Effect of Tenure Regularization Programme on …...Effect of Tenure Regularization Programme on...

Effect of Tenure Regularization Programme on Building Investment in Manzese Ward in

Dar es Salaam, Tanzania

Seif Hussein Ramadhani March, 2007

Effect of Tenure Regularization Programme on Building Investment in Manzese Ward in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania

By

Seif H. Ramadhani Thesis submitted to the International Institute for Geo-information Science and Earth Observation in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Geo-information Science and Earth Observation, Specialisation: In Urban Planning and Land Administration Thesis Assessment Board Chairman: Prof. Ir. P. van der Molen External Examiner: Ms. Prof. Mr. J. de Jong First Supervisor: Dr. Richard V. Sliuzas Second Supervisor: Dr. Dick van der Zee

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR GEO-INFORMATION SCIENCE AND EARTH OBSERVATION ENSCHEDE, THE NETHERLANDS

Dedicated to My wife Jamillah Khalfaan and my child Hussein Seif who bravely put up with

18 months of my absence.

Disclaimer This document describes work undertaken as part of a programme of study at the International Institute for Geo-information Science and Earth Observation. All views and opinions expressed therein remain the sole responsibility of the author, and do not necessarily represent those of the institute.

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Abstract

This research thesis is focus on Tenure regularization policy in informal settlements of Dar es Salaam city, as an attempt by the government of Tanzania to improve shelter condition in such settlements by enhancing tenure security through issuing of Residential License “title” to landholders whereby majority of Tanzanians are living (80%) and holding their properties without legal documents. The government since, 1970s has been trying to solve the problem of shelter provision and improvement by implementing varying land and shelter policies with varying degree of success. A recent implementation of tenure regularization policy that is increasingly gaining prominence is also in line with the National Land Policy (1995) and Human Settlement Policy (2000) whereby the two policies recognize the importance of informal settlements in shelter provision. Its evolution has been influenced by an ideology of Hernando de Soto, the author of “The Mystery of Capital (2000)” and the pioneer of the urban tenure regularization policy in Peru. The central argument is that regularization of property rights (land and housing) will enhance property owner’s security of tenure and subsequently unleash investments in building constructions and improvements. The property-owners will use the legal document “residential license” as collateral for loans from the conventional financial institutions to improve their shelter conditions. This study attempts to examine whether and to what extent granting of land tenure security in such settlements stimulates access to credit and eventually investments in construction and improvement of buildings. This study has been conducted in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini Sub-wards located at Manzese Ward in Dar es Salaam city. It employs purposive sampling strategy to identify cases of building investments and some few rival cases in the selected study area. The result indicates that there is no clear relation between the provision of formal property rights and building investments. The people do not invest in their buildings because of the formal ownership over their landholdings, but because of other underlying factors such as income generating activities and increase in size of household members. Most of the investments were made to accommodate new additional rooms for rental due to economic hardship and providing spaces for increased household’s members. In addition, the formal property rights as collateral for mortgage does not encouraged informal landholders to borrow from banks. The people are disinclining to access credit from banks due to fear of foreclosure, unstable business activities and stringent bank’s regulations. The banks are also reluctant due to short term of the residential license “title”. The recommendations in this study are that, the study was conducted too soon after the project implementation and therefore a similar research should be carry out after a considerable period to realize the effect of residential licenses on building investments. For such a short period, it is hardly to realise the effect of land policy. The period for the residential license is too short and thus need a critical review. The government needs to convince the banks to accept the residential license, and provide flexible forms of credits. Finally, the government should also create more awareness and sensitization to informal property holders.

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Acknowledgements

First of all I pay my whole hearted gratitude to the Almighty Allah “The Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds” for giving me strength to accomplish this work successfully. Equally, the successful completion of this research has been achieved with the help, support and encouragement of many individuals to whom I am grateful to acknowledge. Nonetheless, it is not possible to express my sincerely thanks to every one who in one way or another contributed to this success. But, first and foremost, I want to express my sincerely appreciation to my first and second supervisors: Dr. Richard Sliuzas and Dr. Dick van der Zee for their valuable time, guidance, criticism, feedback and recommendations during this time of research. Their tireless constructive comments and suggestions from the beginning to the completion of this thesis are immeasurable. I would like to acknowledge the assistance by Drs. Emile Dopheide the programme director during my study in UPLA program. I thank all the UPLA Staffs, in particular: Drs. Johan de Meijere, Monika Kuffer, Ing. Fransc van den Bosch and Dr. Mike McCall for the nice discussions during the courses in UPLA. In addition, I extend my special thanks to UCLAS Staffs, in particular: Dr. G. A. Kyessi, Dr. T. Mushi, Prof. W.J Kombe and Prof. J. M. Kironde for their valuable ideas, criticism and nice discussions we held during the fieldwork. I would like to express my warmest gratitude to the Dutch Government for the fellowship that made my study at ITC possible through the Netherlands Fellowship Program (NFP). My special thanks also to the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and in particular my office- Kagera Regional Secretariat at large for encouraging and allowing me to attend this course. I also want to extend my appreciations to Staffs at the Ministry of Lands-MLHHS, Dar es Salaam City Council and Kinondoni Municipality, in particular: Mrs. Sarah Kyessi, Mr. Werema and Mr. M. Nyerembe for their valuable contribution and support during our fieldwork and also making the data available to us. I also thank the local “Mtaa” leaders at Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards and Manzese Ward for sharing ideas and supports. Equally, I also wish to thanks all my UPLA2 course-mates and in particularly those who have done their research in land tenure regularization in Dar es Salaam city for being part of a “family” away from home. I enjoyed the good times we shared together, their moral support, encouragement and valuable discussion during this period of research. Such friendship and atmosphere produced great pleasure and energy for me and I am entirely indebted to all of you. I also thank all Muslim brothers whom I used to meet daily while saying prayer together. I won’t forget the regular but diverse and enthusiastic Khutba given in Jumma-prayer by Dr. Yousif Hossain. May Allah keep you happy and strong. To my family and relatives, I thank you for your steadfast understanding and patience. My heartfelt special thanks go to my father “Hussein Ramadhani” my beloved wife “Ustadhat Jamillah Khalfaan” and my son “Hussein Seif” for all their support and prayers for me during my studies. Last of all, thanks to everyone who helped me and I wish all of you wonderful happy days. Seif Hussein Enschede, March, 2007

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Table of contents

1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................1 1.1. Increase in informal urban settlement.....................................................................................1 1.2. Policy with respect to informal settlements............................................................................2 1.3. Land tenure regularization......................................................................................................2 1.4. Justification and Research problem........................................................................................4 1.5. The Conceptual Framework of the study................................................................................5 Some emerging issues ..........................................................................................................................5 1.6. Research Objectives................................................................................................................6

1.6.1. The more specific objectives are:-......................................................................................6 1.6.2. Research Hypotheses:- .......................................................................................................6

1.7. Study approach. ......................................................................................................................6 1.8. Definition of the key term “building investment”. .................................................................7

2. Land tenure, regularization policy and investment. .......................................................................11 2.1. Land tenure ...........................................................................................................................11 2.2. Land tenure systems..............................................................................................................11

2.2.1. Statutory land tenure ........................................................................................................11 2.2.2. Customary land tenure......................................................................................................12 2.2.3. Informal land tenure .........................................................................................................12

2.3. The importance of land regularization to investment ...........................................................13 2.4. Land tenure reforms: Experience from other countries........................................................14 2.5. Tenure regularization in Dar es Salaam City........................................................................17

3. Dar es Salaam City and the Study area ..........................................................................................21 3.1. Location and size ..................................................................................................................21 3.2. Administrative set up ............................................................................................................22

3.2.1. Administrative structure of Dar es Salaam City Council .................................................23 3.2.2. Kinondoni Municipal Council..........................................................................................23

3.3. Urbanization and Population growth ....................................................................................23 3.4. Historical origin and growth. ................................................................................................24 3.5. Informal housing development. ............................................................................................25

3.5.1. Characteristics of informal settlements ............................................................................27 3.6. Manzese settlement and the study area.................................................................................30

3.6.1. Background to the settlement. ..........................................................................................30 3.6.2. Land use and settlement development..............................................................................31 3.6.3. Characteristics of housing and building consolidation. ...................................................32

3.7. Infrastructure development ...................................................................................................32 3.7.1. Water supply.....................................................................................................................32 3.7.2. Sewerage and Sanitation ..................................................................................................33

4. Research Methodology and Case study areas ................................................................................35 4.1. Research design ....................................................................................................................35 4.2. Rationale for selecting a Case Study strategy.......................................................................36 4.3. Selection of a case: Why Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini Sub-wards.......................................36 4.4. Unit of analysis .....................................................................................................................37

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4.5. Implementation of the research ........................................................................................... 37 4.5.1. Preparation for the fieldwork........................................................................................... 38 4.5.2. Field Observation ............................................................................................................ 38 4.5.3. Household survey: ........................................................................................................... 38 4.5.4. Interviews with key informants. ...................................................................................... 39 4.5.5. Discussion with central government officials ................................................................. 39 4.5.6. Discussion with local government officials .................................................................... 40 4.5.7. Document analysis........................................................................................................... 40 4.5.8. Spatial and non-spatial data............................................................................................. 40

4.6. Validity and reliability. ........................................................................................................ 41 4.7. Problems in training and execution ..................................................................................... 41 4.8. Data analysis and presentation of the findings. ................................................................... 41 4.9. Research limitations............................................................................................................. 41

5. Building investments in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini Sub-wards ................................................. 43 5.1. Physical characteristics ........................................................................................................ 43 5.2. Socio-Economic Setting....................................................................................................... 43 5.3. Population and Building Characteristic ............................................................................... 45

5.3.1. Land delivery................................................................................................................... 47 5.3.2. Plot size............................................................................................................................ 47 5.3.3. Income distribution.......................................................................................................... 48

5.4. Infrastructure development .................................................................................................. 48 5.4.1. Water supply.................................................................................................................... 49 5.4.2. Sanitation......................................................................................................................... 50 5.4.3. Solid waste collection...................................................................................................... 50 5.4.4. Electricity supply............................................................................................................. 51 5.4.5. Road network and footpaths ............................................................................................ 51

5.5. Extent and nature of building investments .......................................................................... 52 5.5.1. Building investment......................................................................................................... 52

5.6. Physical aspects resulting from investment made in building structure .............................. 53 5.7. Motives for carrying out building investments (underlying factors) ................................... 54

5.7.1. Economic reason.............................................................................................................. 55 5.7.2. Increase in household members....................................................................................... 55 5.7.3. Tenure security ................................................................................................................ 56 5.7.4. In search of privacy (linkages) ........................................................................................ 58 5.7.5. Upgrading of roads infrastructure service ....................................................................... 58

5.8. Mode of finance for the building investment....................................................................... 59 5.9. People’s plan for future improvement ................................................................................. 60 5.10. People’s opinion regarding the project implementation. ..................................................... 61

6. Conclusions and recommendations ............................................................................................... 63 6.1. Conclusions.......................................................................................................................... 63

6.1.1. Contradiction to the theoretical model ............................................................................ 63 6.1.2. Access to formal credit facility........................................................................................ 64 6.1.3. Use of GIS technology and land information system (LIS) ............................................ 64

6.2. Recommendation ................................................................................................................. 65 6.2.1. National Land Act, 1999 ................................................................................................. 65

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6.2.2. Innovative and flexible form of credit facility .................................................................65 6.2.3. Plot size and standard .......................................................................................................65 6.2.4. Provision of detailed planning..........................................................................................65

6.3. Recommendation for future research....................................................................................65 References: .............................................................................................................................................67 Appendices..............................................................................................................................................A

Appendix. I: Questionnaire Survey- Household Survey for assessing the effect of Land Tenure Regularization on building investment..........................................................................A

Appendix II: Informal land agreement (document)......................................................................... F Appendix III: Certificate of Occupant (COO) ................................................................................G Appendix IV: Letter of offer of right of occupancy........................................................................H Appendix V: An advert to alert the informal property owner to collect their residential

license ........................................................................................................................................H Appendix VI: A Residential License “title” .................................................................................... I Appendix VIII: Checklist for Official Interview............................................................................ I Appendix IX Field photographs....................................................................................................... J Appendix: IX Household Questionnaire for Dar es Salaam Unplanned Land Property

Register Project. ......................................................................................................................... L

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List of figures

Figure 1.1 Conceptual framework of building investment and enhanced tenure security...................... 5 Figure 1.2 Major improvements. Left: Demolition and construction of a new building. Right: Construction of a multi-story building. Photography by author, Sept, 2006......................................... 7 Figure 1.3 Minor investments. Left: Extension of veranda and putting up new roof (Photography by author, Sept, 2006) On the right: An example of replacement of temporary structure mud and pole material by permanent sand-cement blocks. (Photo taken by R. Sliuzas) ............................................... 8 Figure 1.4 Research design .................................................................................................................... 9 Figure 2.1 Tenure regularization programme in Dar es Salaam city .................................................... 19 Figure 2.2. Launching of Residential License in Manzese Ward. ........................................................ 19 Figure 3.1 Left: Map of Tanzania showing the location of Dar es Salaam. Right: Map of Dar es Salaam City and the three Municipalities. ............................................................................................ 21 Figure 3.2 Administrative Structure of Dar es Salaam City Council.................................................... 22 Figure 3.3 Kinondoni Municipality and the Ward boundaries. ............................................................ 23 Figure 3.4. Population growth of Dar es Salaam city ........................................................................... 24 Figure 3.5 Distribution of population in Dar es Salaam City, 2002 ..................................................... 24 Figure 3.6 Growth of informal settlement in Dar es Salaam City (1962 – 1992) ................................. 26 Figure 3.7 Plot applicants and allocations over 1986/87 to 1992/93 in Dar es Salaam....................... 26 Figure 3.8 Informal housing land access path....................................................................................... 27 Figure 3.9 Growth of informal settlements in Dar es Salaam city, 2003 (Source: Adopted from URT 2003 and modified)................................................................................................................................ 27 Figure 3.10 Typical informal settlement growth pattern showing the stages in which the densification process takes place. (Source: Adapted from Kyessi 2002; Nguluma 2003)......................................... 28 Figure 3.11 Building density in study area; Mnazi-Mmoja Sub-ward.................................................. 29 Figure 3.12 Building properties in the study area: Left and right show Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward........ 30 Figure 3.13 Location of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards.......................................................... 31 Figure 4.1 Research approach and methodology .................................................................................. 36 Figure 4.2 Key Variables and Indicators used for Data collection ....................................................... 37 Figure 4.3 Sampled buildings in the study area .................................................................................... 38 Figure 4.4 Interviews and discussions with professional and experts at UCLAS ................................ 39 Figure 4.5 Discussions with officials: Left - discussion with Project coordinator. Right:-discussion with Dar es Salaam City planner. Source: Photography by author, Sept 2006 .................................... 40 Figure 5.1 Location of the study area.................................................................................................... 44 Figure 5.2 Left: Petty trading activities along Mabibo road. Right: Petty trading along Mburahati roads ...................................................................................................................................................... 44 Figure 5.3 Education level in the study area ........................................................................................ 45 Figure 5.4 Typical design of Swahili house. Plan, roof plan and section. Note the front veranda “Baraza” on the plan. Each room is accessed through the corridor. Utilities are located at the backyard. (Adapted from Nguluma 2003) ............................................................................................. 46 Figure 5.5 Plot size category ................................................................................................................. 47 Figure 5.6 Household income and expenditure relation ....................................................................... 48 Figure 5.7 New building investments (hotel) left are: Midizini sub-ward. Right is Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward. ...................................................................................................................................................... 49

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Figure 5.8. Building investments along Morogoro Road: Left: Midizini sub-ward and Right: Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward ....................................................................................................................................49 Figure 5.9 Water vendor supplying water to residents .........................................................................50 Figure 5.10 Roads network ....................................................................................................................51 Figure 5.11 Ongoing project of road upgrading under the CIUP...........................................................52 Figure 5.12 Minor improvements: Left: an extension of a new veranda and putting up a new roof (Photography by author, Sept, 2007). Right: is an example of the replacement of temporary mud and pole material by permanent sand-cement blocks. (Photo taken by R. Sliuzas) ......................................52 Figure 5.13 Major improvements: Left is horizontal extensions, demolition and construction of new building Right: Vertical extensions, demolition and construction of new multi-story building. Source: Photography by author Sept, 2006.........................................................................................................53 Figure 5.14 Major building improvements ............................................................................................53 Figure 5.15 Structure of building improvement....................................................................................53 Figure 5.16 Major building improvements categories ...........................................................................54 Figure 5.17 Underlying factors for buildings improvement. .................................................................54 Figure 5.18 Left: adjustment of Swahili house to create rooms for business purpose. Photo by MKURABITA, 2004................................................................................................................................55 Figure 5.19 Reasons for feeling secure. .................................................................................................57 Figure 5.20 Building properties with and without Residential License.................................................58 Figure 5.21 Improvement on toilets adjacent to the multi-storey buildings. .........................................58 Figure 5.22 Sources of finance building improvements ........................................................................59 Figure 5.23 Relationship between regularization, investment level, access to credit and time according to De Soto’s theories Source: Adapted from De Soto, 1992; Kagawa, 2000 .......................................60 Figure 5.24 Household’s opinions regarding project implementation...................................................61 Figure 5.25. Household’s opinions on project execution: Left: Opinions for RL’s holders and Right: Opinions for non-RL holders .................................................................................................................62

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List of tables

Table 1.1 Urbanization trends (1950-2020) in nine states of the SADCC.............................................. 1 Table 2.1 Identified plots in the three Municipalities ........................................................................... 18 Table 3.1 The distribution of Wards, Sub-wards, Village and Hamlets in Dar es Salaam city ............ 22 Table 3.2 The population density in informal areas of Dar es Salaam city .......................................... 25 Table 3.3 Characteristic of informal and formal settlements in Dar es Salaam City............................ 29 Table 4.1 Relevant situations for different research strategies ............................................................. 35 Table 4.2. Summary of interviews conducted during fieldwork........................................................... 40 Table 5.1 Population distribution, area and densities in Midizini and Mnazi-Mmoja sub-wards. ...... 43 Table 5.2 Housing density and household size ..................................................................................... 45 Table 5.3. Building conditions in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards........................................... 46 Table 5.4 Mode of land acquisition....................................................................................................... 47 Table 5.5 Plot sizes in the selected cases .............................................................................................. 47 Table 5.6 Household income and expenditure per month (Fig. in Tanzania currency, 1 US $=1,400) 48 Table 5.7 Investment (2004-2006) and Title category -Cross-tabulation. ............................................ 57

