysi

cian

sin

priv

ate

clin

ics

wer

ele

ssli

kely

than

thos

ein

publ

iccl

inic

sto

repo

rtst

ayin

gaw

ayfr

omho

me

topr

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eir

fam

ily

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436 Bradley D. Stein et al.

assignments, and a few family physicians avoided physically examiningpatients or stayed away from home to protect their family (Maunder et al.2003; Nickell et al. 2004; Wong et al. 2004). Many of the emotionaland behavioral reactions and fears of contagion reported by health careworkers in response to SARS are similar to those documented more thana decade ago in the early phases of the HIV/AIDS epidemic (Dworkin,Albrecht, and Cooksey 1991; Gallop et al. 1992; Richardson et al. 1987;Searle 1987; Treiber, Shaw, and Malcolm 1987).

Less has been written about first responders, emergency workers, andhealth care professionals responding to industrial events or chemicalexposures, but what is available indicates that these groups are at riskfor secondary contamination as well as primary contamination and arealso at a higher risk of emotional distress.

Emotional and Behavioral Consequences for Vulnerable Populations. Manystudies have identified factors that put individuals at risk for more seriousemotional and behavioral consequences following a disaster; fewer studieshave specifically examined the emotional and behavioral impact of massviolence and terrorism in vulnerable populations. Table 5 focuses on twoparticularly vulnerable populations: children and those with a history ofpsychiatric disorders or psychological problems.

Studies of children suggest that they may warrant special attentionand may be at greater risk than adults are of developing emotional dis-tress and other adverse behavioral consequences of terrorism. The data onindividuals with current and previous psychiatric disorders are mixed.Many studies found that individuals with a previous psychiatric illnesswere more likely to develop posttraumatic stress symptoms. However,studies that specifically looked at persons who currently had clinical dis-orders (substance abuse, PTSD, etc.) had differing results regarding howthe disaster affected health care service use, increase in illness severity,or return to substance use.

General Lessons from the Literature Review. The studies just summarizeddefined the populations of interest in slightly different ways and useddifferent methods to assess emotional and behavioral reactions. There-fore, comparisons across studies must be made with care. Nevertheless,our literature review of the emotional and behavioral consequences ofearlier terrorist events, communitywide disasters, and potentially anal-ogous events offered several lessons that can help us prepare for futurebioterrorist events.

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 437

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438 Bradley D. Stein et al.

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 439

• A broad range of emotional and behavioral reactions are likely afteran event.

• Widespread emotional reactions such as fear and anxiety are themost common. Less common is the development of clinical disor-ders such as PTSD. Many reports, however, do not clearly differen-tiate the level of emotional reactions (e.g., clinical levels of PTSDversus subclinical levels of symptoms of posttraumatic stress versusmore general anxiety), thereby making a comparison of the studiesdifficult.

• Events in which the perceived threat is greater than the tangi-ble exposure (e.g., biological events, radiological exposure, manychemical events) are likely to stimulate more sustained emotionaland behavioral consequences.

• When the perceived threat is greater than the tangible exposure,a relatively large number of people in the nearby population maychange their behavior with respect to seeking medical care. Thiseffect should not be equated with panic. Rather, these people oftenpresent with physical (e.g., somatic) complaints or for screening.Little empirical research, however, has systematically examined therelationship between emotional reactions and behavioral reactionsafter such events.

Observations from the Experts

The experts we interviewed generally agreed on the important differencesbetween bioterrorism and other events, but they offered a variety ofopinions about what these differences implied for planning and research.

Several interviewees noted that the plans and preparation for bioter-rorism must go well beyond what is currently in place for other typesof communitywide disasters. For example, uncertainty about exposuremeans that individuals across broad geographic areas are likely to per-ceive themselves as being at risk following a bioterrorist event, even ifall confirmed cases are confined to a single state or geographic region.Accordingly, a response plan should extend beyond those areas in whichthere have been documented infections. Commenting on the experienceof the anthrax attacks, one expert observed that a bioterrorist attackanywhere in the country would require public health officials in all 50states to activate some components (e.g., heightened surveillance) of theirresponse plan. As was noted, “A new model [will be needed] for respond-ing in a situation with cross-jurisdictional issues.”

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440 Bradley D. Stein et al.

All the experts agreed that effective communication will be criticalto addressing the public’s fear and anxiety in the event of a bioterror-ist attack and reducing the likelihood that unaffected individuals willflood the public health triage system. Several experts emphasized theimportance of local risk communication strategies to complement theinformation likely to be provided by national authorities. As one in-terviewee remarked, “National messages just aren’t very personal.” Butseveral experts maintained that we lacked empirical data to modify thecommunication strategies necessary for bioterrorism. According to oneexpert, “We really don’t understand the psychological context in whichwe are delivering our messages, nor whether they are really addressingthe needs of the community. We need to better understand [it] so wecan modify our messages and target our outreach.”

