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Transcript of Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)
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8/9/2019 Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)
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EduardoMondlane,TheStruggleforMozambique,1969
Chapter5
Resistance TheSearchforaNationalMovement
And ask no more
to know what i am
Im nothing but a lump of flesh
in which, its cry swollen great with hopethe revolt of africa has merged
From If you want to know who I am, by Nomia de Souza
LikeallAfricannationalism,theMozambicanformwasbornoutoftheexperience
ofEuropeancolonialism.Thesourceofnationalunityisthecommonsuffering
duringthelastfiftyyearsspentundereffectivePortugueserule.Thenationalist
assertiondidnotriseoutofastablecommunity,inhistoryalinguistic,territorial,
economicandculturalunity.InMozambique,itwascolonialdominationwhich
producedtheterritorialcommunityandcreatedthebasisforapsychological
coherence,foundedontheexperienceofdiscrimination,exploitation,forced
labour,andothersuchaspectsofcolonialrule.
Communication,however,hasbeenlimitedbetweentheseparatecommunities
subjectedtothesesameexperiences.Allformsofcommunicationpreviouslycame
fromabove,throughthemediumofthecolonialadministration.Andthisnaturally
sloweddownthedevelopmentofasingleconsciousnessthroughouttheterritorial
area.InMozambique,thesituationhasbeenaggravatedbytheGreaterPortugal
policy,wherebythecolonyisreferredtoasaprovinceofPortugal,thepeople
calledPortuguese
by
the
authorities.
On
the
radio,
in
the
newspapers,
in
the
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schools,thereisagreatdealoftalkaboutPortugal,andverylittleabout
Mozambique.Amongthepeasantry,suchpropagandahasdoneagreatdealto
hinderthedevelopmentofaMozambiqueconcept;andasPortugalistoodistant
anideatoprovideaunifyingfactor,thishasalsofosteredtribalismbynothelping
peopletolookbeyondtheirimmediatesocialunit.
Inmanyareaswherethepopulationissmallandwidelyscattered,contactbetween
thecolonial
power
and
the
people
has
been
so
superficial
that
little
personal
experienceofdominationexisted.ThereweresomegroupsinEasternNyanzawho
hadneverseenaPortuguesebeforetheoutbreakofthepresentwar.Insuchareas
thepeoplehadlittlesenseofbelongingeithertoanationoracolony,anditwasat
firsthardforthemtounderstandthestruggle.ThearrivalofthePortuguesearmy,
however,veryrapidlychangedthis.
Popularresistance
Whereverthe
presence
of
the
colonizing
power
was
felt,
some
kind
of
resistance
wasshown,takingvariousformsfromarmedinsurrectiontowholesaleexodus.But
atanygivenmoment,itwasonlyalimitedcommunity,smallinrelationtothe
wholesociety,whichroseagainstthecolonizer,whiletheoppositionitselfwas
limitedbecausedirectedagainstonlyoneaspectofdomination,theconcrete
aspectwhichaffectedthatparticularcommunityatthatparticulartime.
Activeresistancewasfinallycrushedin1918,withthedefeatoftheMokombe
(King)ofBarwe,intheTeteregion.Andfromtheearly1930s,thecolonial
administrationof
the
young
fascist
state
spread
across
Mozambique,
destroying,
oftenphysically,thetraditionalpowerstructure.
Fromthistimeon,bothrepressionandresistancehardened.Butthecentreof
resistanceshiftedfromthetraditionalhierarchies,whichbecamedocilepuppetsof
thePortuguese,toindividualsandgroupsthoughforlongtheseremainedas
isolatedintheiraimsandtheiractivitiesasthetraditionalleadershadbeen.
Asimplepsychologicalrejectionofthecolonizerandhisculturewasvery
widespread,but
it
was
not
aconscious,
rationalized
stand;
it
was
an
attitude
bound
upwiththeculturaltraditionofthegroup,itspaststruggleswiththePortuguese
andpresentexperienceofsubjection.
ThePortuguesewishtoimplanttheirculturethroughouttheterritory,evenifwell
intentioned,wascompletelyunrealisticbecauseofthenumbersinvolved.
Comprisinglessthan2percentofthepopulation,theycouldnothopetogiveall
theAfricansanopportunityofevenobservingthePortugesewayoflife,letalone
bringthemintocloseenoughcontacttoabsorbit.Likemanycolonizingnations,
theyalso
miscalculated
the
enthusiasm
of
the
poor
savages
for
civilisation.
Since
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mostAfricansmetthePortugueseonlywhenpayingtaxes,whencontractedfor
forcedlabourorwhenhavingtheirlandseized,itisscarcelysurprisingthatthey
shouldhavereceivedveryunfavourableimpressionsofPortugueseculture.This
revulsionisoftenexpressedinsongs,dances,evencarvingstraditionalformsof
expressionwhichthecolonizerdoesnotunderstand,andthroughwhichhecan
thusbesecretlyridiculed,denouncedandthreatened.TheChope,forinstance,
sing:
We are still angry; its always the same story
The oldest daughters must pay the tax
Natanele tells the white man to leave him alone
Natanele tells the white man to leave me be
You, the elders must discuss our affairs
For the man the whites appointed is the son of a nobody
The Chope have lost the right to own their land
Let me tell you about it
In
another
song,
they
ridicule
the
attempt
to
impose
the
Portugese
manners:
Listen to the song of Chigombe village
Its tedious saying bom dia all the time
Macarite and Babuane are in prison
Because they didnt say bom dia,
They had to go to Quissico to say bom dia.