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Acronyms

CLPR Comprehensive Land Property Register CBD Central Business District CUP Community Upgrading Plan CSO Civil Society Organisation CIUP Community Infrastructure Upgrading Programme DAWASA Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority DCC Dar es Salaam City Council FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation GoT Government of Tanzania IHSS Institute of Human Settlements Studies KMC Kinondoni Municipal Council LIS Land Information System MLHSD Ministry of Lands and Human Settlements Development NBS National Bureau of Statistics NGOs Non-Governmental Organisation NPC National Population Census RO Right of Occupancy RL Residential License SADCC Southern African Development Coordination Conference SACCOS Saving and Credit Cooperative Society SWL Sub-ward Leader THA Tanzania Harbour Authority TANU Tanganyika African National Union (gave rise to CCM) TANESCO Tanzania Electricity Supply Company THB Tanzania Housing Bank TCL Ten Cell Leader (Ten cell = Smallest administrative unit) TShs Tanzania Shillings (Local currency) URT United Republic of Tanzania UNCHS United Nations Centre for Human Settlements UCLAS University College of Lands and Architectural Studies WAT Women Advancement Trust (An NGOs working on Human settlements) WDC Ward Development Committee WEC Ward Executive Committee UPATU Women Credit Solidarity Groups MKURABITA Mkakati wa Kurasimisha Rasilimali na Biashara za Wanyonge Tanzania

(Property and Business Formalization Programme

EFFECT OF TENURE REGULARIZATION PROGRAMME ON BUILDING INVESTMENTS IN MANZESE WARD IN DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA

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1. Introduction

1.1. Increase in informal urban settlement

The world is increasingly becoming urbanized. The global population is anticipated to double to over 4.6 billion between 1990 to 2020 (Rakodi, 1993 in Kombe and Kreibich 2000) and about 93% of this growth will take place in the developing countries preponderantly in the cities. The rapid urbanization reported in the recent past is simply unprecedented in human history. According to UN-Habitat (2004), 60% of the world’s population is estimated to live in urban areas by 2030. In developing countries of Africa, the urban population growth over the period of 1950 to 1985 exploded from about 9 to 50% of the total population and will exceed to 75% by 2020 (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). Table 1.1 shows the projected urban population growth in the nine states of the SADCC1 between “1950-2020” and their percentage increase in rural to urban. Table 1.1 Urbanization trends (1950-2020) in nine states of the SADCC

Country Urban population as % of the total

Numerical increase in urban population (1000)

% increase between the periods

1950 1985 2020 1950/1985 1985/2020 (1950/1985) – (1985/2020)

Malawi 3.5 12.0 35.7 744 6,631 791

Tanzania 3.6 14.8 40.4 3,054 26,776 776

Lesotho 0.9 5.9 21.1 81 691 753

Botswana 0.4 19.2 49.2 206 1,564 659

Mozambique 2.4 19.4 57.7 2,603 18,197 599

Zimbabwe 10.6 24.5 50.3 1,896 112,433 556

Swaziland 1.4 26.3 59.4 167 881 427

Angola 7.6 24.5 51.9 1,834 9,422 414

Zambia 8.9 49.5 75.9 3,081 12,752 314

(Source: Adopted from Kombe and Kreibich 2000)

It is apparent that by 2020 the majority of the people in the SADCC countries will be living in urban areas and that the challenge for the local authorities is effective urban land management to control the alarming rate of spontaneous development. The two major forces that have contributed largely to the rapid growth of urban population in developing countries are natural population growth and the rural-urban migration underlain by pull-and push factors such as the lacking infrastructure in rural areas and the hope for employment in the cities. The rapid urbanization combined with poor policy enforcement, outdated legislation, inadequate capacity of local authorities to provide planned and serviced land, and acute shortage of resources has produced irregular settlement patterns in many cities and towns of the Developing Countries with a pathetic level of community services (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). The UNCHS (1996) estimates that between 20 and 80% of urban growth is in informal settlement and that in most cities of the developing world, up to one half of the urban population lives in slum or squatter settlements that are not legally recognized by the city authorities. To most planners and other land managers, the mere fact

1 SADCC is the acronym of Southern African Development Coordination Conference

EFFECT OF TENURE REGULARIZATION PROGRAMME ON BUILDING INVESTMENT IN MANZESE WARD IN DAR ES SALAAM, TANZANIA

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that informal settlements were not reflected in ‘formal’ city plans simply meant they “did not exist”, regardless of the situation that occurred on the ground (Sliuzas 2004) �

As a result millions of people do not have safe and secure housing, and are compelled to live in health and life threatening environments, that is, on hazardous lands, land susceptible to flooding, landslides and other environmental risks (Tuladhar 2005). The people who live in informal parts of the city do not enjoy many of the benefits of urban life, neither secure tenure (UNCHS 1996) which denotes that they risk to be evicted from their lands. All this applies to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s major city, where over 80% of the estimated 3 millions inhabitants live in informal settlements, with informal housing constituting more than 50% of the existing urban housing stock. Over the decades, housing densities and informal settlements in the city have grown persistently. The number of informal settlements increased from about 40 in 1985 to over 150 in 2003. Apparently, the current extent of informal housing development in the city covers approximately 40,000 Ha, out of the 61,000 Ha of the city’s built-up area (Kombe 2005). The projection depicts that in 20 years to come one in two Tanzanians is expected to be living in urban areas and that the deficient housing supply remains unable to cater for the rapid urban expansion.

1.2. Policy with respect to informal settlements

The past response by most governments toward informal settlements ranged from tough, stringent regulations to exclude such settlements from any infrastructure extension plans, barring their integration in any urban or municipal services (Zaghloul, 1994 in Kombe and Kreibich 2000) to outright demolition. Subsequently, however, many governments and local authorities are now forced to acknowledge that these settlements exist because of, or in response to, their public policies. There is now recognition that these settlements are social and economic entities in their own right and have a social and economic capital base that should be supported and encouraged to grow (Abbott 2002; Winayanti and Lang 2004). The New Delhi Declaration (1996), accentuated the need of access to land and security of tenure as one of the six key elements of urban land reform (Kagawa 2000). This call for the recognition of access to land and security of tenure was adopted in the Second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements in 1996, Istanbul, Turkey and a global plan of action which stated the issue of access to land:

“Access to land and legal security of tenure are strategic prerequisites for the provision of adequate shelter for all and for the development of sustainable settlements affecting both urban and rural areas. It is also one way of breaking the vicious circle of poverty” UNCHS, (1996, p.75)

Complementing this recognition, UN-Habitat (2004) further went on to emphasise on the new innovative approach to “pro-poor land management” in informal settlement upgrading processes, one element of which is land tenure regularization.

1.3. Land tenure regularization

Land tenure regularization can be defined as a deliberate process aimed at bringing the informal and unauthorized settlements within the official legal “formal” and administrative systems of land management (McAuslan, 1994 quoted in Kagawa 2000). The main objective of tenure regularization is said to focus on two aspects: “to set up primary facilities (basic infrastructure and social services) and guarantee secure tenure for the concerned population” (Durand-Lesserve, 1996 in Kagawa 2000), the latter being a precondition of the former.


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The process of regularizing informal settlements entails the provision of tenure security as an essential step which assures that the informal dwellers cannot be evicted by an administrative or court decision for the sole reason that they are not the owner of the land or house they are occupying, or that they have not entered into a formal agreement with the owner, or do not comply with planning and building laws and regulations (Durand-Lasserve 2002). It implies specific policy instruments for providing land tenure security, land registration, land-use regulations and other public interventions, all aimed at fostering legitimacy of rights held in land. It is also a pre-requisite for the provision of basic infrastructure and social services. The main characteristics of this approach include:

a) Making the poor visible, legal citizens of the city enabling their participation in the decision making.

b) Incorporating the settlements where they live in the planning. c) Developing procedures for establishing tenure security and providing services that the poor

can consider as accessible and affordable; and d) Allowing local land information systems (LIS) to be transparent and close to the poor and

civil society who require the information for making decisions on their land (UN-Habitat, 2004).

The land titling is an urban policy instrument that most governments use to achieve a wide range of aims and consists of adjudication and registration of titles. In fact, it is the formal registration of land previously used without formal “legal” title. In the case of Peru, for instance, the government applied a combination of land tenure and land registration. According to Henssen (1995) land registration is the official recording of legally recognized rights in land and is usually part of a cadastral system. This means to establish an official record or land register of rights on a defined unit of land. The land tenure regularization undertaken under land titling and administration projects have numerous economic, social and environmental benefits. Citing (McLaughlin and Palmer, 1996 Byamugisha and Zakout 2000) reports that the benefits of land tenure security provided by legal tenure are:

� Improvements to land - increased tenure security from a title provides adequate certainty and incentives to the owner to invest in long term land improvements.

� Assurance - clear definition of rights to enable the owner to defend those rights against the claim of others.

� Social stability - prevents and helps to resolve land disputes. � Credit - to enable use of land as good collateral for loans from credit institutions. � Productivity - increased tenure security and access to credit promotes investment and

increased productivity. � Liquidity - formalization of rights promotes cost-effective exchange and the unlocking of

resources embedded in land; it makes land market dealings easier, cheaper and safer. � Property values - expected increases in productivity and incomes associated with titling raise

the property values of land. � Property taxation - land registration provides the necessary information to facilitate the

assessment and collection of land-related taxes. � Public services - increased revenues from land, together with improved cadastral data

facilitate the planning and financing of infrastructure services such as public transport and utilities; and

� Resource management- increased Land Information System (LIS) facilitates public and private agencies to improve their planning for the management


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Complementing this policy, the UN-Habitat’s Global Campaign for Secure Tenure (2004) emphasized that the security of tenure is a fundamental requirement for the progressive integration of the urban poor in the city, and one of the basic components of the right to housing. The security of tenure guarantees legal protection against forced eviction and it is one of the most important catalysts in stabilizing communities, improving shelter conditions, reducing social exclusion and improving access to urban services. Many studies conducted on informal settlements; especially in Latin America including (Kagawa 2000) have shown a positive correlation between granting legal titles and the level of consolidation and housing investment in popular settlements. Equally, it is reported that the absence of legal security constitutes a barrier to investment and prohibits development of informal settlements (Razzaz 2006). Likewise; citing De Soto (1989 in Sheuya 2004) argues that “people are at least 9 times more prepared to invest when they are given some measure of protection by the formal legal system”. In addition, it is also noted that when the households feel more secure about staying in the dwelling they occupy that, they will not be evicted, they are more likely to invest in building improvements and infrastructure services (Calderon 2003). The implementation of the tenure regularization programme in Tanzania is concerned with the legalization of tenure status in the informal or unplanned settlements. In this study, tenure regularization is considered a critical component of the urban land housing policy. The basic argument in this context is that by granting of a “residential license” to landholders in such settlements, they are provided with formal tenure security and thereby will be capable of improving their land and building conditions (Tuladhar 2005).

1.4. Justification and Research problem

The central argument put forward by academia in defence of full-fledged private property rights is that such rights enhance investment incentives (Brasselle, Gaspart et al. 2002). Equally, it is reported that economic theory predicts a straightforward relationship between individual property rights and incentives to investment in land (Field 2005). Nonetheless, the question of “how far” the benefits of tenure regularization are achieved has been the subject of a wide range of research. A considerable volume of research has been done on the conceptualization and measurement of the economic benefits particularly following the seminal work of Feder at. al (1998). Through sector studies, the economic effects of land titling on land productivity and rural or urban real estate incomes have been quantified; a summary of the findings of these studies can also be found in (Feder and Nishio 1998). However, much of these studies have concentrated on the impact of title registration on rural land titling projects aiming at increasing agricultural production in rural areas and do not always meet the expectations (Bruce and Migot-Adholla et al. 1991; Sakdikul 1994). The studies on the impact of title registration on urban areas have received little attention (Field 2005) and have largely been held in Latin American (Kagawa 2000; De Soto, 1989 ); and in Asia (Jemenez 1983; Dowall and Leaf, 1990). Nevertheless, there is an increasing interest in research on impacts of tenure reforms notable in South Africa (Barry, 1999). The tenure regularization programme in Tanzania presents an interesting case for research and analysis as to what extent enhancing tenure security in informal settlements stimulates investment in building construction and improvement. There is a knowledge gap on whether enhancing tenure


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security really encourages greater access to credit and eventually leads to substantial investment in physical consolidation in the informal settlements. Despite the fact that there is an existing sizable empirical literature investigating the relationship between tenure status and agricultural investment, the influence of tenure security on urban investment has received quite little attention (Field 2005). The implementation of property formalization and residential license project in Dar es Salaam city is based on the understanding and presumption that security of tenure is fundamental in stimulating informal dwellers’ initiative that will lead to an incremental investment in housing and infrastructure services. The broad analysis of these themes have not been examined and documented systematically to allow comparison between the impacts of different tenure arrangements in different contexts. Owing to insufficient empirical evidence that secure tenure rights really induce investment in land by low-income households and access to credit from formal financial institutions, there is a need to evaluate whether the project has positive impact to pro-poor land management. The research problem is intrinsic to what extent granting of security of land tenure leads to investment in building in the informal settlements.

1.5. The Conceptual Framework of the study.

One of the main objectives of the project implementation in Dar es Salaam and, according to a diversity of literature sources, also in the other areas, is to verify the assumption that one of the effects of titling, that is, in the case of Tanzania, issuing of formal title “residential license” to landholders in the informal settlement, is that it legalizes and replaces the de facto tenurial title and therefore gives more security and power to property owners. Also the assumption that titling could streamline the credit market opportunities whereby the property owners can use their property rights to facilitate service delivery, as well as use their land as collateral for mortgaged in formal financial institutions (FFI), which subsequently will lead to building investment needs to be verified. Enhanced tenure security therefore is expected to lead to more physical consolidation and further improvement of dwelling units in such settlements. These conclusions are illustrated in the conceptual framework presented in (Fig. 1.1) below.

Figure 1.1 Conceptual framework of building investment and enhanced tenure security (Source: Adopted from Kagawa, 2000)

�

Some emerging issues

The following issues emerge in the context of the problem:


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� Most urban low income households hold their property informally without legal “formal” titles and thereby cannot use it to gain access to formal credit and eventually invest on their building property.

� Administrative procedures for securing formal “legal” titles are very cumbersome, time consuming and costly.

� Tenure regularization based on titling can have various demerits for beneficiaries, ranging from increased costs resulting from service charges, regulatory frameworks, to intra-family and/or gender conflicts arising from individualization of ownership.

1.6. Research Objectives

The main objective of this research is to determine whether and to what extent Tanzania’s land tenure regularization programme stimulates investment in construction and improvement of buildings in the informal settlements. The study is specifically employed in the urban informal settlement of the city of Dar es Salaam, where the programme has been introduced.

1.6.1. The more specific objectives are:-

� To identify actual or physical aspects resulting from investment made in building structure. � To identify people’s plans for investment and the underlying reasons for housing investment. � To analyze the trickle-down effect of the formal title “residential license” on building

improvement and sources of finance for these investments. The following research questions will be used to meet these specific objectives.

Sub-objective 1 � What are the actual or physical aspects appearing in building structure and improvement? � How have these building investments been financed? Sub-objective 2 � What are the future plans of landholders in building investment? � What are the underlying reasons for the building investments in the informal settlement? Sub-objective 3 � To what extent does the formal title “residential license” encourage investment in

constructions and improvement of buildings? � What are the major sources of finance for the building investment plans?

1.6.2. Research Hypotheses:-

� The registration of residential licenses in informal settlements changes people’s behaviour with respect to tenure security, land transaction and development. By introducing formal legal tenure and formal land transfer and land development procedures and practices, title registration replaces de facto tenure with legal tenure and informal land transfer, development procedures and practices with formal ones.

� Strengthening of tenure security in the informal settlements through issuing of residential

licenses to landholders in such settlements leads to investment in construction and improvement of buildings.

1.7. Study approach.

In order to investigate the effect of the tenure regularization policy on building investment, a case study approach has been adopted. The main study area is Manzese settlement where tenure


7

regularization had been implemented during the first phase of the programme and whereby a majority of landholders have acquired their residential license “title”. The settlement is further subdivided into six Sub-wards: Mnazi-Mmoja, Midizini, Kilimani, Muungano, Mvuleni and Uzuri, which can hardly be included all in the research given the limited time and resources. Therefore, during fieldwork the first step was to carry out a reconnaissance survey and observations to identify and distinguish sub-wards for more in-depth survey and interviews. Subsequently, two sub-wards were selected owing to existing critical cases to test the research hypothesis. The major technique used to derive the data and information includes: perusal of official documents and academic literature; interviews with officials (central and local authorities), land-owners or occupiers (in sampled buildings), local leaders (ward and sub-wards) in the study area; field observation supported by interpretation of aerial photograph and photography records. In addition, interviews and discussion with key informants, professionals and experts at UCLAS were carried out. A schematic overview of the research design is presented in (Fig. 1.4).

1.8. Definition of the key term “building investment”.

For the purpose of this study “building investments” refer to the processes of building construction by using materials and technology that are available in the locality. It involves changes to a building, such as sub-dividing or improving a room, erecting a wall, putting a new roof or fences. In addition it also involves built extensions which eventually increase the overall plot coverage. Building investments are categorized into two groups: major improvements and minor improvements. Major improvements involve demolition of an existing building and construction of a new one. It takes the form of vertical or horizontal development depending on the scale of investment. Minor improvements involve the adjustment or extension of a room, wall or roofing to an already existing building. It transforms the building facade and usually takes the form of horizontal development.

Figure 1.2 Major improvements. Left: Demolition and construction of a new building. Right: Construction of a multi-story building. Photography by author, Sept, 2006

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Figure 1.3 Minor investments. Left: Extension of veranda and putting up new roof (Photography by author, Sept, 2006) On the right: An example of replacement of temporary structure mud and pole material by permanent sand-cement blocks. (Photo taken by R. Sliuzas)

1.9. Outline of the report The following chapter (two) will discuss land tenure systems, the importance of land regularization to investment and land tenure reforms using experiences from different parts of the world. The tenure regularization programme in Dar es Salaam city as policy instrument to pro-poor land management will also be explored. Chapter Three then presents the background of the city of Dar Es Salaam, an in-depth look into Manzese settlement and the selected case study areas, the trend of informal settlement development and previous attempts for upgrading informal settlements. Chapter Four presents the research methods and justification of the selected case study area. It discusses the selection criteria and explains the protocols adopted in the empirical part of the research. In addition, it discusses the limitation of the research Chapter Five presents the analysis and main findings. The chapter describes the fieldwork findings, methods used for data analysis and the result of the analysis with regard to the effect of tenure regularization on building investment. Chapter Six provides a synthesis of the results obtained in chapter 5 and makes conclusions with respect to the research objectives. Finally the chapter recommends on the policy measures to ameliorate the implementation of land regularization policy in the informal settlements.