Another interviewee added, “Communities are not made up of ho-mogenous groups. In order to respond effectively, we must strive to un-derstand how different subgroups will respond differently.” Accordingto several others, “We need a new model of how to deliver mental healthsupport and services for bioterrorism.” Many felt that organizations likeschools, churches, employee assistance programs, and employers whoalready have relationships with large and specific segments of the com-munity would be an important part of such a response. Such organiza-tions can help educate the public, offering basic knowledge of biologicalagents and likely public health response plans and thereby enhancingthe public’s understanding and preparedness. These organizations arealso well positioned to give information and support to individuals withparticular concerns or needs, thus greatly increasing the effectiveness ofthe overall response. But several interviewees observed that “we probablyneed organized efforts to train ministers, teachers, and others about theirpotential roles in psychological management” after a bioterrorist attack.An additional benefit of a broad-based community response noted byseveral experts is that it would concentrate more on individual and com-munity resiliency and less on emotional reactions and clinical psychiatricdisorders.

Many interviewees pointed out that while we have effective treatmentfor individuals with PTSD from a variety of traumatic events, we cur-rently know little about what helps those traumatized by mass violence,in which many in a community are traumatized by a single event. Manyechoed the consensus panel of the National Institute of Mental Health(NIMH), which called for a larger base of evidence regarding effective

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 441

early interventions for specific populations across different settings. Theinterviewees also recognized the importance of determining how to treateffectively those persons who do develop psychiatric disorders, such asPTSD and major depression, as a result of bioterrorism. However, theexperts also felt that relatively few would develop psychiatric disorderssuch as PTSD and major depression solely as a result of a bioterroristattack and suggested that efforts to improve services to such individualsshould not distract policymakers from the more global issues of man-aging changes in behavior (e.g., staying home, becoming hypervigilant,demanding more health care information, avoiding community involve-ment) that could be associated with bioterrorism. Several experts alsonoted that bioterrorism presents the additional challenge of devisingplans to support health care workers, first responders, and others im-portant to an effective public health response to a bioterrorist event, aresponse that is likely to be characterized by greater uncertainty aboutthe level of risk for longer periods than in most other disasters.

Discussion

As highlighted in our review of the literature and interviews with experts,policymakers making bioterrorism prevention and response plans facemany critical gaps in knowledge, such as the following:

1. What are the range and severity of the expected emotional andbehavioral consequences?

2. To what extent will these emotional and behavioral consequencesaffect the public health response?

3. How can our preparation and response to bioterrorism capitalizeon and enhance the effectiveness of natural supports in our society?

4. What aspects of risk communication are most useful for and ap-propriate to a response to bioterrorism?

5. What interventions should be used to reduce the emotional andbehavioral consequences of a bioterrorism event?

The Uncertain Nature of the Threat

The increased psychological effect that results from uncertain exposureto an invisible agent has previously been recognized (Holloway et al.

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442 Bradley D. Stein et al.

1997). Many experts noted that this uncertainty requires the modifica-tion of many existing disaster response plans. These concerns also weresupported by our literature review, which found high rates of emotionaldistress and behavioral changes stemming from those events that in-cluded uncertainty about exposure. Furthermore, in a bioterrorist event,the lag between exposure and the development of symptoms may exacer-bate this uncertainty. Inaccurate knowledge about the organism involvedmay also hamper response plans and should be addressed by public healtheducation programs. For example, for months after the anthrax attacks,many Americans were still not sure whether anthrax was contagious,despite media announcements that it was not (Blendon et al. 2002; LisaMeredith, personal communication, February 13, 2003). The public andthe health care community should be given basic knowledge of the or-ganisms likely to be used in a bioterrorist event and the planned publichealth response (Ferguson et al. 2003). Such efforts would remove someof the uncertainty among the public and first responders and wouldbegin to define some of the risk/benefit issues with regard to a response.