ThemercantilevaluesoftheEuropeansarefrequentlysatirizedorattacked:
How it surprised me,
My brother Nguissa,
How it surprised me
To take along money to buy my way.
SomeofthecarvingsoftheMkondepeopleexpressadeepseatedhostilitytothe
alienculture.Inthatarea,Catholicmissionarieshavebeenveryactive,andunder
theirinfluencemanycarvershavemademadonnasandcrucifixes,imitating
Europeanmodels.UnlikeMakondeworkontraditionalthemes,theseChristian
imagesareoftenrigidlystereotypedandlifeless.Butsometimesoneofthem
departsfromthestereotype,andwhenitdoes,thisisnearlyalwaysbecausean
elementof
doubt
or
defience
has
been
worked
into
it;
aMadonna
is
given
ademon
toholdinsteadoftheChristchild;apriestisrepresentedwiththefeetofawild
animal,apietabecomesastudynotofsorrowbutofrevenge,withthemother
raisingaspearoverthebodyofherdeadson.
Inspecificareasatspecifictimes,theseattitudes,ingrainedinpopularculture,
crystallizedintoactionofonekindoranother;theeldersdiddiscussouraffairs.
Oneformthatthistookwasthecooperativemovement,whichdevelopedinthe
northinthefifties.Initsearlystages,thiswasconstructiveratherthandefiant.A
numberof
peasants
including
Mzee
Lazaro
Kavandame,
now
amember
of
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FRELIMOsCentralCommitteeandProvincialSecretaryforCaboDelgado
organizedthemselvesintocooperatives,inanattempttorationalizetheproduction
andsaleofagriculturalproduceandsoimprovetheireconomiclot.ThePortuguese
authorities,however,placedsevererestrictionsontheactivitiesofthe
cooperatives,burdenedthemwithfinanciallevies,andkeptalltheirmeetings
understrictsurveillance.Itwasthenthatthemovementbegantoacquireamore
powerfulcharacter,
becoming
totally
hostile
to
the
authorities.
Earlynationalism
Conditionswerescarcelyfavourableforthespreadofdevelopednationalistideas
throughoutthecountry.Becauseofthebanonpoliticalassociation,thenecessity
forsecrecywhichthisimposed,theerosionoftraditionalsocietyandthelackof
moderneducationinruralareas,itwasatfirstonlyamongatinyminoritythatthe
ideaofnational,asopposedtolocal,actioncouldgaincurrency.Thisminoritywas
predominantly
an
urban
one,
composed
of
intellectuals
and
wage
earners,
on
individualsessentiallydetribalized,mostlyassimilatedAfricansandmulattos;in
otherwordsatinymarginalsectionofthepopulation.
Inthetowns,thecolonizingpowerwasseenatclosequarters.Itwaseasierto
understandthatthecolonizersstrengthwasbuiltuponourweakness,andthat
theirachievementsdependedonthelabouroftheAfrican.Possiblythevery
absenceofthetribalenvironmenthelpedtoencourageanationalview,helpedthis
grouptoseeMozambiqueasthecountryofalltheMozambicans,helpedthemto
understandthepowerofunity.
EncouragedbytheliberalismofthenewRepublicinPortugal(19101926),these
groupsformedsocietiesandstartednewspaperswithwhichtheyconducted
campaignsagainsttheabusesofcolonialism,demandingequalrights,until,littleby
little,theybegantodenouncethewholecolonialsystem.
In1920theLigaAfricanawasestablishedinLisbon,asanorganizationunitingthe
veryfewAfricanandmulattostudentswhocametothecity.Itsintentionwasto
giveanorganizedcharactertoliaisonsbetweencolonizedpeoples;itparticipated
inthe
Third
Pan
African
Conference
held
in
London
and
organized
by
W.
E.
B.
Du
Bois,andin1923receivedtheSecondSessionoftheConferenceinLisbon.Itwas
significantthatinitsconceptiontheLigastoodnotonlyfornationalunitybutalso
forunitybetweencoloniesagainstallcolonizingpowers,andunityamongall
oppressedblackpeoplesoftheworld.Butinfactitwasweak,consistingasitdid
onlyofsometwentymembersandsituatedinLisbon,farfromthesceneofpossible
action.
InMozambiqueintheearlytwenties,anorganizationcalledGrmioAfricano
(AfricanGuild)
was
formed,
and
this
later
evolved
into
the
Associaio
Africana.
The
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settlersandtheadministrationsoonbecamealarmedatthestrengthofthe
Associationsdemands,andintheearlythirties,favouredbythefascistwinds
blowingfromPortugal,theybeganacampaignofintimidationandinfiltration,and
succeededingainingthehelpofsomeoftheleaderstodirecttheassociationalong
moreconformistlines.Amoreradicalwingwasthenformed,whichbrokeawayand
createdtheInstitutoNegrfilo;andthiswaslaterforcedtochangeitsnamebythe
Salazargovernment,
to
Centro
Associativo
dos
Negros
de
Moambique.