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2. Land tenure, regularization policy and investment.

Land is the basic resource of production on which all actors carry out their socio-economic activities. There is a complex relationship between man and landscape whereby man interacts with landscape to maintain and improve the standard of living (Van der Zee 1999). The Tanzania national land policy (1997) promulgated that land is “one of the four pillars of development philosophy” the other three being: people, good policies and good leadership (MLHSD 1997). Thus, accessibility to land is a stimulus for sustainable economic development. Historically, man has developed social institutions to control the human interaction on land and one of these is land tenure (Van der Zee 1999).

2.1. Land tenure

Land tenure is the system of rights and institutions that govern access to and use of land (Adams, 2001 in UN-ECA 2003). It is the terms and conditions under which land is held, used and transacted and is one of the principal factors determining the way in which resources are managed, used and the manner in which benefits are distributed (Van der Zee 1999). It is an important part of social, political and economic structures. It is multi-dimensional, bringing into play social, technical, economic, institutional, legal and political aspects that are often ignored but must be taken into account. The land tenure relationships may be well-defined and enforceable in a formal court of law or through customary structures in a community (FAO 2002). The Bathurst Declaration on Land Administration and Sustainable Development (FIG 1999) defines land tenure as the way in which the rights, restrictions and responsibilities that people have with respect to land (and property) are held. The land and property rights include use rights or temporary transfer rights (i.e. lease or ‘loan’ use rights or usufructure rights); transfer rights (i.e. the right to sell, sub-divide, mortgage or inherit- these include ‘preferential transfer rights’, a bequest only to family or clan members, and ‘complete transfer rights’, unrestricted sale to anyone); and exclusion rights (i.e. to limit trespass). It is normally enforced by formal mechanisms, such as the legal system, and informal mechanisms, such as social customs and/or attitudes concerning the legitimacy and recognition of the property rights.

2.2. Land tenure systems

Many developing countries in Africa, including Tanzania, and Asia have been subject to colonialism in the past and therefore they now have two main types of land supply or tenurial systems: the statutory land tenure system and the customary or traditional landholding systems. The customary tenure systems have existed for centuries before colonialization introduced the notion of private property in the new urban settlements (Payne 2002) although after independence, urbanization coupled with inability to increase the supply of planned residential land at affordable price to the poor perpetuated dependence on the customary practices and introduced new forms.

2.2.1. Statutory land tenure

Statutory land tenure is a system of land tenure whereby the right to, and the use of the land is supported by law (case law or statute law), which is encapsulated to be in brief, clear, easily accessible, knowable and written form (Tuladhar 2005). In many developing countries, the historical


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source of law is custom and therefore the written law had come to replace the customary law. The written law in Developed countries in origin is influenced by the Roman law and adapted by the Napoleonic code based on concepts of liberty, equality and fraternity (Van der Zee 1999). Thus, the written law introduced in developing countries in the era of colonialism is characterized by private freehold, private leasehold and public leasehold. In Tanzania, the statutory tenure is evidenced by an offer for a Right of Occupancy, or a Certificate of Title.

2.2.2. Customary land tenure

Customary land tenure is a system of land ownership common in traditional African and Asian countries which is not directly comparable with the European legal rules that originate from the Roman laws. Under this system, there is no personal ownership of land. The land is jointly held by the tribal organization, albeit that the tribe or clan is not the landowner in the strict sense. The land is considered to really belong to the ancestors, the present generation only being their trustees (Van der Zee 1999). One famous chief elucidated: “I conceived that land belongs to vast family of whom many are dead, a few are living and countless host are still unborn” (Ollemu and Woodman, 1985 in Tuladhar 2005). The customary laws are often based on the experience of the tribe elders and aimed at defending the tribe interest. The allocation, use and transfer are customarily determined by the community leaders according to households need, rather than through payment, though some form of token amount is often extracted as a sign of agreement. This system of landholding right is characterized by lack of formal rights to alienate or lease the land (Van der Zee 1999). The customary land rights in Tanzania are known as ‘deemed rights of occupancy’, which were first recognized in 1928 when the Land Ordinance Cap. 113 were amended to include these rights. Subsequently, the National Land Policy (1997) and the National Land Act (1999) promulgated and clarify the deemed rights of occupancy to be on equal footing in law with granted rights of occupancy (Fig. 2.1). Thus, both the statutory land tenure and customary land tenure are formal and acknowledged and their certificates of ownership are inheritable and transmissible by will. Nonetheless, most of the landholding in Dar es Salaam city is informal without legal document ‘title’, and therefore is sometimes erroneously considered as “illegal”.

2.2.3. Informal land tenure

Informal land tenure is the occupation and use of land without the permission of the real owners, irrespectively of whether these are defined under statutory or customary law. This form of landholding is commonly known as “informal settlement” or “squatter” (Tuladhar 2005) and may occur both in rural and urban areas. It is the typical situation in slums or peri-urban areas whereby the informal or slum dwellers acquire land without formal process. The law does not officially recognize such tenure, it is “de facto” not “de jure”, but to some extent it can be converted and become formal under the guiding principles. In Dar es Salaam city and many other towns in Tanzania, the land in informal settlements in cases is obtained informally by way of occupation without permit, allocation by local leaders or from acknowledged land owners, inheritance or purchase (Kombe 1995). But, Kironde (1995) contends that in the case of village owned peripheral land, the Ten-Cell2 Leader (Balozi) or the local elders can allocate land to a newcomer for a token fee. More prevalently, the land is obtained by way of purchase from recognised owners in informal areas, who sub-divide their land and sell it either as building plots, or as agricultural land (shamba). Owing to the fact that the majority of landholders in Dar es Salaam city obtain land in such way and live in such settlements, it denotes that this is the largest

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single strategy for urban dwellers to acquire land The processes involve the buyer and seller through a middleman (broker) and then register the transaction with a local leader in front of witnesses to authenticate the land transfer. Some examples of an informal selling agreement paper are attached in Appendix I. In this case, there is no illegal occupation of the land, as it occurs in some other parts of the world and in fact illegality of land occupation is not an issue in Tanzania. It is apparent that though most landholders in the peri-urban zone do not have residential license or title for them processing such title may not be a priority (Kironde 1995).

2.3. The importance of land regularization to investment

There is a general belief that customary land tenure and informal (de facto) land tenure do not provide enough secure and certain access to land, and therefore are a disincentive for investing in land. This perception is premised on the fact that customary or informal landholding is not formally recorded or registered and the traditional proof of ownership of land is by physical possession or occupation and the recognition of this fact by the community and especially by the adjoining owners (Abdulai 2006). Similarly, most property owners in Dar es Salaam city derive their security of land tenure from actual development and recognition through informal arrangements in local neighbourhoods (Lupala 2002). Whereas Kombe contends that only few property owners hold titles or land transfer documents; the majority 80% hinges on social recognition or quasi-customary rights for their security of ownership (Kironde, 2005). Thus, lack of documented security of land tenure denies the use of land by most of the property-owners as collateral for mortgage in the formal financial institutions. The relationships between land tenure, tenure security and development have been discussed and investigated repeatedly both in policy and academic fields. In 1996, when the New Delhi Declaration took place, the significance of land tenure as a prerequisite for long-standing policies was accentuated. The idea had been noted much earlier by academics, whose works have been concentrating upon land and housing problems of the developing economies. The security and certainty of tenure has been identified as one of the most important catalysts in stabilizing the communities, improving shelter conditions, reducing social exclusion and improving access to urban services (UNCHS 1996). The UNCHS has identified security of land tenure and better governance as two main priorities that require immediate and urgent attention, noting that there are many links between them (Abdulai 2006). Equally, it is reported that the interactions between poverty and insecure tenure contribute to further deterioration of the economic situation of the urban poor. Durand-Lasserve (2006) contends that insecure tenure discourages household investments aiming to improve their environment and investments in home-based activities. It hinders most attempts to improve shelter conditions, undermining long-term planning, and distorts prices for land and services. In addition, it has a direct impact on access to basic urban services and on investment at settlement level. A key justification for secure property rights to land is that such rights provide incentives for investment in land and sustainable development (Durand-Lasserve 2006). Kundu (2002) reports that in New Delhi and Ahmedabad - India, investment in the micro-environment is forthcoming only when there is a reasonable level of certainty that the slum residents are not likely to be evicted in the near future, so that they can reap the benefits of their investment (Payne 2002). He further stresses that the security of tenure is significant on investments in housing, basic amenities and the quality of micro-environment. Besides prompting individual household to make investments, it also facilitates community organizations, NGOs and even private agencies to launch projects for improving basic amenities. The investment in the micro-environment is manifest in many informal or slum settlements whereby tenure security is recognized, and without that the slum dwellers are unlikely to make improvements to their own building and living conditions.


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�

Deininger (2003) quoted in Abdulai (2006) noted that: �

“Property rights affect economic growth in a number of ways. First secure property rights will increase the incentives of households and individuals to invest, and often will also provide them with better credit access, something that will not only help them make such investments, but will also provide an assurance substitute in the event of shocks. Second, it has long been known that in unmechanized agriculture, the operational distribution of land affects output, implying that a highly unequal land distribution will reduce productivity. Even though the ability to make productive use of land will depend on policies in areas beyond land policy that may warrant separate attention, secure and well defined land rights are key for households’ assets ownership, productive development, and factor market functioning. If property rights are poorly defined or cannot be enforced at low cost, individuals and entrepreneurs will be compelled to spend valuable resources on defending their land; thereby diverting effort from other purposes such as investment. Secure property right also facilitates the transfer of land at low cost through rentals and sales, improving the allocation of land at the same time supporting the development of financial markets”.

The preceding illuminates that it is widely accepted that security and certainty of property rights to land are critical in establishing a structure of economic incentives for investment in land based activities. In addition, the World Bank (1993) claims that insecure tenure leads to underinvestment in housing and reduced housing quality and recommended on the market-oriented system of property rights and allocated priority to upgrading system of land titling and tenure regularization in the informal/squatter settlements (Payne 2002). Based on this argument, it is evident that many developing countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa have been enthusiastic to implement land regularization projects supported by many multilateral organizations, including the World Bank (Kagawa 2000). The World Bank on its stand has been long interested and enthusiastic in supporting the positive correlation between the land tenure and economic development, especially in the agricultural setting. The key justification for this dispute is that secure property rights are linked to a higher propensity to investment in sustainable agriculture production and sustainable natural resources uses, which is a similar case in urban setting at a micro level.

2.4. Land tenure reforms: Experience from other countries

It is widely accepted and recognised throughout the world that formal registration of land rights improves access to formal credit as it is a secure form of collateral for loans and this partly explains its popularity (Abdulai 2006). It is advocated that the substantial increase in capital in the West over the past two centuries is due to gradually improving the property systems. But, this has not been the case in the Developing world where eight out of ten people hold their property assets outside the formal system. De Soto (2000) notes that the value of saving by urban poor in the poorest nations is immense, but they hold these resources in defective forms whereby houses are built on land whose ownership rights are not adequately documented and thereby cannot readily be turned into capital, traded, use as collateral for mortgaged or shared against an investment. He contends that the poor households suffer disproportionately from the inability to access the value of their buildings because of a lack of clarity as to their property rights. He claims that the laws need to reflect the realities on the ground and be credible. In his research covering about 37 settlements in Lima, he encapsulates that the average value of buildings which had titles was nine times more than that of those without titles; stressing that households are at least 9 times more prepared to invest when they are given some measure of protection by the formal legal system (Sheuya 2004). Equally, (Dowal, 1998 quoted in Sheuya 2004) noted that in Jakarta the residential plots, which had a clear title, were sold for a 45 percent premium over comparable plots without clear title. Furthermore, De Soto (2000) observes that:


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�

�There still may be deeds or some kind of records in someone’s hand, but the real ownership status of these assets has slipped out of the official registry system leaving records and maps outdated. The result is that most people’s resources are commercially and financially invisible. Nobody really knows who owns what and where…. Consequently, most potential assets in these countries have not been identified or realised; there is little accessible capital, and the exchange economy is constrained and sluggish”

He reckons that the urban land titling increases tenure security and accelerates the use of formal credit, resulting in building improvements. Choguill (1999) notes that the Villa el Salvador settlement was illegally established on the periphery of Lima-Peru but given the legal recognition by the municipality it became a thriving, permanently settled, low-income city with a population of about 200,000 with most of the households living in brick and concrete houses, 73% with electricity connections and 58% with water and sewerage connections. He contends that the prerequisite for progressive improvement to take place in either building or infrastructure is security of land tenure, stressing that the low-income households must feel secure in their residential circumstances if they are to invest the effort, money and time to make upgrading improvements (Choguill 1999). Citing Abrams, Choquill (1999) further stresses the significance of secure land tenure to the poor, pointing out that long-term improvement to their building is the inevitable result. Many researchers associated with the World Bank contend that security of tenure leads to investment in housing (Mukhija 2002) and lack of secure tenure is a constraint to households from investing in house construction or improvement. In the similar vein, Moser (1998) quoted in Sheuya (2004) reckons that the housing insecurity, such as when informal households ‘lack formal legal title’ creates an extreme sense of vulnerability and therefore suggests that:

“The removal of tenure-insecurity related obstacles that prevent or constrain households from using their housing effectively as a productive asset is possibly the single most critical poverty reduction intervention”

In Africa and Asia empirical studies on the impact of tenure regularization largely concentrated on rural land titling projects aimed at increasing productivity in the agricultural sector. The studies of Feder et. al. (1988) in Thailand were frequently quoted to show a positive correlation between land registration and agriculture productivity concluding that registered and titled land commanded higher price and gain better access to credit than informally held land. That this may not be always the case as was found in a study carried out by Sakdikul (1994) in the same country. Conversely, academic debates seem to take a more pessimistic tone when concentrated on the micro level on the issue of building improvements. Varley (1987) quoted in Kagawa (2000) argues that despite the wide recognition and acceptance of the positive correlation between land tenure and economic development, not many works have been carried out to test this in an empirical environment. Varley’s empirical qualitative studies in Mexico show that tenure status has made little difference to building investment behaviour. Authors such as (Angel, 1983 and Payne, 1997 quoted in Kagawa 2000) claim that tenure security may not be a sufficient condition for housing improvements and that other ingredients are vital for the investments to take effects. In addition, Payne (2004) chides De Soto’s assertion that land titling increased tenure security, and accelerated formal credit and eventually housing improvement, when he reckons that less than 1% of titled households in the Peruvian study have actually accessed a formal loan. Citing Payne, Abdulai (2006) argues that most of the poor households do not need large loans because they do not earn sufficient income to amortise such loans; what they rather require is access to small loans to enable them to build an extra room (perhaps for rental income), to improve the quality of their existing buildings or to engage in some small scale business, as is a typical case in Dar es Salaam city. It is


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argued that for such kind of small loans, other forms of collateral security, not necessarily registered titles to landed property, would invariably be acceptable. There is plenty of evidence put forward that informal settlers improve their dwellings even without possession of a legal title (Payne 2002; Razzaz 2006). Arguably, Payne (1989:44) stresses that “perceived security of tenure is more critical in releasing investment for housing consolidation than legal status as such, and evidently the provision of public utilities is regarded by informal dwellers as strong evidence that they are officially accepted and enjoy the de facto security of tenure”. It is seeming that the perception of security of tenure is the key to invest on land and further (Razzaz 2006) argued that “empirical evidence points to a continuum of security in illegal settlements that depends less on the exact legal status and more on occupant’s perceptions of the probability of eviction and demolition (enforcement) as well as the availability of services and passage of time”. It is noted that even in Peru, the legal tenure seems not to be critical. Of course tenure matters, but for the average squatter with 10 years at a site the chance of eviction around Lima was known to be low; (Strassman, 1984 in Gilbert 2001). Varley (1987) in Kagawa (2002) contends that in an informal settlement which is not threatened with removal, illegality seems to have little effect on the willingness of the landholders to invest. In Bogota the security of tenure seems to be assumed from the start as informal settlers build homes when all what they have is a receipt for their payment for the plot of land, and the majority was prepared to build without holding an authentic document from the urban authority. Similar cases prevail in Dar es Salaam city and many urban areas in Tanzania, whereby households in such settlements improve their dwelling with informal selling agreement from the acknowledged owner or local leader (Kironde 1995) without any legal document ‘letter of offer/certificate of occupancy’ from the local authority. The provision of services and official government statements in Tanzania, that the informal settlers will not be evicted equally motivated the people to invest on their lands. Furthermore, it is stated that when in Bogota the authority reassured the informal settlers by provision of services then there was no real barrier to self-help construction. Two-or-three-storey buildings appear to be erected despite lack of a legal document (Skinner et al. 1987). Complementing to this, Strassman (1984) contends that “infrastructure investment kindles employment and brings forth housing”. Moreover, it is reported that in Cartegena and Medellin in Colombia, as well as in Lima, Lusaka, Nairobi and Tunis the urban infrastructure service provision unleashed building investment. A leftist academic such as Riofrio (1999) in Kagawa (2000) is sceptical of the positive effect as he sees the reduction of community consensus through regularisation since it enhances individualisation of households once they attain legal titles. He emphasises that this could actually halt the development of the informal settlement as a whole since the interest for upgrading and consolidation shifts from neighbourhood to individual, thereby abandoning the element of community participation. Equally, De Souza (1999) quoted by Kagawa (2000) seems to support the argument that tenure security is not a sufficient requirement for further urban development. Whilst Payne (1997) agrees with De Soto’s argument, he also questions the wide assumption that “granting of formal tenure is the most effective means of achieving this objective”. He chides that tenure security is not sufficient as adequate levels of income and availability of credit on affordable terms (Payne 1997). In Sub-Sahara Africa, the findings of Bruce and Migot-Adholla et. al (1994) quoted by Abdulai (2006) indicate that across the region there is no existence of a link between the land title registration and investment in land and many more studies have shown little or no impact on either investment or farm income. From the foregoing debate, it is apparent that the mere registration of a title to land is not in itself a panacea to guarantee land tenure security; access to credit and eventually housing investment. There


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are many more ingredients of security of tenure which act as an incentive to investment in land-based related activities, one of which is the duration of property rights to land. Others are the size of the settlement, whereby the small settlements are more vulnerable than those with large populations, the level of cohesion of community organisation, and the support that the concerned communities can get from civil society groups, such as NGOs (Durand-Lasserve 2006) In addition, the duration of property rights is one of the overarching attributes to enhance tenure security with which such rights may be exercised and enjoyed by the property-owner in such settlements. The length of occupation enhanced the perception of tenure security and therefore may acts as an incentive for building investments and land market transactions. The informal or traditional landholding systems through social norms provide considerable security of tenure and guarantee the individual’s household the use of their land (Chome and McCall 2005) and this may be more important in building improvements. In Tanzania, the social recognition by the local community and perpetual use of land constitute critical factors to protect an individual’s rights over land and are widely recognized. Subsequently, people put up large sums of money in modern houses and do not appear to bother by not having statutory titles. The property owners feel tenurial secure as long as their land rights are recognised as legitimate by the community and see no barriers to invest. When the land registration and titling of informal land tenure is not a critical precondition for housing investment and economic growth, it is important for the decision and policy makers to scrutinise and assess the importance of formalising property rights and other sources of rights available in the areas before deciding on intervention. The common critical questions on the actual consequences of regularizing urban titles raised by Payne (2002) are: Does the land registration and issuing of legal title encourage investment in housing construction and improvements? And: Does the legal “title” document improve access to formal finance? His investigation and answers are very pertinent and promising to the case of Dar es Salaam city where tenure regularization has been introduced. This study investigates to which extent the property formalisation and issuing of license has stimulated investment in building improvement.