One component of response plans about which we know very little ishow the behavior of those responsible for coordinating and conductingan effective public health response would be affected by uncertaintyabout exposure. Not only could these persons be at risk as a result oftheir professional activities, but in a number of scenarios their familiesalso might be at risk. The actions of the first responders and healthcare professionals cannot be taken for granted. One survey of physiciansreported that more than half would not be willing to put themselves atrisk of contracting a deadly illness in order to save the lives of others inthe event of a bioterrorist attack (Alexander and Wynla 2003), and fewerthan half of emergency department physicians surveyed were willing toget the smallpox vaccine (Kwon et al. 2003). Such attitudes and behaviorson the part of health care professionals are not unique to bioterrorismand were expressed during both the SARS outbreak of 2003 and theearly years of the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

Providing rapid and accurate information to the public in the eventof a bioterrorist event is, therefore, critical to reducing uncertainty (U.S.Department of Health and Human Services 2002) and should be joinedby the efforts of local, state, and federal governments to enhance surveil-lance for a bioterrorist attack and increase lab capacity to rapidly identifya bioterrorist agent. By its very nature, however, bioterrorism will al-ways carry with it a high level of uncertainty, particularly during the early

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 443

stages of an attack. Accordingly, response and mitigation plans must bedesigned with this inherent uncertainty in mind. Robust strategies areneeded to address the needs of communities that are unsure of their levelof risk and recognize that this uncertainty may also affect the behaviorof first responders and health care professionals.

Currently, however, we have little empirical information about howuncertainty regarding the threat or level of risk affects an individual’semotional and behavioral reaction. Studies of those persons exposed toanthrax will increase our understanding of these reactions related tobioterrorism. In addition, we should study events that, while not bioter-rorism, are sufficiently similar that they can help us understand thepublic’s emotional and behavioral reactions when facing an event withan unknown level of risk. Recent examples include the spread of WestNile virus and the SARS infection, as well as the HIV/AIDS epidemic(Nicholas, Tredoux, and Daniels 1994). In such cases, in which exposureto the threat is not apparent, how do people determine their own riskof exposure (and that of their families), and how does this perceived riskaffect behavior of the general public, first responders, and health careworkers?

The Role of Natural Support Systems

In the past, planners and policymakers were often able to assume thatthe duration of the actual disaster would be relatively brief. Therefore,their plans to address the psychological impact of disasters often re-lied on the deployment of mental health professionals after the event. Abioterrorist attack, however, may require the public to shelter-in-placefor an extended period or to observe social distance practice and contactmanagement (e.g., isolation, quarantine, and other restrictions on move-ment) in order to control the risk of contagion, thus needing emotionaland behavioral supports during the event and perhaps complicating thedeployment of mental health professionals.

One way to address these issues is to include natural support systems,such as schools, family physicians, and clergy and other faith-based orga-nizations, in communitywide emotional and behavioral response prepa-ration and planning. These natural supports are often not formally in-tegrated into a community’s disaster response plan, even though theirimportance in helping individuals deal with disasters and other trau-matic events has been widely demonstrated (Schuster et al. 2001; Silver

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444 Bradley D. Stein et al.

et al. 2002; Stein et al. 2004). Support systems also provide a naturalavenue through which to educate the public as part of preparing for andresponding to a bioterrorist event.

The extent to which people can draw on natural support systems overtime is limited (Pennebaker and Harber 1993), and little is known abouthow more formal mental health response systems will function underconditions of continuing and uncertain risk. We therefore should lookat how people use the natural emotional supports in their community tohelp them cope over time when a threat does not pass quickly (e.g., SARS;the Washington, D.C., snipers; West Nile virus). There is little doubtthat the support of family, friends, the clergy, and others to whom peoplenaturally turn will be vital after a bioterrorist event. Policymakers andplanners will be able to make better-informed decisions about the bestuse of such resources in preparing for and responding to a bioterroristevent by examining the following issues:

• How should schools, faith-based organizations, and the health caresystem prepare for such events, particularly with respect to educat-ing the public and first responders?

• How should schools, faith-based organizations, and the health caresystem mitigate and manage the emotional and behavioral issuesassociated with such events?

• How can we best use natural support systems to provide emotionalsupport following a bioterrorist event?

• How can the educational materials commonly distributed by pro-fessional organizations and experts to help people cope be moreuseful during these more sustained events, or how can they beimproved?

The Role of Risk Communication

Numerous efforts are now under way to help local, state, and nationalpublic officials refine their risk communication strategies, particularlythose involving the media (U.S. Department of Health and HumanServices 2002). These efforts are based on well-developed theories andtheir application after events such as exposure to industrial hazardsand contaminated drinking supplies (Commission on Risk Perceptionand Communication 1989; Fischhoff 1995; Johnson and Slovic 1995;Rowan 1994; Sandman 1991, 1993). The applicability of such events to

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 445

bioterrorism, however, may be limited because of bioterrorism’s inten-tional nature and the relative unfamiliarity of both the public and medicalcommunity with the likely agents.