A
tendency
developedformulattostojointheAssociaioAfricana,whileblackAfricanswere
concentratedintheCentroAssociativo.
Athirdorganizationwasformed,calledtheAssociaiodosNaturaisde
Moambique.Thiswasoriginallyconceivedasameansofdefendingtherightsof
whitesborninMozambique;butfromthe1950sitopeneditsdoorstootherethnic
groups,andafterthatbecamequiteactiveinthestruggleagainstracism.Itevendid
alittletoadvanceAfricaneducationbyprovidingscholarships.Othersimilar
associations
were
formed
by
smaller
interest
groups,
like
Moslem
Africans
or
differentgroupsofIndians.
Alltheseorganizationscarriedourpoliticalactionunderthecoverofsocial
programmes,mutualaid,andculturalorathleticactivities.Andsidebysidewith
thesemovementstheredevelopedaprotestpress,typifiedbythepaperOBrado
Africano(theAfricanCry),whichwassetupbytheAssociaioAfricanaand
directedbytheAlbasinibrothers.Thispresswasmuzzledin1936bythefascist
governmentssystemofpresscensorship,butuntilthenitformedafairlyeffective
mouthpieceforrevolt.
Thespiritoftheseearlymovementsandthenatureoftheirprotestarewell
illustratedbythisOBradoAfricanoeditorialof27February1932:
Weve had a mouthful of it. Weve had to put up with you, to suffer the terrible
consequences of your follies, of your demands we can no longer put up with the
pernicious effects of you political and administrative decisions. From now on we refuse
to make ever greater and more useless sacrifices Enough We insist that you carry
out your fundamental duties not with laws and decrees but with acts We want to be
treated in the same way that you are. We do not aspire to your refined education
Even less so do we aspire to a life dominated by the idea of robbing your brother Weaspire to our savage state which, however, fills your mouths and your pockets. And
we demand something we demand bread and light We repeat that we do not want
hunger or thirst or poverty or a law of discrimination based on colour We will learn
to use the scalpel the gangrene that you spread will infect us and then we will no
longer have the strength to take action. Now we have it we, the beasts of burden
Fromthistextclearlyemergesalineofdemarcationbetweencolonizerand
colonized;thelatterviewshimselfasadominatedwholeandsetshimselfup
againstanotherwhole,thecolonizinggroup,withwhichhecontestsforpower.Itis
interestingtonotethecompleterejectionofthecolonizersvalues,theproud
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assumptionofthesavagestateandthedefinitionofthecolonizerscivilizationas
dominatedbytherobberyofyourbrother.
Itistruethatasyetitisnotthedemandfornationalindependencewhichis
formulated.Thisstageofdenunciation,though,andthedemandforequalrights
werenecessaryinthedevelopmentofpoliticalconsciousnesstowardsthedemand
forindependence. Itwasnotuntilafterthesepreliminarydemandshadbeen
rejectedthat
amore
radical
position
could
be
taken.
TheestablishmentofSalazarsNewStateandthepoliticalrepressionwhich
followedputanendtothiswaveofpoliticalactivity.Corruptionandinternal
dissensionfomentedbythegovernmenttransformedtheorganizationsinto
bourgeoisclubs,whichfromthenonwerefrequentlyrequiredbytheauthoritiesto
joininthechorusofallegiancetoSalazarandhisregime.
ItwasnotuntiltheendoftheSecondWorldWarandthedefeatofthemajorfascist
powers,that
some
renewal
of
political
activity
became
possible.
The
changes
in
poweracrosstheworldandtheresurgencyofnationalism,particularlyinAfrica,
hadrepercussionsinthePortugueseterritories,despitethecontinuanceofthe
fascistgovernmentinLisbonandtheeffortsmadebythePortugueseauthorities to
insulatetheareastheycontrolledagainsttheideasofselfdeterminationgaining
groundelsewhere.
Therevoltoftheintellectuals
Again
it
was
for
the
most
part
only
the
small
educated
minority
who
were
in
a
positiontofollowevents,whohadadequatecontactswiththeoutsideworld,who
hadbeenabletoacquirethehabitofanalyticalthoughtandsothenecessary
equipmenttounderstandthecolonialphenomenonasawhole.
InMozambiqueanewgenerationofinsurgentsarose,activeanddeterminedto
struggleontheirowntermsandnotonthetermsimposedbythecolonial
government.Theywereinapositiontoseethethreeessentialaspectsoftheir
situation:racialdiscriminationandexploitationwithinthecolonialsystem;thereal
weaknessofthecolonizer;andfinallymanssocialevolutioningeneral,withthe
contrastbetweentheemergenceofblackstruggleinAfricaandAmericaandthe
muteresistanceoftheirownpeople.