2.5. Tenure regularization in Dar es Salaam City

During the past four decades, the government policy on informal settlements has changed from the destructive slum and squatter clearance policy of the 1960s to the more supportive and progressive policy of 1972 (Nnkya 2002) when it recognised, preserved and improved the services and infrastructure in these settlements. The change was premised on the recognition of the economic and social value of the properties created by self-initiatives demonstrated by informal or slum dwellers. Analogous to the seminal work by John Turner in Latin America in the 1960s and his sites and services approach, it was believed that if people were provided with basic inputs such as tenure security, serviced plots and credit finance, they will improve their dwellings. This upgrading approach in the 1970s and 1980s was financed by the World Bank and the government. Nonetheless, the removal of the World Bank in the 1980s made the project futile due to meagre fiscal resources (Olima and Kreibich 2002). Tenure regularization is yet another attempt by the government to achieve improvement of housing conditions by providing tenure security through issuing of ‘residential licenses’ in such settlements where the majority of the Tanzanians are living and holding properties without legal documents. It is also in line with the implementation of the National Land Policy (1995) and the Human Settlement Policy (2000) whereby the two policies recognise the importance of informal settlements in housing provision. Whereas the Land policy (1995) declares that these settlements will no longer be cleared but instead undergo systematic upgrading, the Land Act (1999) provides for the issuance of


18

derivatives rights to landholders. Such derivatives rights shall be issued in the form of “residential licenses” granted for a period of not less than six months and not exceeding two years. In addition, the government invited De Soto the author of “The Mystery of Capital (2000)” and the inspirer of the urban tenure regularisation policy in Peru, in 2003 to share his experience on transformation of informal real property “dead capital” into formal “live capital”. Therefore, the ‘residential license’ enhances land tenure security and can be used by the landholder as collateral to access credit from the formal financial sector, consequently providing opportunity to participate in urban economy and eventually investing in their buildings. The non-eligibility to credit and finance in the formal sector by informal property owners is an impediment which contributes to persistent poverty, social-economic imbalance, insecurity and a wider gap between the rich and the poor among the urban dwellers (Kyessi and Kyessi 2006). The project implementation created a Comprehensive Land Property Register (CLPR) that could be used as a database to administer land more efficiently and sustainable environmental protection. It could be used to control the land market, collection of land rent and thereby increasing government revenue; and curbing further growth of informal settlements. The database is also used to facilitate urban environmental management plans such as the Community Infrastructure Improvement Plan (CIUP). The project execution was planned in two phases, to cover the entire informal areas in the city with approximate 420,000 properties within the period of “2004-2006”. The first phase was completed in 2005 and approximate 220,000 properties were identified which is 110% of the estimated properties (MLHHSD 2006). The second phase will cover about 200,000 parcels in the urban periphery. An outline of the tenure regularization programme is presented in the poster in Fig. 2.1. Furthermore, Table 2.1 portrays the number of identified properties in the three Municipalities. Table 2.1 Identified plots in the three Municipalities

Municipality No. of wards No. of Sub-ward (Mtaa) Total No. of plots identified Kinondoni 18 68 62,489 Ilala 10 37 52,888 Temeke 15 75 102,030 Total 43 180 217,407

Source: MLHHS, 2006

The issuing of residential licenses was inaugurated in 2005 by the Dar es Salaam regional Commissioner in Manzese ward whereby a total of 11 landholders from all six Sub-wards (Mitaa) were issued their licenses. (Fig. 2.2)


19

Figure 2.1 Tenure regularization programme in Dar es Salaam city

Figure 2.2. Launching of Residential License in Manzese Ward.


21

3. Dar es Salaam City and the Study area

3.1. Location and size

Dar es Salaam is the premier City of Tanzania; it stretches along the coast of the Indian Ocean for about 100 Km from the mouth of the river Mpiji in the north to the river Mbezi to the south, and includes 8 offshore islands. It has a total area of approximately 1400 Km2 of which 12.5% is densely built-up, accommodating over 90% of the city’s population (Kironde 1994). The rural part comprises more than 40 villages, increasingly under pressure for urbanization. The map below show the location of Dar es Salaam city in the context of Tanzania and the three Municipalities (Fig. 3.1)

Figure 3.1 Left: Map of Tanzania showing the location of Dar es Salaam. Right: Map of Dar es Salaam City and the three Municipalities.

The Dar es Salaam region is by far the largest urban area in Tanzania with a population exceeding the total for the next eight ranked urban centres. It is still the de facto seat of the government, despite the declaration of Dodoma the inland town as the country’s capital since 1973. As a primary city, Dar es Salaam is the chief commercial, economic, industrial, educational, transportation and cultural centre, as well as the country’s chief port. It is connected by a network of roads, railways, and waterways not only to the rest of the country but also to the neighbouring countries of Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, DRC, Zambia and Malawi.


22

3.2. Administrative set up

Tanzania has a two-tier system of government, that is, the central government and local governments. The local governments are either urban (city, municipal or town councils), or rural (district council). Politically and administratively, Dar es Salaam has a regional administration headed by the Regional Commissioner and the City Council headed by the Mayor of the City. It is divided into three Municipalities namely: Kinondoni, Ilala and Temeke. Each of the three municipalities forms the district that is headed by the District Commissioner. The city is further sub-divided into 73 Wards, 276 Sub-wards (Mtaa3), 38 Villages and 113 Hamlets (DCC 2004) (see also Table.3.1) Table 3.1 The distribution of Wards, Sub-wards, Village and Hamlets in Dar es Salaam city

Municipality Wards Sub-wards Village Hamlets Ilala 22 65 9 37 Temeke 24 97 15 62 Kinondoni 27 114 14 14 Total 73 276 38 113

(Source: DCC 2004)

Below the sub-ward hierarchy, there are Ten Cells Units4 composed of 10-15 houses, which was functioning during the mono-party system. Subsequently, after the introduction of the multi-party system early in the 1980s their role has been weakened. The figure 3.2 below shows the administrative structure of Dar es Salaam city council (DCC).

Figure 3.2 Administrative Structure of Dar es Salaam City Council (Source: Adopted from Sheuya 2004 and modified)

The governing body is the Dar es Salaam City Council headed by the Mayor of Dar es Salaam, who is elected by the full council from among its 20 members. The City Council is composed of 12 elected councillors from the three municipalities, 8 Members of parliament from Dar es Salaam constituencies and nominated Members of parliament under “special seats” for women. Each of the three Municipal Councils is headed by a Mayor, who is elected by the Full councils of each respective Municipality. The DCC and the three municipalities operate in the same jurisdictional areas, but each of them in its

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23

own jurisdictional domain demarcated with an administrative order and with total autonomy. The functions of the City and the three Municipal councils are provided in the Local government Act No. 8 of 1982, Sect. 7A (DCC 2004). The councillors and the mayors serve for five year terms, whereas the deputy mayors are elected after every year from among the councillors3��

3.2.1. Administrative structure of Dar es Salaam City Council

The City council executes administrative duties through the City Director appointed by the President of the United Republic of Tanzania. Under the City Director there are three Heads of Departments namely: City Administrative Officer in charge of finance and administration; the City Economist in charge of planning and coordination and the City Planner in charge of urban planning, environment and utilities services. The city council performs a coordinating role with respect to issues cutting across the three municipalities

3.2.2. Kinondoni Municipal Council

Kinondoni Municipal Council (KMC) is one of the three municipalities in Dar es Salaam city, and is divided into 27 Wards, 113 Sub-wards and 14 Villages with three Electoral constituencies. Analogous to the City council, the governing body is the full council, which is composed of 41 Councillors, out of whom 27 are elected Ward representatives, 10 Councillors “Women special seats” and 5 are Members of parliament (KMC 2004) The municipality performs its administrative tasks through the Municipal Council, Ward Development Committees (WDCs) under the chairmanship of the councillor, Sub-wards under the chairmanship of Sub-ward (Mtaa) leader and the Village governments. It is estimated to have a total population of 1,100,000 with a growth rate of 5.4% and a population density of 2,825 per Km2 (NBS 2002). Fig. 3.3 indicates the boundary of Kinondoni Municipality and the Wards.

3.3. Urbanization and Population growth

Tanzania is one of the rapidly urbanizing countries in Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), of which the annual urban growth rate is estimated at 8 to 10% (Kironde 1995). The projection showed that by 2002, 40% of the country’s population would be living in urban areas (UNCHS 1996). The rapid urbanization has been attributed to both rural-urban migration and natural growth, but the removal of movement restrictions from the rural to urban areas after independence in 1961 has been a considerable contribution to the rapid urbanization. Currently, it is estimated that the city accommodates nearly 30% of the national urban population and so far every ten years the population of Dar es Salaam has doubled (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). The city population has grown from 273,000 in 1967 to nearly 2.5 million people in 2002, whereas the share of the urban population has risen rapidly from 6% in 1967 to 34% in 2002, making the urbanization rate among the highest in the world (Kombe, 2004). The trend of population growth is shown in Fig. 3.4.

Figure 3.3 Kinondoni Municipality and the Ward boundaries.


24

The rural-to-urban migration is a result of the drastic decline of the world prices for coffee, cotton and sisal in the 1970s-1980s and other disincentives to national farmers that helped to push rural producers to the towns in search of employment. The attraction of income streams, education and other subsidized or free public goods and services made many rural dwellers migrate into Dar es Salaam and other large cities. In terms of population, Dar es Salaam city is seven times the size of the next largest city, Mwanza; and it continues to attract the majority of migrants (Kyessi 2002). The distribution of population in the city shows that Kinondoni has more population

than Ilala and Temeke municipalities, with the greatest concentration of poorly serviced informal settlements (World Bank, 2002) Fig. 3.5.

The indigenous peoples in Dar es Salaam are invariably recognised as belonging largely to the Zaramo, Ndengereko and Matumbi tribes (Kironde, 2005). They lived in dispersed homesteads and practised agriculture as their mainstay of livelihood. It is these people whose land ownership has been giving away to urban development. Consequently, they have been the “pace settlers” right at the frontier of the rapidly sprawling city. As a result of urbanization, they have been continuously displaced from the consolidated city areas to the periphery and now the population is a mixture of the many ethnic groups represented in the city (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). The displacement process is spontaneous and largely pioneered by affluent persons buying

land from property owners.

3.4. Historical origin and growth.

Dar es Salaam city has a history of growth going back to slightly over 150 years. It emerged in the second half of the 19th century due to trading activities conducted by Arabs (Garlake in Nguluma 2003). It was established by Sultan Seyyid Said Majid of Zanzibar as a sea port and trading centre in 1862 for the caravan routes which opened up the interior of the country to ivory and slave trade (Kyessi 2002). Later on, in 1897, its role changed to include administrative functions when the German colonial administrators shifted their colonial headquarters from Bagamoyo to Dar es Salaam, because it was a relatively better and safer natural harbour where vessels of relatively large size could anchor safely. As a consequence, Dar es Salaam started growing from a small settlement with barely 900 inhabitants to one with 10,000 in 1874 (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). The historical records show that from the very beginning, the initiatives to plan the city development had been taken. Dar es Salaam was by then described as a very favourable place:

0

500

1000

1500

2000

2500

3000

1967 1978 1988 2002Year

Popu

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n (in

100

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Figure 3.4. Population growth of Dar es Salaam city “1976-2002” (Source: National Population census, 2002)

0

200,000

400,000

600,000

800,000

1,000,000

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Kinondoni Ilala TemekeMunicipality

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FemaleMale

Figure 3.5 Distribution of population in Dar es Salaam City, 2002 (Source: Population and Housing Census, 2002)


25

�The best built town on the coast of East Africa. Laid out with lavish disregard for cost and it’s wide tranquil streets bordered with flowering trees, it’s park and gardens, it’s comfortable residences, it’s magnificent hospitals and other buildings, give it the appearance of German ‘Kurort5’ transferred to the tropics” (C. Elliot in Kombe and Kreibich, 2000). �

The German colonial administration’s or building code adopted for the development of the city and local government system was largely continued by the British who took over the administration in 1916 up to 1961. A department for Town Planning was established in 1947 and a Master Plan produced in 1948, followed by the establishment of a Town Planning Legislation in the same year. It was then granted the status of municipality in 1949 and that of city in 1961 at the attainment of the country’s independence (Kyessi 2002). Master plans were prepared in 1968 and 1978 and the government policy universally has been attempted to meet the challenges of rapid urbanization as manifested particularly in housing shortage, proliferation of informal settlements, expansion of informal sector, poor sanitation and inadequate infrastructure and service (Sutton, 1970 in Kyessi 2002). Apparently, the present land use structure of Dar es Salaam and housing type have been much influenced by the earlier colonial planning, whereby the German and the subsequent British administration ensured that the land along the coast was acquired for government use and later on constructed several government houses, offices and quarters. The city structure and houses types were earlier influenced by 1891 building regulation whereby the planning ideas were based mainly on racial segregation.

3.5. Informal housing development.

In Tanzania, informal settlements6 provide housing accommodation to more that 70% of urban residents (Nguluma 2003). Equally to many Developing countries, 64% of the housing stock and up to 85% of the newly developed housing are in informal settlements (UNCHS 1996). This is largely contributed by weak administrative systems, inadequate technical and financial resources to supply affordable surveyed and serviced plots by the local authorities to the increasing urban population (Kyessi 2002) Subsequently, the situation in these settlements is characterized by poverty and lack of basic infrastructure services. The current estimate reveals that approximately 80% of Dar es Salaam’s inhabitants are accommodated in such settlements (Kombe and Kreibich 2000). These settlements are estimated to cover a total area of about 5,700 hectares of land and are densely populated. The average population density is 300 people/ha. Table 3.2 portrays the proportion of population in the informal settlements in Dar es Salaam city. Table 3.2 The population density in informal areas of Dar es Salaam city

Municipality Total area (ha)

Informal area (ha)

Total population

Population in informal areas

% of total population in informal area

Kinondoni 53,100 2,560 1,089,000 768,000 70 Ilala 21,000 1,095 637,500 328,500 52 Temeke 771,500 2,000 771,500 600,000 78

Total 2,497,800 5,655 2,498,000 1,696,500 68 Source: CIUP, 2004

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26

These settlements grew from about 10 in 1962 to 25 in 1979 and to more than 54 in 1992. A recent survey on aerial photographs of 1992 shows a total number of 131,580 houses in the 54 major informal settlements accommodating about 1,400,000 people (Kyessi 2002) see also Fig. 3.4.

The acute shortage of planned and surveyed housing land is one of the prime causes of the subsisting informal land market. It is reported that in 1990 about 151,600 housing plot applications were received from the 20 regional centres in Tanzania; nonetheless, only 7,114 plots (i.e. 4.7% of the demand) were surveyed in the same year. Additionally, a survey conducted in 2001 in the same 20 centres revealed that on average only 8,000 housing plots were surveyed and allocated annually over the period of 10 years from

1991/92 - 2000/2001, whereas the demand stood at least 150,000 per annum. The deficit of housing land is worse in the rapidly growing cities and Municipalities such as Dar es Salaam, Arusha, Mbeya, Mwanza, Morogoro and Tanga whereby hardly 10% of the housing plot applicants are allocated plots annually (IHSS 2002). As a result, for decades, most house builders in such urban centres have been accessing land through informal land markets.

During the period of 1990 to 2001, the Dar es Salaam city received in total 240,000 applications for planned plots, but only 8,000 plots were surveyed and allocated. The annual demand over the period based on registered applications was over 20,000 plots, while the annual supply stayed under 700, leaving nearly 97% of the recorded demand unfulfilled (Kironde 2002). Fig. 3.7 presents the trend of plots application and supply in the city of Dar es Salaam from 1986/87 to 1992/93.

Not only is of difficult to get government land, but it involves considerable bureaucracy and one has to wait long before learning of the allocating authority’s decision. The allocation system is not open and to the novice it can be formidable. In contrary, this is not the case in unplanned settlements whereby one gets a plot and immediately can make a decision to construct. The process as presented in figure 3.8 can be completed within a day or less than a week. Moreover, even when one gets allocation of the government plot, he/she is not allowed

to build on it without a building permit, for which one has to submit plans of the proposed building to the authorities who usually take very long time to give a decision; (Sylvester in Kironde and Rugaiganisa 2002).

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1962 1979 1992

Year

Info

rmal

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lem

ent

Figure 3.6 Growth of informal settlement in Dar es Salaam City (1962 – 1992) (Source: Adopted from Kyessi 2002)

Unmet demand of survey plots

0

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2000

3000

4000

5000

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7000

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86/87 87/88 88/89 89/90 90/91 91/92 92/93

Financial year

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Figure 3.7 Plot applicants and allocations over 1986/87 to 1992/93 in Dar es Salaam (Source: Adopted from Kyessi, 2002 and modified)


27

Figure 3.8 Informal housing land access path Source: Own construct

The insufficient capacity of the local authority to meet the demand of the growing population, lengthy procedures, inappropriate and unsustainable housing policy, building regulations and standards and the availability of land for housing in the informal land market make that urban growth is often absorbed in informal settlements (Sheuya 2004) A similar situation is reported in Pakistan where the home builders opted for the informal land supply system since it is affordable to most low-income households without much paper work or red-tape (UNCHS 1996). People tend to move and build in informal areas simply because it is less bureaucratic, costly and there is no enforcement of building regulations and standards. The informal settlers, who are potentially building developers, often have no knowledge of, or regard to the existing city development plan. Basically, what they need is land, which they cannot access through the formal system and develop in compliance with the prescribed norms and standards. Subsequently, they opt to acquire land in informal settlement when they believe that there is no threat of being evicted. The resulting pattern of residential planned and unplanned areas for Dar es Salaam city is presented in figure 3.9.