It is important to understand how risk communication strategies canbest address sociocultural differences. As was apparent in the aftermathof both the anthrax attacks and the smallpox inoculation efforts, differ-ent groups in our society have very different life experiences and beliefsthrough which they view official communications regarding bioterror-ism and related health behaviors. The collaborative and multigroup ap-proach that the Institute of Medicine recommends is essential to a publichealth approach to these issues (Institute of Medicine 2003). Better un-derstanding these issues must be a priority, especially considering theimportance of risk communication to mediating, mitigating, or promul-gating emotional and behavioral responses in the event of a bioterroristattack, and given the reality that an effective public health response willlikely require communitywide action.

Events other than bioterrorism, in which the certainty about the levelof risk to a community is not known, may provide an opportunity toevaluate the impact of different risk communication strategies. Collabo-ration among researchers, decision makers, and funding agencies beforesuch an event would allow the development of a research design thatcould be used to test the effectiveness of different risk communicationstrategies. This planning would allow an investigation to be fielded quiterapidly, thus beginning to build an evidence base on which future riskcommunication strategies could be built.

Knowing When, Where, and How to Intervenein the Event of a Bioterrorism Attack

The NIMH’s consensus report on early intervention after mass trauma ac-knowledges that the current evidence from randomized, well-controlledtrials cannot definitively confirm or refute the effectiveness of such earlyinterventions. But even this limited evidence does permit several con-clusions: (1) any early intervention should consider the hierarchy of avictim’s needs, including safety, food, and shelter; and (2) the importantelements of early intervention activities are an assessment of needs, thedissemination of information and the education of directly affected in-dividuals and the general public, and the facilitation of natural supportnetworks (National Institute of Mental Health 2002).

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446 Bradley D. Stein et al.

We do have effective treatments for adults and children with clini-cal disorders such as PTSD and depression that commonly occur aftertrauma. Several experts underscored the importance of ensuring that in-dividuals with such disorders have access to these evidence-based treat-ments in both traditional mental health treatment settings and otherless traditional settings, such as primary care for adults and schoolsfor children. Few studies, however, have examined the effectiveness ofsuch interventions delivered in such settings (Stein et al. 2003). Treat-ing these disorders after a bioterrorist event may also be complicatedby reminders of the trauma, as well as the continuing stress associ-ated with the possibility of future attacks and any related economicdisruption.

Additional research on the emotional and behavioral consequences ofterrorism and terrorist-like events will also lead to the continued devel-opment and evaluation of interventions. We still need to understand howinterventions and response strategies might differ according to the typeof event or agent (chemical versus biological, etc.). We need to knowwhether different populations would require different types of interven-tions, how interventions should be modified to be culturally relevantand responsive to local conditions, and whether these interventions needto change over time to meet different demands. In addition, we mustdetermine to what extent interventions are appropriate and effective inthe different settings (e.g., primary care clinics, schools) in which theyare likely to be delivered.

Conclusion

Faced with continued threats from weapons of mass destruction andmounting concerns about bioterrorism, our nation urgently needs toconsider how best to meet the challenges associated with managing theemotional and behavioral consequences of these acts of violence. If theanthrax attacks and the sniper attacks in Washington, D.C., taught usanything, it is that events like bioterrorism, in which the level of risk isuncertain for a prolonged period, create emotional distress responses andbehavioral changes in far more individuals than are physically at risk.Substantial efforts and funding are still needed to understand and preparefor the emotional and behavioral consequences likely to be associatedwith bioterrorism. At the same time, many of those efforts directed

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Emotional and Behavioral Consequences of Bioterrorism 447

at improving our response to bioterrorism will allow us to be betterprepared to face a range of current public health problems.

We already know about the emotional and behavioral effects of terror-ism and of nonterrorist events that contain some of the components ofbioterrorism. Our preparations and response planning must draw from allthese sources. But only by examining how people respond to such eventsand by learning how these responses can be modified by community-wide responses can we develop evidence-based assumptions about howpeople within and across communities will react to bioterrorist events.This new knowledge will be essential to improving our response strate-gies, including the use of natural support systems, risk communicationtechniques, and effective treatment interventions.

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Acknowledgments: We are indebted to Jaceyln Cobb and Jennifer Green for theirresearch assistance; Mary Vaiana and Kenneth Shine for their comments on themanuscript; Alaida Rodriguez, Shannon A. Thomas, Stephanie D. Thompson,and Summer Haven for their assistance in preparing the manuscript; and tothose individuals who shared their expertise in our interviews. Support for thisstudy was provided by the RAND Corporation, the NIMH (K23/MH00990),and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (U48/CCU915773).