Theycouldanalysethesituation,butitwasdifficulttodomorethanthis.Thefield
ofactionwaslimitedfirstofallbythecomprehensivestructureofoppression,the
insidiouspolicenetworkdevelopedbythefasciststateduringitslongperiodof
strength,andsecondlybythelackofcontactbetweenthepoliticallyconscious
urbanminorityandthemassofthepopulationwhoborethebruntofexploitation,
whoactuallysufferedforcedlabour,forcedcultivationandthedailythreatof
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violence.Itisnotsurprisingthereforethatamongthisminority,resistancefirst
foundapurelyculturalexpression.
Thenewresistanceinspiredamovementinalltheartswhichbeganduringthe
fortiesandinfluencedpoets,paintersandwritersfromallthePortuguesecolonies.
FromMozambiquethebestknownoftheseareprobablythepaintersMalangatana
andCraveirinha,theshortstorywriterLuisBernardoHonwana,andthepoetsJos
Craveirinhaand
Nomia
de
Sousa.
ThepaintingsofMalangatanaandJosCraveirinha(thenephewofthepoet)draw
theirinspirationfromtheimagesoftraditionalsculptureandfromAfrican
mythology,bindingthemintoworksexplosivewiththemesofliberationandthe
denunciationofcolonialviolence.
TheshortstoriesofLuisBernardoHonwana,whohasbeenrecognizedwidely
outsideAfricaasamasterofhismedium,leadthereadertomakethesame
denunciationthrough
aperceptive
detailed
analysis
of
human
behaviour.
Following
alongtraditionofartistsworkingunderanoppressivegovernment,hesometimes
writesintheformofparables,orcentreshisstoryaroundoneapparently
insignificantconcreteeventwhichheusestoilluminatethewidersituation.
Inthepoliticalpoetryofthefortiesandfifties,threethemespredominate:the
reaffirmationofAfricaasthemothercountry,spiritualhomeandcontextofa
futurenation;theriseoftheblackmanelsewhereintheworld,thegeneralcallto
revolt;andthepresentsufferingsoftheordinarypeopleofMozambique,under
forced
labour
and
in
the
mines.
Thefirstofthesethemesisofteninterwovenwiththepoetspersonalconflicts,the
problemsarisingfromhisoriginsandfamilysituationalreadydescribedin
connexionwiththesocialpositionofthemulatto.Inamoregeneralizedformit
triestoexpressthecommonrootsofallMozambicansinaprecolonialAfricanpast,
asinthisextractfromanearlypoembyMarcellinodosSantos,Herewewere
born:
The land where we were born
goes backlike time
Our forefathers
were born
and lived
in that land
and they, like the coarse wild grass
were the meagre bodys veins
running red, earths fragrance.
Trees and granite pinnacles
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their arms
embraced the earth
in daily work
and sculpting the new worlds fertile rocks
began in colour
the great design of life
Thebest
example
of
the
second
theme
is
probably
Nomia
de
Sousas
poem,
Let
mypeoplego,inspiredbythestrugglesoftheAmericanNegro:
A warm Mozambican night
and the distant tone of marimbas reach me
- firm, constant
coming, i dont know from where.
In my house of wood and zinc
I turn on the radionand let myself drift, lulled
But voices from America stir my soul and nerves
And Robeson and Marion sing for me
Negro spirituals from HarlemLet my people go
- oh let my people go
let my people go
they say.
I open my eyes and can no longer sleep.
Anderson and Paul sound within me
and they are not the soft voices of a lullaby
Let my people go
Thesufferingsoftheforcedlabourerandthemineworkerinspiredmanypoems,
andthere
are
powerful
examples
from
all
the
main
poets
of
the
period:
de
Sousas
Magaia;CraveirinhasMamparraMGaiza,MamanaSaquina;Marcellinodos
SantossAterraTreme.Thosepoems,however,aeinterestingperhapslessfor
theirpowerandeloquencethanforthetermsinwhichtheystatethesituation.For
theyillustrateveryvividlytheweaknessaswellasthestrengthofthemovementto
whichtheirauthorsbelonged.Noneofthesewritershadthemselvesexperienced
forcedlabour;noneofthemwassubjecttotheNativeLabourCode,andtheywrite
ofitasoutsiders,readingtheirownintellectualizedreactionsintothemindsofthe
Africanminerandforcedlabourer.NomiadeSousa,forinstance,writesin
Magaia:
Bemused Magaia lit the lamp
To look for lost illusions
His youth, his health, which stayed behind
Deep in the mines of Johannesburg
Craveirinha,speakingoftheChopemanoncontractintheRand,writeseachtime
hethinksofescapeheisaweekinagallerywithoutsun.Butinactthereisno
questionofescape:theMozambicancontractsfortheminesinordertobringback
cashfor
the
family
and
avoid
forced
labour
under
even
more
unfavourable
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economictermsathome.Theverywayinwhichsuchpoemsareconceived,ina
styleofeloquentselfpity,isalientotheAfricanreaction.Compareanyofthese
poemswiththeChopesongsquotedearlier.Itisclearthatdespitetheeffortsof
theirauthorstobeAfrican,heformerhavetakenmorefromtheEuropean
traditionthanfromtheAfrican.Thisindicatesthelackofcontactexistingbetween
theseintellectualsandtherestofthecountry.Atthattimetheywerenomoreina
positionto
forge
atrue
national
movement
than
were
the
peasants
of
Lzaro
Kavandamescooperatives.Ontheotherhand,theirstrengthlayintheir
enthusiasmandability,gainedpartlyfromtheirknowledgeofEuropeanhistoryand
revolutionarythinking,toanalyseapoliticalsituationandexpressitinclearand
vividterms.