Figure 3.9 Growth of informal settlements in Dar es Salaam city, 2003 (Source: Adopted from URT 2003 and modified)

3.5.1. Characteristics of informal settlements

Unlike in many developing countries, the informal settlements in Dar es Salaam city accommodate a wide range of social and economic groups. In most of these settlements the affluent and the poor live


28

side by side. It is common to find highly placed persons such as the former speaker of the National Assembly and university professors living with low-income groups (Sheuya 2004). There is neither social nor physical alienation among the informal dwellers and the rest of the city urbanites, as often is the case in Asia and Latin America. Some commentators applauded that in a situation where a society strives to build an egalitarian society this should be counted as a positive achievement. Land delivery in informal settlements is obtained from acknowledged owners, through allocations, inheritance or purchase. A recent study based on a sample of plot owners in Mabibo and Manzese informal settlements revealed that 79% and 75% of land owners respectively got their land through purchase, compared to 2% and 4% of owners who occupied land without any body’s permission (Kironde and Rugaiganisa 2002). This implies that informal settlements in Dar es Salaam cannot be regarded as illegal. In fact the illegal land occupation is not a major problem in most of the urban areas in Tanzania. In the development process three stages can be distinguished through which the housing and population densities increase (Fig. 3.10). ��

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Land development in the urban periphery on land left over, considered unsuitable for development, It is the starting or infancy stage. Predominantly in agriculture or bush land scattered houses are mostly owned by indigenous land occupiers. But the land is increasingly being cleared by non-settlers and landlords for non-subsistence farming activities.�

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In the “booming or consolidation stage” land use intensification (densities) as well as changes of use from agriculture to residential are rampant. The area is mostly found in-between and around built-up areas. Gradual displacement of the indigenous (often poor) residents by immigrants from the inner city is taking place.�

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The saturation stage is the stagnant or stable stage. A lot of development of housing occurs in the inner part of the informal areas where land markets have heated up. Often at this stage the area is found in the midst of planned areas and has no room for horizontal expansion. Intensification is through extensions, infill and gentrification.�

Figure 3.10 Typical informal settlement growth pattern showing the stages in which the densification process takes place. (Source: Adapted from Kyessi 2002; Nguluma 2003).

Infancy stage

Consolidation Stage

Saturation Stage


29

The housing investment is mainly financed through household savings and construction works are carried out by skilled and semi-skilled labourers or “Mafundi”. The security of tenure is obtained through social regulation as Kombe (2002) quoted in (Sheuya 2004) stated that:

“Social recognition by relatives and adjoining land owners or possession of land selling or transfer documents signed by concerned parties and their witnesses are crucial in guaranteeing the security of tenure”

The houses are constructed from temporary materials such as mud and poles; and in most cases in the inner areas houses are built with sand-cement blocks or bricks. The majority of houses are single storey buildings of the Swahili type. The settlements are characterised by lack of basic infrastructure and social services (school, dispensary, and playground), overcrowding, poor sanitation and poor solid waste management. Many can be regarded as stagnant or even declining while others are upgrading. It is apparent that some informal settlements are self-upgrading in the sense that buildings are improved or extended, and infrastructure instituted or improved over time. During fieldwork, it was observed that under the CIUP project the roads were upgraded in the study area. However, high population of building densities, lack of drainage, poor solid waste management and building on marginal land make the environment a precarious situation. An example of the high building density is presented in (Fig.3.11).

The characteristics of formal and informal settlements in the city of Dar es Salaam are summarized and presented in the following Table 3.3. Moreover, the photographs were taken to show the population of building densities in part of the study area and presented in figure 3.12 below table 3.3.

Table 3.3 Characteristic of informal and formal settlements in Dar es Salaam City Informal Settlements Formal settlements

-Ease of entry - low entry costs -Top-down planning and restricted entry-public control -Informal land allocation according to need (follow flexible standards)

-Inappropriate (fixed) standards in land use planning and allocation

-Build affordable shelter using step-by-step procedure of development

-Follow unaffordable building regulations leading to inadequate shelter

-Unregulated and competitive markets -Controlled markets (land value and rental markets) -Efficient socially regulated land delivery mechanism -Insufficient land delivery mechanisms based on ‘paper

plans’ -Unserviced land subdivided at will and sold -Shortage of surveyed and serviced plots -Labour intensive and adapted technology -Capital intensive and imported technology -Indigenous resources-traditional family or class mutual self-help system

-Resource constraints – insufficient cost recovery mechanisms and relying on grants/loans

-Skills acquired outside the formal system -Formally acquired skills -Local governance and informal information flow -Lack of good governance.

(Source: Adopted from Kyessi 2002)��

Figure 3.11 Building density in study area; Mnazi-Mmoja Sub-ward


30

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Figure 3.12 Building properties in the study area: Left and right show Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward (Source: Photography by author, Sept.2006)

3.6. Manzese settlement and the study area

3.6.1. Background to the settlement.

Manzese Ward is located in Kinondoni municipality, (refer fig. 3.3) approximately 7 kilometres from the city centre and 4 Kilometres from the Municipal headquarters. It straddles along the Morogoro arterial road and is composed of six sub-wards namely: Mnazi-Mmoja, Midizini, Kilimani, Muungano, Uzuri and Mvuleni. The first two sub-wards have been selected as study area. The ward is estimated to have a population of 67,000 with the average household size of 4.0. (NBS 2002). It is reputed to be the largest squatter area in Dar es Salaam city in terms of population and area. During the 1970s, it was notorious for it lawlessness and thus earned itself the name of “Soweto”, reflecting the image of the South African black township, where violence was rife (Kironde 1995) It is bounded to the West by the Ubungo Industrial area and Urafiki Flats, to the South by Mabibo and Mburahati road, to the East by the valley of the River Luhanga and the Kagera road, and to the North by the River Sinza. The study area covers about 65 hectares and in 2002 it was estimated to have a population of 25,000 resulting in a population density of 389 per hectare. It is separated from other sub-wards by the Morogoro trunk roads to the North; to the West they are bounded by Ubungo Industrial Area; to the South by Mabibo Ward; and to the East by Mburahati Ward (Fig.3.13).


31

3.6.2. Land use and settlement development.

In the 1940s, Manzese was a rural settlement outside the Dar es Salaam boundaries but by 1957 part of it had already been included within the city (Kironde 1995). It was originally a farm owned by an Asian named Albhai, who used to keep cattle in the area. Sliuzas (1988) reports that Manzese settlement was incorporated into the city in the 1960’s, like many other squatter settlements in the city, having begun as a small peri-urban village in which the allocation of land and the development was governed by traditional tribal customs. In 1968, the settlement was fully integrated within the city boundaries and started growing very fast. In addition, planning of an industrial area at Ubungo, proximity to the CBD, and accessibility by the Morogoro highway contributed to the fast growth of the area. The process of land subdivision, occupation and development took place completely outside the government ambit. Much of the land is held under customary tenure, though some residents possessed the title deeds over their lands. At first, houses were built on good lands and subsequently when filled up, hazard land was tackled. It was noted by Bruijn (1988) in Kyessi (2002) that when the available housing stock in

the informal settlements cannot cope with the demand arising from the population growth an increase in occupancy rate can only absorb the new comers for some time. But, at a certain moment overcrowding surpasses some (local) accepted occupancy rate creating an overspill situation and at this stage other new informal settlements will suddenly start to grow rather fast. Manzese settlement has reached a saturated stage characterised by mainly two housing densification processes: that is, the increase in terms of houses/rooms per hectare or people per hectare through in-fill, and the extension of existing buildings either vertically or horizontally. The built-up area grew from 45% of the available land in 1967 to 96% in 1980. The main land use is residential and the average housing density in the built-up land increased from 22 houses per hectare in 1967 to 32.5 in 1980 whereas the growth was largely through infilling rather than a real extension (Kironde 1995). This was reflected in changes in room density, from 40 rooms per hectare in 1967 to 165 in 1987 (Sliuzas 1988). Presently, there are hardly any open spaces left since even the marginal and hazard land has been built-up at an even faster annual growth rate of 5% between 1982 and 1987, in comparison to the rate of only 2% for the planned lands. A single building may be occupied by a number of households and the Swahili house frequently consists of multiple building units. The average occupant rate is estimated at 14 per house, with household size of 5 and the households per house at 3 (CUP 2004).

Figure 3.13 Location of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards


32

In addition, it estimated that 70% of the residents is self-employed in the informal sector; and the rest has some sort of formal employment with a regular income (CUP 2004). In many cases informal sector activities are carried along the highway and secondary roads in the vicinity of the areas.

3.6.3. Characteristics of housing and building consolidation.

The land occupation in the informal settlement indicates that only a minority of informal dwellers occupy the land without permission. In most cases, land is acquired through inheritance or purchase. The consolidation is a process that starts by land occupation, development and improvement of the neighbourhood. Usually informal settlers start by erecting buildings in traditional materials, or building a small back house or “banda7”, and either enlarge it or construct an entirely different building on the plot (Kironde and Rugaiganisa 2002). The process of housing construction does not follow the building regulations, standards and development control. They are haphazardly spread and in most cases they are Swahili type (single storey) houses accommodating more than the standard occupancy rate of 2 people per room. It is apparent that building improvement takes the form of either alterations/extensions of existing buildings or erecting a completely new building that increased the number of rooms and/or number of storeys for residential or commercial uses. The individual craftsmen and artisans or Mafundi” are employed during the consolidation to execute the necessary works and in many cases land consolidation and building improvement is realised though the use of household saving and not from the formal financial sector. �

The buildings in this settlement are constructed in mud and pole walls, with thatched or corrugated iron roofs, and are of the 6 roomed Swahili house type. Nevertheless, the newly invested buildings are built in more permanent materials such as sand-cement blocks or burnt bricks, roofing tiles or iron sheet; right from the outset. More often, the buildings are occupied by owners and tenants. It is estimated that 85% of houses constructed in Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward are permanent, 10% are semi-permanent and 5% are temporary houses. On the other hand, in Midizini sub-ward, 70% are permanent, 20% are semi-permanent and 10% are temporary houses (CUP 2004). The size of the buildings varies, albeit that a typical Swahili house is about 100 m2 excluding outbuildings (banda). The buildings of different types range from 10-300 m2 (Kinero, 1991 in Kironde and Rugaiganisa 2002).

3.7. Infrastructure development

The study area has relatively low levels of infrastructure services, including poor internal circulation that is caused by haphazard siting of building; poor infrastructure; inadequate solid waste management, open spaces and social services. But the Community Infrastructure Upgrading Project (CIUP) financed by the World Bank is now being implemented to improve the road network conditions.

3.7.1. Water supply

There is an existing simple piped water supply system, but most of the taps have no running water. As a result most of the residents largely depend on shallow wells, boreholes or water supplied by vendors. The insufficient quality of water combined with poor sanitation poses potential public health risks and the occurrence of water borne diseases. Every year, cases of cholera are reported in the Kinondoni Municipality and especially in the informal settlements. In addition, owing to the unsafe and insufficient water supply system, the settlement has been associated with several other water related diseases such as skin affection, diarrhoea and typhoid.


33

3.7.2. Sewerage and Sanitation

Manzese settlement, like many other informal settlements in the city, has no central sewerage system. The sanitation system used by most households (87%) is pit latrines. The incidences of water borne diseases are common due to defective sanitation facilities. Only few households use water borne systems (septic tank, soak pit). This is mainly due to absence of a functioning piped water supply system and the high costs involved in the construction of good sanitation. Normally, households living on the same plot share a common pit latrine, which has an effect on the cause and spread of incidences of water borne diseases. It is reported that 13% of building properties have either very temporary or no private sanitation facility at all (CUP, 2004). Furthermore, there are no public toilets and the households without a private toilet facility normally use their neighbours’ toilet. The groundwater table is relatively high and subsequently the pit latrines often overflow. Most of households cannot afford hiring the cesspit emptier or their plots are not accessible to it. The common practise is to empty a filled pit latrine by digging another pit the accessible side of the filled-up pit and drain off into the new pit. This is locally referred to as “kutapisha”, literally meaning ‘to vomit’. Another method used by residents is draining the sewage from the filled-up pit into running storm water through the natural drains especially when it rains; though this practise is associated with spread of water borne diseases especially cholera.

7 “8��9�� *��!� ��*��"


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4. Research Methodology and Case study areas

4.1. Research design

The research design is a logical plan of how to conduct the research and consists of a series of guideposts to keep someone in the right track. The common strategies used in social science research are surveys, experiments, histories and case studies (Sanchez 1980:21). All these strategies can be used to explore, describe and explain a phenomenon, though each one has its own merits and demerits. The choice of a particular strategy is guided by three conditions, which include: the type of research questions, the control a researcher has over actual behavioural events and the focus on contemporary as opposed to historical phenomena. These criteria are used to select a strategy. When the main questions are “Who”, “What”, “Where”, “How many” or “How much”, someone has no control over the behaviour of events, and the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon. In this case a survey is likely to be the most appropriate strategy. Equally, when the research questions are “How” and “Why”, the appropriate strategies are most likely to be experiments, histories and case studies. However, to distinguish experiments from histories and case studies, the second criterion, which implies to have control over the actual behaviour of events, has to be considered, because by definition, experiments need maximum control over the variables under investigation (Sheuya 2004). The last criterion, which focuses on whether the “phenomenon under study is contemporary” or “not” is used to differentiate a historical from a case strategy. Table 4.1 summarizes the argument. Table 4.1 Relevant situations for different research strategies Strategy Form of research question Requires control over

behavioural events Focuses on contemporary events

Survey Who, what, where, how many, how much No Yes Experiment How, why Yes Yes History How, why No No Case study How, why No Yes (Source: Yin, 1994 cited in Sheuya 2004)

Since strategies are not mutually exclusive and it is possible to use more than one strategy in the same study the case study strategy was adopted and complemented with other methods such as household survey, documentation, interviews and field photography, (Yin 1994) Fig. 4.1 summarizes the research design and methods. �


36

Figure 4.1 Research approach and methodology

4.2. Rationale for selecting a Case Study strategy

The choice of case strategy is justified by the nature of the research problem, objectives and the research questions. The main objective of this research is to investigate whether the residential license (RL) “title” is essential for encouraging investments in buildings construction and improvements. Therefore, the appropriate key research questions are “Why” and “How”. The focus therefore is a mix of descriptive and exploratory accounts towards understanding the motives for, and the process and linkages of investments. The analysis of the building investments and the subsequent changes in the spatial qualities need to be examined in their real life context. The analytical description of household characteristics such as, income, size, education and judgements is of significance to respond to the “Why” and “How” questions. The buildings as an object of the study are observed and analyzed, judgements and interpretations made. It is evident that the case strategy is significant in this study, because it allows studying selected rich cases in-depth and exploring the motive underlying and types of building investment done in the real-life situation within their specific research context. The unique strength of this approach is that it enables the researcher to deal with a variety of evidence, documents, observations and interviews (Patton, 1987 in Nguluma 2003). The major concern about this approach is the fact that individually they provide little basis for generalization but with sufficient number of related case studies some generalization may be obtained

4.3. Selection of a case: Why Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini Sub-wards

From the numerous of informal settlements in the city, Manzese was selected to test the hypothesis because it was regularized during the first phase and most of the property owners have taken the


37

license. It is within the inner city; located about 7 Kilometres from the city centre and straddles along the Morogoro road. In addition, it is located at 4 Kilometres from the Municipal headquarters and 3 Kilometres from the Ubungo-Metropolitan bus terminal. The choice of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards is motivated by the fact that they are information-rich environments as building investments are common. Many studies have been conducted and documented that could also be used as a reliable source of secondary data. These include studies by Sliuzas, (1988), Kironde (1995), Kironde and Rugaiganisa (2002), Nguluma (2003) and Sheuya (2004). Though, the later studies do not cover Manzese, they deal with pertinent issues on housing transformation in informal settlements that are related to this study. Additionally, spatial and non-spatial data for this settlement were made available by the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements (MLHHS). These data were collected during the social-economic survey in the context of the regularization process. All this information clearly justified the choice for these areas.

4.4. Unit of analysis

Since the hypothesis assumes that enhancing tenure security stimulates access to credit and eventually building investment, the units of analysis comprise households, buildings and parcels. Owing to the fact that households are the decision makers on whether to invest or not, they are primary unit of analysis. Other variables include credit market, environmental issues, socio-cultural aspects, institutional/legal issues, building materials, finance and economic aspect (see also Fig. 4.2).

Figure 4.2 Key Variables and Indicators used for Data collection

4.5. Implementation of the research .

The implementation of this research consist of three major phases, that is, pre-field task, field task and post field task. The data collection methods involved include interviews, documentation and direct observation. In addition, field photography and measurements were also done.��


38

4.5.1. Preparation for the fieldwork

Prior to the fieldwork, preparations were done including having the aerial photo printed, design the household questionnaire and pre-testing, to make a check-list for official discussions, planning the field programme and designing a common database. The design of the household questionnaire entailed to capture information on household characteristics, physical consolidation of the building, spatial qualities of the site, plans for investment and people’s opinions regarding the project implementation. Equally, the design of a check-list entailed to cross-check the information collected from the household survey.

4.5.2. Field Observation

Observation refers to systematic noting and recording of events, behaviour and objects in the social setting chosen for the study (Marshall & Rossman, 1999 in Sheuya 2004). The study employed purposive sampling to identify invested building properties after tenure regularization. The physical observation was conducted by using base-map and aerial photography. In addition to improved buildings (rich cases) also the rival cases were also noted, these include building along the corner plots, inner part, and the plots along the hazard lands. The rival cases had no improvement, but were selected to get more insight as to why they are not investing. Photographs were also taken in the field to document the physical aspects of building improvement and their spatial qualities. The photos show different parts of building structure, use of outdoor spaces, the solid waste collection and road upgrading. In general, a total of 60 cases were recorded in both sub-wards with an average of 30 cases per each. (Fig. 4.3).

. Figure 4.3 Sampled buildings in the study area

4.5.3. Household survey:

The household surveys were conducted with the assistance of two field-assistants. In addition to household’s characteristics and the spatial data, the forces for investment were also investigated to identify the reasons which prompt an individual household to carry out investment. The questionnaires were administered to sixty household heads and usually male. Nonetheless, on some


39

occasions in his absence his wife was interviewed where it was felt that she was adequately aware of the required information. For the complete household questionnaire see appendix I. �

�

4.5.4. Interviews with key informants.

Key informants are respondents who are knowledgeable and articulate, with deep insights that assist in understanding what is happening (Patton, 1987 in Nguluma 2003). In this case the key informants were the two sub-wards (Mitaa) leaders in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini who had been interviewed, to get an insight in the historical development of the settlement, the administrative setting, their roles in the whole process, effect of RLs on building investments and their views regarding the project execution. Likewise, an interview with the Ward Executive Officer (WEO) was done. Another interview was held with the Head of Housing Development Unit in the WAT-Human Settlement Trust, which is a Civil Society Organization (CSO), to find out its role, how the issues of tenure security are addressed and what constraints on housing investment in the informal settlements are perceived. In addition, interviews and discussions with UCLAS professional and experts were also held to get more in-depth understanding on tenure issues and opinions to the project (see also Fig. 4.5).