NomiadeSousawrotethispowerfulcalltorevoltwhenoneofhercompanionsin
themovementhadbeenarrestedanddeportedafterthestrikesof1947:
But what matter?
They have stolen Joo from usbut Joo is us all
Because of that Joo hasnt left us
Joo was not, Joo is and will be
For Joo is us all, we are a multitude
and the multitude
who can carry off the multitude and lock it in a cage?
InBlackCry(GritoNegro),Craveirinhaachievedperhapsoneofthemostvivid
statementsonalienationandrevolteverwritten.Becauseofitsextremelytightand
meaningfulmusicalstructure,thispoemlosesmuchofitspowerintranslation;but
itisworthquotinginfull,asitisamongthemostimportantandinfluentialworksof
thetime:
I am coal!
you tear me brutally from the ground
and make of me your mine, boss
I am coal
and you burn me, boss
to serve you forever as your driving force
but not forever, boss
I am coal
and must burn, exploited
burn alive like tar, my brother
until no more your mine, boss
I am coal
and must burn
and consume everything in the fire of my combustion
Yes, boss
I will be your coal!*
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*(In Portuguese the words coal, brother, boss, combustion, rhyme: carvo, irmo, patro,
combusto.)
FewofCraveirinhasgroupsucceededinescapingfromtheirisolationandbridging
thegapbetweentheoryandpractice.NomiadeSousaleftMozambique,has
stoppedwritingpoetry,andnowlivesinParis;Man,includingCraveirinhaand
Honwana,areinprison.MalangatanaisstillworkinginMozambiquebutclosely
supervisedand
harassed
by
the
police.
Of
all
those
mentioned
here,
only
Marcelino
dosSantos,afteralongperiodofexileinEurope,joinewdtheliberationmovement,
andsincethenhispoetryhaschangedanddevelopedundertheimpetusofthe
armedstruggle.TheworkofCraveirinhaandhiscompanions,however,influenced
andinspiredaslightlyyoungergenerationofintellectuals,manyofwhomwereable
toescapethesurveillanceofthepoliceandhavethrownthemselvesintothe
liberationmovement.There,inthecontextofthearmedstruggle,anewliterary
traditionistakingshape.
Thisis
the
generation
which
grew
up
after
the
Second
World
War
and
who
were
at
schoolduringtheearlymovementforselfdeterminationelsewhereinAfrica.Itwas
atschoolthattheybegandevelopingtheirpoliticalideasandatschoolthatthey
begantoorganizethemselves.ThePortugueseeducationsystemitselfgavethem
goodcausefordiscontent.ThosefewAfricansandmulattoswhoreachedsecondary
schoolonlydidsowithgreatdifficulty.Inthepredominantlywhiteschoolsthey
wereconstantlysubjecttodiscrimination.Ontopofthis,theschoolsattemptedto
cutthemofffromtheirbackground,annihilatethevaluestheyhadbeenbroughtup
with,andmakethemPortugeseinconsciousnessthoughnotinrights.Howthey
failedis
illustrated
by
this
account
from
an
African
girl
who
was
at
atechnical
school
inLourenoMarquesonlyafewyearsago:
JosinaMuthemba:Thecolonialistswantedtodeceiveuswiththeirteaching;they
taughtusonlythehistoryofPortugal,thegeographyofPortugal;theywantedto
forminusapassivementality,tomakeusresignedtotheirdomination.We
couldntreactopenly,butwewereawareoftheirlie;weknewthatwhattheysaid
wasfalse;thatwewereMozambicansandwecouldneverbePortuguese.(F.I.)
In
1949
the
secondary
school
pupils,
led
by
some
who
had
been
to
South
Africa
to
study,formedNcleodesEstudiantesAfricanosSecundriosdeMoambique
(NESAM),whichwaslinkedtotheCentroAssociativodosNegrosdeMoambique,
andwhichsimilarlyundercoverofsocialandculturalactivities,conductedamong
theyouthapoliticalcampaigntospreadtheideaofnationalindep0endenceand
encourageresistancetotheculturalsubjectionwhichthePortugueseimposed.
Fromthefirstthepolicekeptaclosewatchonthemovement.Imyself,asoneof
thestudentsreturnedfromSouthAfricawhohadfoundedNESAM,wasarrested
andquestionedatsomelengthaboutouractivitiesin1949.NeverthelessNESAM
managedto
survive
into
the
sixties,
and
even
launched
amagazine,
Alvor,
which
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althoughheavilycensoredhelpedtospreadtheideasdevelopedatthegroups
meetingsanddiscussions.