��

�

Figure 4.4 Interviews and discussions with professional and experts at UCLAS Source: Photography by author, Sept 2006

4.5.5. Discussion with central government officials

Discussion with Project Coordinator at the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements (MLHHS) was held to get more insight in the project implementation, her role in it, the actors involved, the project objectives, resources (human & physical), achievements and constraints, and the way forward. In addition, another discussion with Senior Town Planner-Planning and Coordination was done. � �


40

��

�

Figure 4.5 Discussions with officials: Left - discussion with Project coordinator. Right:-discussion with Dar es Salaam City planner. Source: Photography by author, Sept 2006

4.5.6. Discussion with local government officials

Discussion with Dar es Salaam City planner was held to gather information on composition and administrative set-up of the city, the linkages with the three Municipalities and the roles of the Dar es Salaam City Council in the physical development. Other discussions were held at Kinondoni Municipality with the Lands officer and Valuers to collect data and information on the regularization project and the ongoing project on infrastructure upgrading in the study areas.

4.5.7. Document analysis.

Important documents were used to increase and corroborate evidence from other sources. Several documents containing information on housing, policies, legislations, regularization, informal settlement, research studies were consulted during the whole process of research.

4.5.8. Spatial and non-spatial data

Spatial and the non-spatial data were collected from the Ministry of Lands (MLHHS), for the entire study area. The spatial data include: images, plot boundary, topographic data, ward administrative boundaries and sub-wards, blocks and the RL-holders. The non-spatial data include the social-economic survey, details of licensed and non-licensed plots and the regulations that are applicable to the license holders. The complete household questionnaire used by the MLHHS during the project is attached in appendix IX. Table 4.2 summarizes the list of interviews conducted during the fieldwork. Table 4.2. Summary of interviews conducted during fieldwork

Institution Position of informant No of respondents -Mnazi-Mmoja Sub-ward Household owner 30 -Midizini Sub-ward Household owner 30

Urban planning profession 4 -Academia (UCLAS) experts Land management economist 1 Project Coordinator 1 -Central government level

Ministry of Lands (MLHHS) Senior Town Planner- Planning and policy 1 Dar es Salaam City Planner 1 Municipal Land Officer (MLO) 1 Municipal Town planner (MTP) 1

-Local government level � Dar es Salaam City Council � Kinondoni Municipal Council

Municipal Valuers (MV) 3 -At Ward Level (Manzese) Ward Executive Officer (WEO) 1

Sub-ward (Mtaa) chairman 1 -At Sub-ward level Midizini Mnazi-Mmoja Sub-ward (Mtaa) chairman 1

WAT-Director 1 -NGOs WAT-Human Settlement Trust Head of Housing Development Unit 1

Total 78


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4.6. Validity and reliability.

To establish the validity and reliability of the data collection during the fieldwork, the following tests were performed. First, to construct validity multiple sources of evidence were consulted by interviews, discussion, observations, documentary sources and photography. Second, the employment of graduate assistants for household survey, who were also involved during the regularization project. Third, build rapport with household’s respondents to make them aware of the research purpose with the help of Sub-ward Committee member. Lastly, was to check the quality of the data through daily meetings with the field assistants to review the progress, constraints and the way forward. To test for reliability, the field assistants were introduced to the essence and details of the research and the need to adhere to the ethics of research. Furthermore, the questionnaires were translated into Swahili dialect and pre-tested to assess their appropriateness.

4.7. Problems in training and execution

During training process, it was apparent that some of the field assistants could not communicate and understand clearly the English version of the questionnaires; subsequently translations of questionnaires into “Swahili” dialect were inevitable. The problems encountered during the household survey were basically related to household’s awareness and fear of their properties. For instance, some respondents confused the research with the ongoing infrastructure upgrading project which involved demolition for the part of buildings. Therefore, they kept on asking a lot of questions related to the project. In another instance, one of the landholders was putting a building on top of the water line, and when he saw us he thought that we were coming from the local authority and he hid himself. To some extent being accompanied by member of the sub-ward committee proved very fruitful for acceptance by the residents, as he was the one who briefed the respondents about the research, before the interviews started.

4.8. Data analysis and presentation of the findings.

The data collected from the fieldwork (spatial and non-spatial) have been processed and analysed using SPSS and GIS package and complemented with data from other documentary sources. The field data were edited, coded, classified, tabulated and different geographic techniques are employed to represent the information analysed.

4.9. Research limitations

This study has some limitations which must be taken into account when reading its finding and conclusions � The first phase of the project on Tenure regularization in the informal settlements of Dar es

Salaam city was initiated in 2004 and completed in 2005. Subsequently; the process of issuing of residential license started in 2005. It is noticeably that the effects of land policies, including tenure regularization, take a considerable time to manifest the outcome. Therefore, the period of two years may not be adequate to gauge with certainty the effects of tenure regularization in such areas as a considerable time is needed to realise the effects.

� Owing to the limited time available and resources allocated for this research, only 60 households

could be interviewed during the fieldwork in the selected study areas. In addition, a purposive sampling strategy was adopted in which building properties with improvement were identified and some few selected rival cases. Accordingly, the sampling strategy may not be representative for the whole population. However, the findings from the spatial analysis cover the whole settlement and could be meant as a double-check of the findings of the questionnaires and interviews. Since,


42

the questionnaires and checklist were adopted to collect both qualitative and quantitative data, and the study has the character of a kind of pilot survey the sample size is not too critical


43

5. Building investments in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini Sub-wards

To assess the relationship between building investments and tenure security several aspects of building improvements and the tenure security have been analysed. This chapter briefly presents findings on the building investments and the households’ perception of their tenure security after land regularization.

5.1. Physical characteristics

Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards are separated from other sub-wards by the Morogoro road to the North; to the West they are bounded by the Ubungo Industrial Area; to the South by Mabibo Ward; and to the East by Mburahati and Makurumla Wards (see Fig. 5.1). The sub-wards cover an approximately 65 hectares and have a population density of 390 people/hectare. Their population is estimated at 25,000 with an average household size of 4.6 (CUP 2004). Table 5.1 portrays the population distribution and densities in the settlement. Table 5.1 Population distribution, area and densities in Midizini and Mnazi-Mmoja sub-wards.

Sub-ward Male % of total

Female

% of total

Total pop.

No. of H/hold

H/hold size

Area (Ha)

Density (per/ha)

Midizini 8245 51 7908 49 16153 3350 4.8 39 414 Mnazi-Mmoja 4705 51 4484 49 9189 2180 4.2 26 356

Total 12950 12392 25342 5530 4.6 65 390 Source: CIUP, 2004

The settlement of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini was fully integrated into the city boundary in 1968 and subsequently started growing very fast. Equally, planning of an industrial area at Ubungo, proximity to the CBD, and accessibility by the Morogoro highway contributed to the fast growth of the area. The landform is characterised by relatively flat land with surrounding catchments of major natural drains to the South-East; which offers a good opportunity for drainage of rain water. The natural drainage collects most of the storm water and drains the water to the East where it finally discharges into the Msimbazi River.

5.2. Socio-Economic Setting

The population is composed of people from various tribal backgrounds, with diverse social, cultural, economic characteristics and ethnic beliefs. The mixed social set-up apparently creates a metropolitan environment with potential for socio-economic and physical development. This was evident under the CIUP project funded by the World Bank whereby each sub-ward was supposed to contribute 5% of the total cost before the project begins. Each household contributed TShs 30,000/= to meet this condition. Equally, the presence of tribal and religious groups, Saving and Credit Cooperative Society (SACCOS), and Women Credit Solidarity groups (UPATU) also constituted a source for mutual contribution toward housing improvement. Engagement in petty trading within and outside the areas along the Morogoro road, Mabibo, Mburahati, Midizini and Tiptop secondary roads constitute the main income generating activity for most of the households (refer Fig. 5.1)


44

Figure 5.1 Location of the study area

87% of households heads interviewed are self-employed in the informal sector; and the remaining 13% have some sort of formal employment with a regular income. The informal activities that provide a living for the majority of the residents include petty trading whereby running of retail and wholesale shops make up 15%, selling of garments 34%, carpentry 1%, hair care and cutting saloons 15%, and hotel and restaurant “Mama Ntilie”35%. Most of the petty trade activities are carried out within the house, mainly in the front veranda or in extensions built along the walkways. For example see (Fig.5.2). Similarly to most other informal settlements in Dar, Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini accommodate quite a number of bars, guest houses, butchers, saloons, shoe repair, retail shops “genge” and tailoring activities.

Figure 5.2 Left: Petty trading activities along Mabibo road. Right: Petty trading along Mburahati roads Source: Photography by author Sept, 2006


45

5.3. Population and Building Characteristic

The population is approximately equally distributed between men and women (see Table 5.1). Out of the 60 households interviewed, 52 are male-headed and only 8 are female-headed households. This ratio is about 5:1 whereas the ratio between male to female-headed household for the Dar es Salaam city is 4:1, which is comparable to the study area (NBS 2001). The level of education is high, with the majority (54%) having acquired basic primary education, 27% passed secondary education and 7% got college or university training (see Fig. 5.3).

This is an important variable regarding the issue of settlement development in general. One might expect that those with a higher level of education are better able to decide on the best use of their resources.

Nearly, 48% of the sampled properties accommodate between 6 to 10 persons, and 47% between 11 and 18 people. The highest number of persons per house was found to be 18. About 47% and 3% of building

properties are occupied by owners and tenants respectively, whereas 50% are occupied by tenants and owners together. The settlement has a total of 1,974 building properties accommodating about 5,530 households. Table 5.2 show details on the two sub-wards. Table 5.2 Housing density and household size

Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward Detail Statistic

figure Gross housing density (per/ha) 30 Occupancy rate/Average number of people per house

11.9

Average household size 4.2 Average number of households per house 2.8

Midizini sub-ward Detail Statistic

figure Gross housing density (per/ha) 31 Occupancy rate/Average number of people per house

13.5

Average household size 4.8 Average number of households per house 2.8

Source: CIUP, 2004

The gross housing density (per/ha) and the average number of households per house is relatively similar, whereas the average household size and occupancy rate between the two sub-wards are comparable but are not the same. It is apparent that Midizini sub-ward has a relatively high occupancy rate of about 14 persons per house and the average household size of 5 whereas Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward has an average occupancy rate of about 12 and average household size of 4. This implied that between the two sub-wards Midizini has more population and housing densities compared to Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward. The dominant building type is the “Swahili” house with an average of six rooms, but very often more private rooms are added in the backyard and subsequently a building can have as many as 12 private rooms. The Swahili house typically has a central corridor or passage leading from a veranda facing a street to a backyard with outbuildings (banda) and to private rooms on each side. The banda is normally containing storage or cooking rooms, a bath room or pit latrine (see Fig. 5.4).

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Non-School Primaryeducation

SecondaryEducation

College orUniversity

% o

f hou

seho

ld

Figure 5.3 Education level in the study area


46

Figure 5.4 Typical design of Swahili house. Plan, roof plan and section. Note the front veranda “Baraza” on the plan. Each room is accessed through the corridor. Utilities are located at the backyard. (Adapted from Nguluma 2003)

Out of 1974 building properties in the two sub-wards, on average 76% are permanent, that is, the buildings have been constructed with permanent materials, either sand-cement blocks or burnt bricks, and roofed with corrugated iron sheet or tiles, 16% are semi-permanent and the remaining (8%) are temporary (see Table 5.3). Table 5.3. Building conditions in Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards

Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward Building condition Quantity Percentage (%) Permanent 657 85 Semi-permanent 75 10 Temporary 40 5 Total 772 100

Midizini sub-ward Building condition Quantity Percentage (%) Permanent 842 70 Semi-permanent 240 20 Temporary 120 10 Total 1202 100

Source: CIUP, 2004

It is appears that Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward has a relatively large number of buildings with permanent condition than Midizini sub-ward. The percentage of building with permanent condition in Mnazi-Mmoja is 85, whereas in Midizini is only 70%. This implied than Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward is more developed and also accessible than the other. For example, Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward is closed located to Morogoro, Mabibo and Tiptop roads and bounded by Urafiki Textile Industry, the factors that attracted more people to reside in this sub-ward than in the other. In both, most of the land in the area is used for residential purposes and the open space is hardly available.


47

5.3.1. Land delivery

Almost 82% of the households acquired the land through buying, 14% through inheritance and the remaining (4%) through gift from friends or relatives (see also Table 5.4)

5.3.2. Plot size

The most frequently occurring plot size in the selected sample is that of 200-400 m2, followed by plots of less than 200 m2. The plots sizes with more than 800 m2 are only three; this implies that the settlement is occupied with high density. Of 56 properties surveyed, the plot size varies between 52 and 1008 square meter with average size of 326 square metres (see Table. 5.5) and (also Fig. 5.5).

It is evident that nearly 79% of the sampled plots have less than 401 m2 and about 95% have less than 801 m2. In addition, it is only 5% of the sampled plots that have more than 800 m2. The officially established standard for high density plot is 400 m2. This suggest that, it is only 5% of the sampled plots in the study area that could be allowed for further sub-division,

according to the norms and standards under the RL’s project

Figure 5.5 Plot size category

Table 5.4 Mode of land acquisition Mode of land acquisition % of Household respondents Purchase 82 Inheritance from families 14 Gift from relatives and friends 4

Source: Fieldwork, Sept 2006

Table 5.5 Plot sizes in the selected cases Plot size (m2) No. of

plots (%)

Percentage Cumulative

(%) percentage Less than 200 14 25.0 25

200-400 30 53.6 78.6 401-600 6 10.7 89.3 601-800 3 5.4 94.7

801-1000 2 3.6 98.3 1001-1200 1 1.8 100.1

Total 56 100.0 Source: Field observation, Sept 2006


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5.3.3. Income distribution

The lowest and highest income earned by the households per month in the selected sample s is T.Shs. 30,000 and Tshs. 3,450,000 respectively, and the median is Tshs. 330,000. This indicates that most of the households income fall below TShs. 330,000 (235 US $). Likewise, the lowest and highest household’s expenditure per month in the same sample is Tshs. 81,000 and Tshs. 1,760,000 respectively with the approximate median of TShs. 260,000. This implied than most of the households in the selected sample spend below TShs. 260,000 per month. The scatter diagram in figure 5.6 indicates the linear root square of 0.533 and the pattern suggests a positive and moderate relationship between the household’s income and expenditure. As the household’s income increases their expenditure also tends to rise.

The household’s income and expenditure in the selected sample have been classified for further analysis as indicated in table 5.6 below. Table 5.6 Household income and expenditure per month (Fig. in Tanzania currency, 1 US $=1,400)

Household income per month Income class (TShs) No. of

H/hold % of

H/hold Cumulativ

e %

Less than 100,000 8 13 13 100,001 - 200,000 15 25 38 200,001 - 300,000 7 12 50 300,001 - 400,000 6 10 60 400,001 - 500,000 3 5 65 500,001 - 600,000 4 7 72 600,000 - 700,000 - - 72 700,001 - 800,000 2 3 75 800,001 - 900,000 4 7 82 900,001 -1,000,000 1 2 84 1,000,000 and above 10 17 101

Total 60 100

Household expenditure per month Expenditure Class

(TShs) No. of H/hold

% of H/hold

Cumula tive %

Less than 100,000 3 5 5 100,001 - 200,000 19 32 37 200,001 - 300,000 13 22 59 300,001 - 400,000 9 15 74 400,001 - 500,000 3 5 79 500,001 - 600,000 3 5 84 600,000 - 700,000 4 7 91 700,001 - 800,000 2 3 94 800,001 - 900,000 - - 94 900,001 1,000,000 2 3 97 1,000,000 and above 2 3 100

Total 60 100

Source: Household survey, Sept 2006

From the table above, it is evident that nearly 60% of the households in the selected sampled earn less than TShs. 400,000 per month (250 US. $) whereas 74% of the same sample spend less than TShs. 400,000 per month. However, the monetary information for the household’s income sources might be inaccurate as most of the households do not disclose or keep records of their income that varies to some extent due to being unstable through time.

5.4. Infrastructure development

From various studies on factors affecting land value suggested that infrastructure development, accessibility by roads, locational aspects such as proximity to CBD, had greatest impact on the land value and physical development. A study on factors affecting residential properties in Nairobi showed

0 200000 400000 600000 800000 1000000

Aver H/hold Monthly Income

0

200000

400000

600000

800000

1000000

Ave

r H

/hol

d M

onth

ly E

xpen

ditu

re

R Sq Linear = 0.533

Figure 5.6 Household income and expenditure relation NB: 1 US $ = TShs. 1,400


49

that location aspect had the greatest impact on the value of land and accounted for 62% of total variations out of total number of 10 factors (Syagga 1994). Similarly, it is apparent that infrastructure improvements such as upgrading of road network and proximity to the CBD, Ubungo bus terminal, Urafiki textile industry and easy accessibility to Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini settlement have attracted more people to reside in the neighbourhood and subsequently lead to increase in the value of land and building properties. The landlords are enjoying an increased housing rent while the poor households are currently being bought out of the area, letting new buyers, especially the rich, put up investment in construction of new buildings either for residential, commercial purposes or both. The following (Fig. 5.7) portray new major investments in the study areas.

Figure 5.7 New building investments (hotel) left are: Midizini sub-ward. Right is Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward. Source: Photography by author, Sept, 2006

Likewise, developments of road infrastructure network along the settlement are attracting a lot of building investments that are now taking place along the Morogoro Road. The examples of buildings investments along the major road are shown in Fig. 5.8 below.

Figure 5.8. Building investments along Morogoro Road: Left: Midizini sub-ward and Right: Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward (Source: Photography by author, Sept, 2006)

5.4.1. Water supply

Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority (DAWASA) is the only water supply company in the city, however, water rationing is the dire problem and subsequently people have resorted to other sources. Overall, it is only 30% of the population of the city that has access to tap water supplied by


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DAWASA (Kyessi, 2002) Nearly, 64% of the household’s interviewed depend on the supply by water vendor, 14% from public well, 5% from private well, 10% from own-tap and 7% from public tap. The water vendors, ranging from push cart vendors (see Fig. 5.9) are selling about 600 litres a day, to owners of trucks selling up to 20,000 litres a day. These vendors are trying to fill in the gap left by DAWASA. Although, piped water supply does exist most of the taps have no running water and the system is dilapidated.