NESAMseffectiveness,likethatofalltheearlyorganizations,wasseverelylimited
byitstinymembership,restrictedinthisinstancetotheblackAfricanpupilsof
secondaryschoollevel.Butinatleastthreewaysitmadeanimportantcontribution
totherevolution.Itspreadnationalistideasamongtheblackeducatedyouth.It
achievedacertain
revaluation
of
national
culture,
which
counteracted
the
attempts
bythePortuguesetomakeAfricanstudentsdespiseandabandontheirownpeople;
NESAMprovidedtheonlyopportunitytostudyanddiscussMozambiqueinitsown
rightandnotasanappendageofPortugals.And,mostimportantperhaps,by
cementingpersonalcontacts,itestablishesanationwidenetworkof
communication,whichextendedamongoldmembersaswellasthosestillat
school,andwhichcouldbeusedbyafutureunderground.Forinstance,when
FRELIMOestablisheditselfintheLourenoMarquesregionin19623,theNESAM
members
were
among
the
first
ot
be
mobilised
and
provided
a
structure
to
receive
theparty.Thesecret[police,PIDE,alsounderstoodthisandbannedNESAM;in
1964arrestedsomeofitsmembersandforcedothersintoexile.Itwasatthistime
thatJosinaMuthembawasactiveinNESAM,andshedescribesthisstateof
oppressionandthefateofherowngroup:
We wanted to organize ourselves, but we were harassed by the secret police. We had
cultural and educational activities, but during discussions, talks and debates we had to
keep a constant lookout for the police The police persecuted us, they even banned
NESAM.
I was also arrested when I was running away from Mozambique. I was arrested at theVictoria Falls on the frontier between Rhodesia and Zambia. The Rhodesian police
arrested me and sent me back to Loureno Marques (the Rhodesian police work closely
with the Portuguese police). There were eight of us in our group, boys and girls. The
Portuguese police threatened us, interrogated us and beat up the boys. I was in prison
for six months without being sentenced or condemned. I was in prison for six months
without them bringing a case against me at all. (F.I.)
Shortlyafterthis,seventyfiveNESAMmemberswerearrestedbytheSouthAfrican
policeandhandedovertoPIDE,whiletheyweretryingtomaketheirwayfrom
Swazilandto
Zambia.
They
are
still
inconcentration
camps
in
southern
Mozambique.
In1963itwassomeformerNESAMmemberswhocreatedUNEMO,theMozamican
StudentUnionwhichisformallyapartofFrelimo,andwhichorganizesMozambican
studentsstudyingthroughFRELIMOauspices.
WithinPortugal,theveryfewblackormulattostudentswhoreachedaninstituteof
higherlearninggatheredintheCasadosEstudiantesdoImperio(CEI),andalso
establishedalinkthroughtheClubdosMaratimoswithsailorsfromthecolonies
whofrequentlycametoLisbon.In1951theCentrodeEstudosAfricanoswas
formedby
CEI
members,
although
not
itself
apart
of
CEI.
Despite
the
oppressive
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measuresofthepolicetheCEIworkedactively,untilitsdissolutionin1965,to
spreadthewordofnationalindependenceinthecolonies,todiffuseinformation
aboutthecoloniestotheworldbeyondPortugal,andtohardenandconsolidate
nationalistideasamongtheyouth.In1961alargegroupofthesestudents,
frustratedandfinallythreatenedbythepersistentnatureofpoliceaction,fled
acrosstheborderandmadetheirwaytoFranceandSwitzerland,makingapublic
andirreversible
break
with
the
Portuguese
rgime.
Most
of
these
immediately
establishedopencontactwiththeirnationalistmovements,andanumberofthese
formerstudentsofthePortugueseEmpirearenowamongtheleadersof
FRELIMO.
Industrialaction
Ifitwasamongtheintellectualsthatpoliticalthoughtandorganizationdeveloped
furthestduringtheperiodfollowingtheSecondWorldWar,itwasamongtheurban
proletariat
that
the
first
experiments
in
organized
active
resistance
took
place.
The
concentrationoflabourinandnearthetowns,andtheterribleworkingconditions
andpoverty,providedthefundamentalimpetustorevolt;butintheabsenceof
tradeunions,itwasonlyclandestinepoliticalgroupswhichcouldprovidethe
organizationnecessary.TheonlyunionspermittedbythePortuguesearethefascist
unions,whoseleadersarechosenbytheemployersandthestate,andwho,inany
event,extendmembershiponlytowhitesandoccasionallytoassimilatedAfricans.
In1947theradicaldiscontentofthelabourforce,combinedwithpoliticalagitation,
producedaseriesofstrikes,inthedocksofLourenoMarquesandinneighbouring
plantations,whichculminatedinanabortiveuprisinginLourenoMarquesin1948.
Theparticipantswerepunishedferociously,andseveralhundredAfricanswere
deportedtoSoTom.In1956,againatLourenoMarques,therewasadockstrike
whichendedinthedeathoffortynineparticipants.Then,in19623,theFRELIMO
undergroundtookovertheworkoforganizingandsetupamorecoordinated
system,whichhelpedtoplantheseriesofdockstrikeswhichbrokeoutin1963at
LourenoMarques,BeiraandNacala.Despiteitswiderextent,thislasteffortalso
endedonlyinthedeathandarrestofmanyparticipants.Althoughsomepolitical
organizationexisted
among
the
workers
responsible
for
the
strikes,
the
strike
action
itselfwasverylargelyspontaneousandforthemostpartlocalized.Itsfailureand
thebrutalrepressionwhichfollowedineveryinstancehavetemporarily
discouragedboththemassesandtheleadershipfromconsideringstrikeactionasa
possibleeffectivepoliticalweaponinthecontextofMozambique.