5.4.2. Sanitation

The settlement is not connected to the central sewer system and overall the sanitation is poor. On-site systems of sanitation are the most prevalent in many informal settlements. The commonly practised forms are pit latrines, septic tanks and soak pit, and the local practise “kutapisha” literally meaning “to vomit”. Of the three practises, septic tanks and soak pit is the best method. But the construction cost ranging from TShs. 800,000 to TShs.1,200,000 is relatively high and unaffordable to most of the households. In addition, there is an emptying charge ranging between TShs. 40,000-60,000 per trip which is also costly and for most of the households become prohibitive. Often, it takes 2-3 years for emptying the septic tanks depending on the number of households per building. In general, an average of 2-3 trips is needed for emptying a septic tank but it also depends on the size of the cesspit emptier. Nearly, 90 percent of the respondents use pit latrines, and the remaining (10%) use septic tanks and soak pits. Owing to the high density and lack of accessibility, the cesspit emptier cannot reach most of the pit latrines in the settlement, and as a result emptying is done manually through the local practise. In this way a pit is dug adjacent to the existing filled up toilet and the sewage from it is drained into the new pit and subsequently covered with excavated earth. When there is no additional space for a new pit a room is demolished to provide space. However, this practice is not hygienic and enhances resident’s vulnerability to disease; environmental degradation and other health impacts. The households living on the same building share a pit latrine which in turn increases the incidence and spreading of water borne diseases.

5.4.3. Solid waste collection

The prevailing methods of solid waste disposal and collection in the study area include: private contractor, public garbage, burning and burying and throwing it on a vacant lot or in a stream. The management of the solid waste is the responsibility of the Municipal authority, which has sub-contracted it to the private sector to carry out the services. Overall, the settlement makes a relatively clean impression as waste is regularly collected by the private company and disposed to dump sites; though the achievement is not much. The contractor employs handcarts to collect the waste thrice a week; though some of the buildings are not easily accessible. The household is charged an amount of TShs. 500 per month per building as a collection fee. Out the 60 households interviewed, 62% deposit their solid waste to be picked up by the private garbage collector from their plots, and then the contractor deposits the waste at a transfer station located near Ukombozi Primary School at Kilimani sub-ward in the northern part. Then, the municipal collection trucks pick up the waste from the transfer station and transport it to the final disposal site.

Figure 5.9 Water vendor supplying water to residents Source: Photography by author, Sept 2006


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31% of the households deposit their waste to the public or municipal garbage site (transfer station); 3% burning or burying; and the remaining (4 percent) thrown in vacant lot or stream, that is, illegal dumping.

5.4.4. Electricity supply

Electricity is provided in the city by Tanzania Electricity Supply Company (TANESCO). Nearly, 80 % of the households interviewed are connected to the electricity power line and use as a main source for lighting whereas the remaining (20%) households use kerosene or candles as a source for lighting because they cannot afford. The findings suggest that most of the people in the settlement can afford to pay for the electricity services as it is not costly.

5.4.5. Road network and footpaths

The settlement is accessible by the Morogoro Road that forms the boundary of the sub-wards to the north and the three secondary roads Mabibo, Tiptop and Mburahati. The secondary roads are five meter wide, tarmaced except Mburahati road and in relative good condition. The Tiptop Road forms the boundary between the two sub-wards and from this the settlement is accessible by several tertiary access roads of 3 metre width most of which are now being upgraded to gravel road. Most of the footpaths in the settlement are not mapped. (see also Fig. 5.10)

Figure 5.10 Roads network The ongoing project of the CIUP opened up the settlement which is easily accessible by most of the upgraded roads (Fig. 5.11).


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Figure 5.11 Ongoing project of road upgrading under the CIUP Source: Photography by author, Sept, 2006

After this account and analysis of the existing socio-economic profile and physical characteristics of the study area at the settlement level, the next section presents detailed information on the relationship between building investments and the household’s perception of tenure security.

5.5. Extent and nature of building investments

5.5.1. Building investment

For the purpose of this study building investments refer to the processes of building construction by using materials and technology in use in the locality. It involves changes to a building, such as sub-dividing or improving a room, erecting a wall, putting a new roof or fences. In addition, it also involves built additions which eventually increase the overall plot coverage.

Building investments have been categorized into two groups: major improvements and minor improvements. Major improvements involve demolition of an existing building and construction of new one. It takes the form of vertical or horizontal development depending on the scale of investment. Minor improvements involve the adjustment or extension of rooms, walls, painting or roofing to an already existing building. It transforms the building facade and usually takes the form of horizontal development. Of the 55 cases of building improvements, 14 buildings that is, 25 % have major improvements and the remaining (75%) has minor improvements. Out of the 14 cases of major improvements, 2 cases (14%) involved vertical extensions and the remaining 12 cases are horizontal extensions. For examples see Fig. 5.12-5.13 �

��

�

��

Figure 5.12 Minor improvements: Left: an extension of a new veranda and putting up a new roof (Photography by author, Sept, 2007). Right: is an example of the replacement of temporary mud and pole material by permanent sand-cement blocks. (Photo taken by R. Sliuzas)


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Figure 5.13 Major improvements: Left is horizontal extensions, demolition and construction of new building Right: Vertical extensions, demolition and construction of new multi-story building. Source: Photography by author Sept, 2006

5.6. Physical aspects resulting from investment made in building structure

Most of the building investments in the settlement are characterized by quantitative improvement relatively to qualitative. Most often involve the adjustment or extension of new rooms attached to an already existing building. Of the 41 cases of minor improvements, 29 cases (71%) involve the adjustment or extension of room; 9 cases (22%) is the renovation of the original buildings to improve the façade (painting, fencing, burglar-proof bars, new wall) and the rest 3 cases (7%) is improvement on roofing structure. (see Fig. 5.14).

Apparently, most of the room extensions were carried out in rooms located in front of the buildings facing the roads so that the new rooms can be used for renting out or for other functions, particularly commercial activities. For the overall improvements, out of the 55 cases, 41 (74%) involve improvement on rooms structure, 8 (15%) roof structure, 4 (7%) wall structure, and rest 2 (4%) are veranda. ( see also fig. 5.15 below)

74%

15%

7% 4%

Room Roof Wall Veranda

Figure 5.15 Structure of building improvement (Source: Household survey, Sept, 2006)

0

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40

50

60

70

80

Roofing improvement Renovation to improvethe façade

Alteration or extension ofroom

Magnitute of investment

% o

f im

prov

ed c

ase

Figure 5.14 Major building improvements Source: Household survey, Sept, 2006


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The magnitude of building investments in the selected sampled properties in the two sub-wards of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini settlement are shown in figure 5.16 below:

Figure 5.16 Major building improvements categories

5.7. Motives for carrying out building investments (underlying factors)

The qualitative analysis was conducted to investigate in more detailed analysis the underlying reasons why people invest and consolidate despite the apparent lack of formal tenure security. The households were asked to identify their degree of motivation for the building investment in the selected sampled properties.

A combination of economic, social-cultural, tenure security and infrastructure upgrading are the factors unveiled by respondents. It is evident that 35% of household’s respondents improved their building for purpose of renting out rooms as an alternative source of income generation; whereas 31% did so to respond to an increasing demand for more rooms and spaces to accommodate their household members. Other reasons mentioned include tenure security, upgrading of roads infrastructure service and search for privacy (linkages) (see

also Fig. 5.14). Each of the reasons will be discussed in more details in the next section.

35%

31%

26%

5% 3%

Income generating activities Increase household sizeTenure security Infrastructure upgradingIn-search for privacy

Figure 5.17 Underlying factors for buildings improvement.


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5.7.1. Economic reason

The most frequent reason for building improvement is to generate more earning from rental rooms for residential or commercial activities. This finding conforms to the reality that majority of the households in the informal settlements are low-income earners and therefore have to look for other means of survival strategies. In addition to rooms for rent there is the creation of space for home-based economic activities such as shops, hair dressing and cutting saloons, butchery, tailoring marts, food vending “ Mama Ntilie” and new hotels and guest houses. Mnazi-Mmoja’s Sub-ward (Mtaa) leader noted that the area contains 51 guest houses and hotels. How, room rental by landholders also supplements household was told by one of the household respondents:

“I was employed at Tanzania Harbour Authority (THA) since 1978, I retired in 2002. I do not have enough money to spend with my family and particularly to pay for the school fees of my two daughters who are now in Secondary School. Subsequently, I decided to adjust the room and make extension of the new room for renting out to the business man who want to rent a room for the retail shop. He paid the rent for 12 months; then I managed to pay for the School fees of my two daughters” [Interview with household owner in Midizini, October, 2006]

Another household-owner at Mnazi-Mmoja sub-ward, who has extended additional rooms for business transaction (see Fig. 5.18) narrated that: “I did not ask for the ”Leseni za Makazi” literally meaning “Residential License” to make additional

improvement to my house, since I have been approached by some business men who need to open a retail shop, all what I need is money to spend with my family. I decided to extend the rooms and rent out to them. But we agreed to pay for one year, so that I get enough money to buy the construction materials and hiring the craftsmen, “Mafundi”.

Figure 5.18 Left: adjustment of Swahili house to create rooms for business purpose. Photo by MKURABITA, 2004. Right: Adjustment and extension of room to create space for retail shop in Midizini Photo by author, Sept, 2004

5.7.2. Increase in household members

The need to accommodate the increasing numbers of household members and relatives is another compelling factor for housing improvement. As noted earlier, out of the 55 cases 31% of households interviewed mentioned that the reason behind their housing improvement was to accommodate the increasing number of household members. One of the respondents narrated that:

“When I acquired this plot, I only built 3 rooms to live with my wife and we had only 2 children. When, they grown up they plan to get married. I had no objection but we discussed together how we can accommodate an increasing family size. We agreed the solution was to build additional rooms at the backyard (Banda)”. Accordingly, we extended 4 rooms where they are now living.


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It is a common practise in urban areas in Tanzania and specific in Dar es Salaam city that the teenagers of 18 years and above live with their parents until they can support themselves for renting a room or building their own houses. Conversely, owing to the cost of land acquisition and constructions in most cases, they stay with their parents even after marriage. Therefore, the parents feel obliged to extend their building to accommodate their adult children as well as relatives coming from up-country for a visit.

5.7.3. Tenure security

The perception of tenure security was another reason unveiled by landholders in the study area. Of the 55 cases, 26 percent of the households interviewed made improvements because they feel secure over their landholding property. One of the respondents, who appears well-informed about regulations governing urban land development, commented that:

“I have been living here for more than 30 years since 1970s, I bought this land from Mzee Jumbe and everyone in this area knows this is my land including the Sub-ward (Mtaa) Leader. I have never had boundary disputes with my neighbours. Why should I get worry to put more investment in my land given resources available? No one can claim this to be his/her land. In addition, I have been paying property tax to the Municipal Council, even the local authority know this land is mine”

From the foregoing, it is apparent that the perception of tenure security is achieved over time through the accretion of various rights over land such as the length of occupation, the social recognition by adjoining landholders and the local community (Mtaa) leaders. In addition, the collection of property tax by the Municipal authority and lack of threat of eviction created more sense of security and protection of an individual right over land. This form of ‘de facto’ tenure is common to urban area in Tanzania and subsequent raises the perceived levels of security to the landholders that unleash substantial levels of investment in housing improvements. Although landholders perceive secure tenure it does not necessarily mean that it is in fact at par with full title or Right of Occupancy (RO). They were aware that absence of statutory title to prove the land ownership confines their tenure security, but it was unanimously perceived that the improvements made to land such as social and physical infrastructure, coupled with construction of their housing units, were secure and could be put on the market. Equally, the perceptions enable them to trade their perceived tenure of their claimed property in the market. Additionally, in an interview another respondent narrated that:

”I have been living here since in 1965. In 1973 the government reallocated some of the people from Manzese to Sinza neighbourhood under the Site and Service programme. Subsequently, most of the people decided to come back. Surely, I do not think that someone can claim to belong to my piece of land. I bought this land from Mzee Sultan who was the leader of TANU political part in 1968 even the government cannot claim, without paying compensation for my properties, before I leave the land”

From the preceding, it appears that some of the household believe that they will never be evicted; others believe that in the event of eviction compensation for their land and improvement is guaranteed. Therefore, this suggests that the informal landholders feel secure and the security is achieved mostly through the mode of land acquisition and the social recognition; the length of occupation over land and housing consolidation, and lack of threat of eviction. The reasons for the household’s perception of ‘de facto’ tenure security is presented in Fig.5.19 below.


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In addition, out of the 60 households that were asked about the security of investment made so far in their houses, nearly 93 percent felt that the investment made in their housing was secure. This suggests that the majority of households perceive their investment to be secure, almost irrespective of their informal landholding situation. It is evident that the tenure security does not depend so much on legal status as on residents’ perceptions of the past and present government policy.

Of the 55 cases of building improvement, in 32 (nearly 58%) improvements were made without residential license (RL). Only 23 (42%) of the respondents possessed the RLs (see also Table.5.7) Table 5.7 Investment (2004-2006) and Title category -Cross-tabulation.

Title category Total License Non- license

Yes Count 23 32 55 Expected Count 22.9 32.1 55.0 % within Investment (2004-2006) 41.8% 58.2% 100.0% No Count 2 3 5 Expected Count 2.1 2.9 5.0

Investment (2004-2006) % within Investment (2004-2006) 40.0% 60.0% 100.0%

Count 25 35 60 Expected Count 25.0 35.0 60.0

Total % within Investment (2004-2006) 41.7% 58.3% 100.0%

This too indicates that about half of the households are not bordered about the formal tenure security bequeathed by residential license. The amount of RL takers is slowly down. Only 33% of the property-owners have taken the RL in the study area. Overall, of the 220,000 identified properties in the city, only 52,000 properties (20%) of the property-owners have taken their RL. This suggests that the RL is not attractive to change the households’ perception. Additionally, it is evident that acquiring the RL is not mandatory and therefore the property-owners have an option and the law does not say anything. Subsequently, whereby the majority have not turned out to collect their RL, Ilala Municipality put an advert in the newspapers setting the deadline that all property owners should collect their RL (see also Appendix V). This reaction could be interpreted as coercing the residents to take the RL even if they are not willing. The following figure 5.20 presents building properties with and without RL in the sampled properties in the study area.

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20

16

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Lack of threat of eviction

Length of occupation andhousing consolidation

Mode of land acquisitionand social recognition

% of household Figure 5.19 Reasons for feeling secure.


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Figure 5.20 Building properties with and without Residential License.

5.7.4. In search of privacy (linkages)

3 percent of the households interviewed explain that they made improvement to their dwelling in order to improve or secure maximum privacy. In many cases toilet and bathroom are located beyond the courtyard of the “Swahili” house type and are not roofed. The privacy of users is reduced if they are neighbouring the new multi-story buildings (see Fig. 5.21).

Figure 5.21 Improvement on toilets adjacent to the multi-storey buildings.

5.7.5. Upgrading of roads infrastructure service

5% of the respondents are motivated to improve their buildings because of infrastructure upgrading. Under the Community Infrastructure Upgrading Programme (CIUP) financed by the World Bank the


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roads in the settlement are being upgraded and some of the buildings have been demolished partly to provide space for the road network. The households affected by the project were entitled for compensation and some of them used this money to make some improvements. These improvements provide space for access road and do not exceed the demolished areas.

5.8. Mode of finance for the building investment

The findings suggest that the main source of finance for buildings investment is not from the formal financial sector, but rather from own savings over a long time from their income obtained from petty and micro enterprises or meagre salaries; loans from friends and relatives; support from children; and from the CIUP compensation. Of the 55 cases, 93% of respondents improved their housing from their personal saving and only 7% from other options.(see Fig.5.22).

Lack of accessibility to formal financial institutions causes the process of housing investment to be carried out slowly over time, because the construction is undertaken when funds are available and when the funds are finished, construction stops and is resumed later on when another injection of funds is available. It was interesting to identify that in a situation of financial constraint the funds spent for housing investment such as room extension or alteration came from the would-be tenants themselves and the cost is compensated in the monthly rent for a

number of months based on the agreement with the household-owner. This finding suggests that rental-income is an innovative source of finance for housing improvement. One of the respondents who was asked to explain the reason for not seeking loans for banking institutions narrated that:

“I depend very much from this building to meet my daily needs. If I borrow the money from the banks by using my house as collateral, whilst I do not earn sufficient to amortise such loans, I cannot afford. And if, I fail to repay the bank can foreclosure my house. Then, where am I going to stay with my family? In addition, I don’t need large loans from bank, rather I require small loans from SACCOS, UPATU or PRIDE to build an extra room or improve the existing one for renting out and doing my small business”

�

The foregoing, is in contradiction with De Soto’s and the World Bank’s broadly advocated orthodoxy, that once regularization of informal housing takes place, the consolidation level of the dwelling will dramatically increase as long as land and property can be used as collateral for mortgage credit and the same time enhances the land and housing market. The following Fig. 5.23 portrays the relationships between regularization, investment level, access to credit and time series. According to this theory as illustrated in the figure, at a point Eq theoretically, the policy instrument of tenure regularization comes into effect and security of tenure and access to credit becomes vital. The policy instrument is assumed to increase the rate of investment dramatically due to the fact that security of tenure has an effect immediately as the informal property-owners are able to receive credit using their property as collateral. As time passes, the building investment levels off as it has reached its peak and some individuals may start to carry out land transfer as their land or property value has increased.

93

4

2

2

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Personal saving

Loan from friends andrelatives

Children support

CIUP compensation

Sour

ces

of fi

nanc

e

% of household Figure 5.22 Sources of finance building improvements


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Figure 5.23 Relationship between regularization, investment level, access to credit and time according to De Soto’s theories Source: Adapted from De Soto, 1992; Kagawa, 2000

The findings also reconfirm the result from the parallel study on ‘flexible tenure forms and access to credit’ by Margaret, (2007) that the households do not access credit from formal financial institutions due to several reasons ranging from economic limitations to personal attitudes and therefore the target group’s behaviour hardly changes through the policy implementation. Moreover, the preceding reconfirms the argument made by Abdulai (2006) that many households in the developing world, especially the poorer ones do not need large loans since they do not earn adequate income to be able to amortise such loans; what they rather require is access to small loans to enable them erect an extra room perhaps for rental income; to improve the quality of their existing buildings or to engage in some small scale business. And for such loans, other forms of collateral security, not necessarily registered titles “RL” to landed property, would invariably be acceptable. It is also evident that households are reluctant to offer their building property as collateral to access credit because of fear of foreclosing on a defaulting loan. They are also disinclined to access credit because of unstable business activities and stringent borrowing conditions. The financial institutions invariably impose stringent conditions to borrower that are thorny to most of the households. Such conditions include collateral security, viable bank account and registered business, which are rarely met. Such conditions make the majority of them not creditworthy. On the other hand, it is appear that some of the households intend to use RS to acquire loans from the formal financial sector, but due to the influence of time since the project was introduced to the time of this research it is relatively a short period. Equally, most of the residents are not aware of the project and in many cases; information is disseminated and believed from neighbour to the next than from the news media. Likewise, most of the credit agencies are new to RL form of tenure security. The finding from the parallel study above, revealed that more that half (57%) of the households would accept the loan and offer their property as collateral in a situation of favourable conditions given by the banks.