Towardsunity
Boththeagitationoftheintellectualsandthestrikesoftheurbanlabourforcewere
doomed
to
failure,
because
in
both
cases
it
was
the
action
only
of
a
tiny
isolated
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group.ForagovernmentlikePortugals,whichhassetitsfaceagainstdemocracy
andispreparedtouseextremesofbrutalitytocrushopposition,itiseasytodeal
withsuchisolatedpocketsofresistance.Itwastheveryfailureoftheseattempts,
however,andthefiercerepressionwhichfollowed,thatmadethisclearand
preparedthegroundformorewidelybasedaction.Theurbanpopulationof
Mozambiqueamountsaltogethertolessthanhalfamillion.Anationalist
movementwithout
firm
roots
in
the
countryside
could
never
hope
to
succeed.
Somedevelopmentsinthecountrysidewhichtookplaceintheperiodjust
precedingtheformationofFRELIMOwereofenormousimportance.Thesetookthe
mostextremedirectioninthenorthernareaaroundMueda,thoughtheyhadtheir
mildercounterpartsinotherregions.Theywerefirstofalltheeffectonthe
populationofthefailureofthecooperativemovementalreadydescribed.The
reactionoftheleadersisbestillustratedinthewordsofLzaroKavandamehimself:
I couldnt sleep all night. I knew that from that moment they wouldnt leave me in
peace, that everything I did would be closely watched and controlled by the authorities;that they would call me more and more often to the administrative post and that I would
be constantly watched by the police. My only hope was to run away We immediately
made arrangements to organize a meeting of the peoples leaders to discuss what we
should do to regain our liberty and to drive the Portuguese oppressors out of our
country. After a long and important discussion, we reached the conclusion that the
Makonde people alone could not succeed in driving out the enemy. We then decided to
join forces with Mozambicans from the rest of the country. [Official report.]
Theotherdevelopment,alsoassociatedwiththecooperatives,wasanincreasein
spontaneousagitation,whichculminatedinamajordemonstrationatMuedain
1960.This
demonstration,
though
passing
unnoticed
by
the
rest
of
the
world,
acted
asacatalystintheregion.Over500peoplewereshotdownbythePortuguese,and
manywhouptothattimehadnotconsideredtheuseofviolencenowdenounced
peacefulresistanceasfutile.TheexperienceofTeresaMblale,nowaFRELIMO
militant,showswhy:IsawhowthecolonialistsmassacredthepeopleatMueda.
ThatwaswhenIlostmyuncle.Ourpeoplewereunarmedwhentheybeganto
shoot.Shewasoneofthethousandswhodeterminedneveragaintobeunarmed
inthefaceofPortugueseviolence.
Afuller
account
of
that
day
comes
from
Alberto
Joaquim
Chipande,
then
aged
22,
andnowoneoftheleadersinCaboDelgado:
Certainleadersworkedamongus.SomeofthemweretakenbythePortuguese
TiagoMuller,FaustinoVanomba,KibiritiDiwaneinthemassacreatMuedaon16
June1960.Howdidthathappen?Well,someofthesemenhadmadecontactwith
theauthoritiesandaskedformorelibertyandmorepayAfteawhile,when
peopleweregivingsupporttotheseleaders,thePortuguesesentpolicethrough
thevillagesinvitingpeopletoameetingatMueda.Severalthousandpeoplecame
tohear
what
the
Portuguese
would
say.
As
it
turned
out,
the
administrator
had
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askedthegovernorofDelgadoProvincetocomefromPortoAmliaandtobringa
companyoftroops.ButthesetroopswerehiddenwhentheygottoMueda.We
didntseethematfirst.
Then the governor invited our leaders into the administrators office. I was waiting
outside. They were in there for four hours. When they came out on the verandah, the
governor asked the crowd who wanted to speak. Many wanted to speak, and the
governor told them all to stand to one side.
Then without another word he ordered the police to bind the hands of those who had
stood to one side, and the police began beating them. I was close by. I saw it all. When
the people saw what was happening, they began to demonstrate against the Portuguese,
and the Portuguese simply ordered the police trucks to come and collect these arrested
persons. So there were more demonstrations against this. At that moment the troops
were still hidden, and the people went up close to the police to stop the arrested persons
from being taken away. So the governor called the troops, and when they appeared he
told them to open fire. They killed about 600 people. Now the Portuguese say they have
punished that governor, but of course they have only sent him somewhere else. I myself
escaped because I was close to a graveyard where I could take cover, and then I ranaway. (D.I.).
Afterthismassacrethingsinthenorthcouldneverreturntonormal.Throughout
theregionithaqdarousedthemostbitterhatredagainstthePortugueseand
showedonceandforallthatpeacefulresistancewasfutile.