5.9. People’s plan for future improvement

There is a considerable potential for further improvement among the respondent’s households in the sampled properties given that resources are available. Out of the 5 cases without improvement, 4 of


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them (80%) indicate their plan for housing investment. Most of them intend to invest into additional rooms (quantitatively) for rental and business purposes to generate more income. However, the main obstacle in realizing their intensions is lack of access to finance. On the question how they are going to finance such improvements, 60% of the respondents answered that they would be willing to offer their property as collateral, if the banks accepted. The remaining (40%) were not ready to offer their property as collateral and rather would rely on their personal saving over a considerable period of 2 to 3 years. But, the time mentioned is not certain because of their unreliable source of income. Of the 25 cases of household-owners with RL, 18 (72%) of them will would-be willing to offer their property as collateral, whereas the remaining (28%) are not ready to offer their property for mortgage. Of the 18 households that are willing to offer their property as collateral for mortgage, 16 (88%) are looking for other investments apart from housing whereas the remaining (12%) are willing to add more rooms for rental and business purposes.

5.10. People’s opinion regarding the project implementation.

There are positive responses from the residents to applaud the implementation of the tenure regularization project, but they further commented on some necessary improvements to be made to make the project more thriving. 31% of the respondents are satisfied with the overall project implementation, 25% claim that as long as the government has regularized their settlement, they need provision of infrastructure services equally provided to other planned settlements. (see also Fig. 5.24)

In addition 18% of households express their concern that the two years term of RLs is very short and the formal lending institutions are unlikely going to accept them as collateral security for such period. One of the respondent narrates that: “This plot belongs to me, I inherit from

my father who passed away in 1990, I was born here and now I’m 35 years old. Everyone knows that this land belong to my father and I’m the elder son of the late Mzee Suleiman. Now, the government want me to pay for the”Leseni za Makazi”literally

meaning Residential License with only two years term. I do not know after the completion of this term what next. Surely, we need the statutory title to authenticate our land but it should not be for short term like that. We should be given more time like those living in planned areas; citing Sinza as the nearest planned neighbourhood”

Of the 25 respondents with RL, 17 (68%) had an opinion that the government should extend the term for the RL and alert the credit agencies to accept it as collateral for mortgaged. 6 respondents (24 percent) claim the provision of physical and social infrastructure services in the settlement as long as they have now been recognised by the government and have to pay the land rent. The remaining had an opinion that the planning authority should now survey and clearly demarcate their plot boundary. Equally, of the 35 households without RL, 15 (43%) had an opinion that, it is costly and that they cannot afford to pay, 14 (40%) had an opinion that, they do not see the need it as long as they are

31

25

18

11

8

7

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Satisfied and applaud the project

Need upgrading of infrastructure

Two years term is very short

Use of license to access credit

Reduce bureaucracy in issuinglicenses

Property survey and demarcation

Hou

seho

ld's

opi

nion

s

% of respondents

Figure 5.24 Household’s opinions regarding project implementation


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secure over their landholdings, 6 respondents (17%) had an opinion that the government should reduce the red tape to acquire the RL. They claimed a long bureaucracy for some one to acquire the RL. They claim that though they have applied and paid the required fees but still they have not been given the RL.( see also Fig. 5.25).

0

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Extend the term for RLand access to credit

Infrastructure up-grading

Property demarcation

% o

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Cost Feel secure Remove red tape

% o

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ld

Figure 5.25. Household’s opinions on project execution: Left: Opinions for RL’s holders and Right: Opinions for non-RL holders


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6. Conclusions and recommendations

The research findings from the previous chapters need to be related to the research objectives and the research questions. This study intended to identify the effects of tenure regularization on building investment using the case study of Mnazi-Mmoja and Midizini sub-wards in Dar es Salaam city.

6.1. Conclusions

6.1.1. Contradiction to the theoretical model

There is no clear relation between residential license (RL) and building investments because, almost more than half (58%) of the respondents in the selected sampled properties invested in their buildings without having RL as a formal property rights. The majority (82%) of the households interviewed acquired the land through purchasing, which suggests that households in the study area have developed a positive perception on tenure security and subsequently have a positive attitude to housing improvements. They have conceptualized and make judgment on their tenure security based on their own experiences as residents, as well as on the history of their neighbourhoods. The people fell secure over their lands because they have been living in the neighbourhood for almost three decades without any threat of being evicted which implies some form of de facto tenure security over their landholdings. The stable social recognition by adjoining landholders and the perpetual use of land constitute critical factors that protect an individual right over land and, this in Dar es Salaam city and Tanzania as a whole, is widely perceived as sufficient evidence for tenure security. Therefore, the people do not invest in their buildings in such informal settlements because of the RL over their landholdings, but because of other underlying factors such as income generating activities and increase in the size of household members. Moreover, most of the building improvements were done to accommodate rooms for business or rental purpose. The motive behind buildings investments is not based on tenure security perceptions as it is largely advocated everywhere. Other dimensions of security such economic hardship, increased household size and infrastructure upgrading serve as proxy measures to individual households when making judgments and influence deliberate decisions to reinvest in the informal settlements of Dar es Salaam city. These findings confirm the suggestion that perceived security of occupation through de facto government, political and community attitudes can be as important as tenure per se in the consolidation process. The security is felt when there is no possibility of being evicted or if the people feel that their invested buildings are not going to be demolished overnight and not necessarily the security of having a legal title “residential license” over their landholding rights.

Most households declared that improvements in their buildings were made to accommodate new additional rooms (74%) due to economic hardship and increased household’s size. Such improvements were made by transformation of temporary building materials, such as mud and poles, into more permanent materials such as sand-cement blocks, burnt bricks, corrugated iron sheets or tiles. It also involves demolition of old and erection of new building structure.


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The ‘de facto’ tenure is considered adequate and the people do not need to wait for the legal title “residential license” to erect new structures especially with “minor improvement”. Nonetheless, where substantial investments “major improvements” have been made, households need additional security for that investment through formal legal tenure “Certificate of Occupancy” (see also Appendix II). Therefore, when households are investing in multi-storey buildings, they go survey their land and apply for the legal title. They also submit their building plans and apply for the building permit to the Municipal authority. They seek to add legal security to the social security already obtained with informal agreement. This suggests that the greater the investment the more households are inclined to seek to formalise their tenure. The households feel that the level of investment made is substantially that requires additional protection in the form of legal security which can hardly be damaged in any rapidly changing environment.

6.1.2. Access to formal credit facility

Most (93%) of the respondents in the study area, improved their buildings from their personal saving. Although, the implementation of tenure regularization policy assumes that access to credit could be a crucial variable for building investments process, the findings suggest that the RL does not promote lending to the households as their behaviour is not dependent on the access to credit from the formal financial institutions. This also contradicts with De Soto’s assertion that registration of land rights formally improves access to formal credit facilities, but reconfirms the contentions that low-income households do not need large loans from banks as long as they do not earn sufficient income to repay. What they rather require is access to small loans to enable them to erect an extra room perhaps for rental income, to improve the quality or spaces of their existing accommodation or to engage in some small scale business.

The low-income households are found to be reluctant to offer their building property as collateral for mortgage because of fear of foreclosing on a defaulting loan. The fear is drawn from the inability to repay and high probability that they will plunge into debts and unexpected loses in which they want to abhor. They are also disinclined to access credit from formal financial institutions because of unstable business activities and restrictive regulations. Most of the households prefer borrowing from informal systems (moneylenders, relative and friends, neighbours, shopkeepers) because they believe it is easier and safer for them.

6.1.3. Use of GIS technology and land information system (LIS)

Up to date information has always been a setback in decision making in case of intervention by the responsible authorities as in most cases such information is invariably outdated or lacking. The database in place has improved land administration through readily available information, used for quick decision-making and efficient service delivery. It also used to curb further subdivision and infill especially in such informal settlements which are not yet densely developed. In addition, it enables the central government to collect land rent and facilitate local authorities to collect the property tax and thereby raising the government revenue. The local authorities in Dar es Salaam city are reported to collect on 50% of the property tax before this project implementation due lack of land property register. The application of GIS is a useful tool as information can now be shared among the planning authorities for better land management.


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6.2. Recommendation

6.2.1. National Land Act, 1999

Tenure regularization is in line with the Land Act, No. 4 of 1999 that provides for regularization of informal settlements and issuing of the RL to enhance property owners’ security of tenure. The time allocated for the RL title is only valued for two years. This period is very short and makes it very difficult to secure large loans from formal financial institutions for housing investments. Therefore, the study recommends that the government should review this period and perhaps increase the duration of the RL, so that the low income property holders in such in settlements can manage to secure loans which are sufficient for building investments.

6.2.2. Innovative and flexible form of credit facility

The study recommends that the government should create conducive environment for the property-owners in the informal settlement to take advantage of borrowing loans from banks by using their building properties as collateral for mortgaged. More emphasis and effort should be made to convince the banks to remove some stringent conditions and adopt some innovative and flexible forms of credit facility for the low-income households so that they can use their RL as collateral. It is apparent that some of the households fear to offer their property as collateral due to lack of ability to take risk as entrepreneurs and the fear is drawn from inability to repay. Therefore, the study recommends that the government should provide training (knowledge and skills) to improve their business activities and more sensitization should be done to increase the awareness of the ongoing regularization project. This is strongly believed that once the low income property-owners are well informed and trained will be able to take advantage of credit facility and expanding their economic activities. .

6.2.3. Plot size and standard

According the established norms and standards under the RL, the minimum plot size is 400 m2 and that no further sub-division is allowed once the plot size is less than 800 m2. It is reported that the minimum plot size adopted in Tanzania, under the Site and Service programme of 1970s was 288 m2. It appears that the adoption of the minimum plot size of 400 m2 is relatively high and this might unwittingly impede the operations of the informal land market that for decades, have been the main supplier of buildable urban land in the city. Therefore, the study recommends the need to review this standard and adopt a flexible planning standard

6.2.4. Provision of detailed planning

Tenure regularization project disregard detailed planning and concentrates more on tenure security to contribute indirectly to sustainability of investments in housing and infrastructure. There is no physical planning in the strict sense. This practise might involve higher cost of compensation and perhaps resettlement for properties that would be demolished to give room for the provision of physical infrastructure and community facility. The study recommends that tenure regularization of property rights should be preceded by detailed planning, thereby private and public spaces will be legally defined in the first place before issuing the RL title. This is crucial and strategic to secure the requirements for the collective interests at minimum cost.

6.3. Recommendation for future research

The study was conducted too soon after the implementation of tenure regularization project in Dar es Salaam city. The project execution started in 2004 and the process of issuing of residential licenses was inaugurated in 2005. It is evident that most the property-owners in such settlements are not aware of the project as information dissemination is broadly accepted and believed from neighbour to the


66

next rather than the news media. In addition, most of the formal financial institutions are even new to the RL. Therefore, it is recommended that further research should be done after a considerable period of time to asses the effect of the residential license on building investments In addition, due to limited resources allocated for this research, only a limited sample of 60 households was selected during the survey, and the sample mainly involved more cases of building improvements. Therefore, the study recommends that further research should be done to cover a large sample size with proportional cases to be the representative of the whole population.


67

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69

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A

Appendices

Appendix. I: Questionnaire Survey- Household Survey for assessing the effect of Land Tenure Regularization on building investment

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F

Appendix II: Informal land agreement (document)


G

Appendix III: Certificate of Occupant (COO)


H

Appendix IV: Letter of offer of right of occupancy

Appendix V: An advert to alert the informal property owner to collect their residential license


I

Appendix VI: A Residential License “title”

Appendix VIII: Checklist for Official Interview

A. Questions for discussion with Prof. J.W. Kombe

1. What exactly is the difference between rights of occupancy (haki ya kumiliki ardhi) and the certificate of occupancy (hati ya kumiliki ardhi)?

2. What the difference is between granted and deemed rights of occupancy?

3. The Town and Country Planning Act talks of declaration of planning areas. Is it possible for a settlement to fall within the boundaries of a municipality and yet not be a planning area?

4. Tenure regularization is a reactionary approach to dealing with the issue of informal settlements, what policies are in place to ensure that such settlements do not develop again in the future?

5. If the informal land transfers documents (in whatever form they are in) are admissible in courts of law in arbitration matters, why has the Government not recognized the same as legal documents of land ownership?


J

6. Land registration runs well when virtually every transfer is registered, but in Tanzania land registration is optional. Are there policy plans to make land registration mandatory since there is a drive to register all land in informal settlements under the Land property registration project?

7. What type of intervention methods are needed in securing public space for access roads during tenure regularization

Appendix IX Field photographs


K


L

Appendix: IX Household Questionnaire for Dar es Salaam Unplanned Land Property Register Project.

Form Number……………………………… Date………………….

1.1 GENERAL INFORMATION

NAME OF INTERVIEWER

NAME OF INTERVIEWEE

RELATIONSHIP

WITH OWNER

MUNICIPALITY LOCATION Prop. Tax No

WARD MTAA HOUSE NO.

FIST NAME SECOND NAME LAST NAME EMPLOYMENT

NAME OF

OWNER

Tel. No

ADDRESS e-mail

NO. OF HOUSEHOLDS: KAYA NO OF PERSONS NO OF ROOMS

1.2 TENURE AND DEVELOPMENT STATUS [MARK with “V” ]

TENURE TYPE OWNER OCCUPIER TENANTS ONLY OWNER AND TENANTS OTHERS

DEVELOPMENT STATUS VACANT LAND COMPLETE UNDERCONSTRUCTION

RENT PER MONTH

BUILDING VALUE

LAND USE Residential Commercial Comm/res Service trade Industrial ACCESS ROAD

Primary road

Secondary road Tertiary Footpath No access WATER SUPPLY

On plot connection Neighbour’s Public kiosk Water well Bore hole Buying

Is your land surveyed? Yes/ No

Reg Plan No Letter of offer No.

Are you connected to electricity? Yes / No Do you have telephone? Yes/ No

1.3 BUILDINGS CHARACTERISTICS

FORMAL

INFORMAL


13

Main Building area Back building area

Mark “V” in the correct answer M Main building . S Small building

BUILDING TYPE M S 1 2 3

Single storey Mansonatte Block of Flats

SANITATION M S 1 2 3 Sewer system Septic tank Pit latrine No toilet facility

BUILDING USE M S 1 2 3

Residential Gest house Bar Retail shop Grocery Pharmacy Hair Saloon Kiosk Livestock keeping Carpentry Garden Office Restaurant Nursery school Others (specify)

WALLS M S 1 2 3 Concrete blocks Cement Blocks Burnt blocks Sun dried Mud and wattle Wood CIS

Area for other buildings

1 (m2) 2 (m2) 3 (m2)

ROOFING MATERIALS M S 1 2 3 Tiles Corrugated Iron Sheets Asbestos Tins Grass straw

BUILDING CONDITION M S 1 2 3 Good Fair Poor

m2 m2


B

2. How long have you lived in this area (years)

3.1 Does your household posses one or more of the following assets? Mark “V'

Radio cassette/cd player Biycle

DVD Player Motorcycle

Fan Salon car

Air conditioner Pickup

Refrigerator Lorry

Electric cooker Sewing machine

Other assets ………………………………..

………………………………… …………………………………

………………………………… …………………………………

………………………………… …………………………………

3.2 Do you own land/house in Dar es salaam other than this one/ Yes/No

Asset Location

House

Farm

A plot

Garden

Total value of (3.2) In TSh

3.3 Does your household posse’s animals/poultry? Yes/No

Number

Cattle

Chicken

Pigs

Goats/sheep

Others

…………………………..

……………………………

…………………………….

4.0 HOUSE HOLD INCOMES

4.1 How many members contribute to the household income

4.2 Household income per month (total income of all contributing members)


C

Source of income No Income (TShs)

(1) Employment (salary )

(2) Production (.)

(3) Business (shop, bar e.t.c)

(4) Remittances/ Grants from relatives

(5) Other sources …………

5.0 COLLECTION AND DISPOSAL OF GARBAGE

5.1 How is garbage from your household collected and removed from the neighbourhood?

Write the correct answer

(1) Garbage is burned and /or buried in the yard

(2) Garbage is deposited and kept outside the house

(3) Garbage is thrown in the drain or nearby river or randomly

(4) Garbage is collected by a private company

(5) Garbage is collected by the Municipality

For No 4 and 5 above

6. What is the collection frequency per month?

7. How much do you pay per month TShs.

6.0 ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS.

6.1 Are there any local factories/workshops or other activities considered to be environmental nuisance?

Yes/No

Activities and type of environmental nuisance. Mark “V”

Activity Waste water Dust Bad smell

Noise

(1) Factory

(2) Garage

(3) Dump

(4) Bar

(5) …………….

(6) ……………

(7) . ……………


D

7.0 PRIORITIES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF INFRASTRUCTURE AND OTHER FACILITIES IN THE

NEIGHBOURHOOD

7.1 Priorities for development of infrastructure and other facilities

Type of service/Infrastructure Priority Suggestions for improvement Water supply Drainage system Local roads Roadside drainage Solid waste collection Public toilets Street lights Environment

List priorities 1,2 or 3.

(1) Most needed (2) Needed (3) Useful

7.2 Is your household willing to participate and contribute for improvement program? Select the correct answer

A. Contribute lab our

B. Contribute cash

C. Contribute cash and lab our

7.3 How much is your household willing to pay for the prioritized improvement?

(1) TShs (2) TShs (3) TShs

7.4 Do you have any suggestions on how to implement infrastructure/ service improvement programme in

your community?

…………………………………………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………..

…………………………………………………………………………………..

8. Do you have any boundary dispute with your neighbours Yes/No

Boundary agreement form no

BOUNDARY AGREEMENT FORM

Mtaa ………………………………………………

Ward………………………………………………..

Name of Property Owner…………………………………………M/F

House Number…………………………………………………

Date of agreement……………………………………………

Owner’s Signature. …………………………………………….


E

Witnesses

No Name of Witnesses Signature. 1 2 3 4 5 6

Signature of Mtaa Chairman ……………………………………………Date……………

Extra information

……………………………………………………………………..

……………………………………………………………………..

Plan/sketch

THANK YOU FOR SPENDING TIME AND PARTICIPATING IN THIS INTERVIEW.

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