Thuseverywhereitwastheveryseverityofrepressionthatcreatedthenecessary
conditionsforthedevelopmentofastrong,militantnationalistmovement.The
tightpolicestatedroveallpoliticalactionunderground,andpartlybecauseofthe
difficultiesand
dangers
involved
underground
activity
turned
out
to
be
the
best
schoolinwhichtoformabodyoftough,devotedandradicalpoliticalworkers.The
excessesofthergimedestroyedallpossibilitiesofreformswhich,byimprovingthe
conditionsalittle,mighthavesecuredthemaininterestsofcolonialrulefroma
seriousattackforsometimetocome.
Thefirstattemptstocreateanationwideradicalnationalistmovementweremade
byMozambicansworkinginneighbouringcountries,wheretheywerebeyondthe
immediatereachofPIDE.Atfirsttheoldproblemofinadequatecommunications
ledto
the
establishment
of
three
separate
movements:
UDENAMO
(Unio
Nacional
DemocrticadeMoambique)formedin1960inSalisbury;MANU(Mozambique
AfricanNationalUnion)formedin1961fromanumberofsmallergroupsalready
establishedamongMozambicansworkinginTanganyikaandKenya,oneofthe
largestbeingtheMozambiqueMakondeUnion;UNAMI(UnioAfricanade
MoambiqueIndependente)startedbyexilesfromtheTeteregionlivinginMalawi.
Theaccessionofmanyformercoloniestoindependenceinthelatefiftiesandearly
sixtiesfavouredtheformationofexilemovements,andforMozambique,
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Tanganyikasindependence,gainedin1961,seemedtooffernewscope.Allthree
movementsestablishedseparateheadquartersinDaresSalaamsoonafterwards.
In1961,too,anintensificationofrepressioninallthePortuguesefollowedthe
revoltinAngolaandcausedaninfluxofrefugeesintoneighbouringcountries,
particularlyTanganyika(nowTanzania).Theserecentexilesfromtheinterior,many
ofwhomdidnotalreadybelongtoanyoftheexistingorganizations,exercised
strongpressure
for
the
formation
of
asingle
united
body.
External
conditions
also
favouredunity:theConferenceoftheNationalistOrganizationsofthePortuguese
Territories(CONCP)heldatCasablancain1961andattendedbyUDENAMOmadea
strongcallfortheunityofnationalistmovementsagainstPortuguesecolonialism.A
conferenceofallnationalistmovements,calledbyGhanasPresidentKwame
Nkrumah,alsoencouragedtheformationofunitedfronts,andinTanganyika
PresidentJuliusNyererepersonallyexertedinfluenceonthemovements
establishedintheterritorytounite.Thuson25June1962thethreemovementsis
Dar
es
Salaam
merged
to
form
the
Mozambique
Liberation
Front
(FRELIMO),
and
preparationsweremadetoholdaconferenceinthefollowingSeptemberwhich
woulddefinetheaimsoftheFrontandworkoutaprogrammeforaction.
Abriefaccountofafewamongtheleadersofthenewmovementwillillustratehow
variouspoliticalandparapoliticalorganizationsfromalloverthecountry
contributedtoit.TheVicePresident,theReverendUriaSimango,isaProtestant
pastorfromtheBeiraregionwhohadbeeninvolvedinthemutualaidassociations
andwastheleaderofUDENAMO.AlsofromthemutualaidassociationoftheBeira
regioncameSilveroNungu,laterFRELIMOSecretaryforAdministration,andSamuel
Dhlakama,nowamemberoftheCentralCommittee.Fromthepeasant
cooperativesofnorthernMozambiquecameLzaroKavandame,laterProvincial
SecretaryforCaboDelgado;alsoJonasNamashulua,andothers.Fromthemutual
assistanceassociationsofLourenoMarquesandChaiChaiinthesouthof
MozambiquecamethelateMateusMuthemba,andShaffrudinM.Khan,who
becameFRELIMOrepresentativeinCairoandisnowrepresentativeintheUnited
States.MarcelinodosSantos,laterFRELIMOSecretaryforExternalAffairsandnow
SecretaryoftheDepartmentofPoliticalAffairs,isapoetofinternationalstanding;
hewas
active
in
the
literary
movement
in
Loureno
Marques
and
then
spent
some
yearsofexileinFrance.
ImyselfamfromtheGazadistrictofsouthernMozambique,and,likemanyofus,
myinvolvementwithresistanceofoneformoranothergoesbacktomychildhood.
Ibeganlife,asmostMozambicanchildrendo,inavillage,anduntiltheageoftenI
spentmydaysherdingthefamilylivestockwithmybrothersandabsorbingthe
traditionsofmytribeandfamily.ThatIwenttoschoolatallIowetothefar
sightednessofmymother,whowasmyfathersthirdandlastwife,andawomanof
considerable
character
and
intelligence.
In
trying
to
continue
mu
education
after
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primaryschool,Iexperiencedallthefrustrationsanddifficultiesinstoreforan
AfricanchildattemptingtoenterthePortuguesesystem.EventuallyImanagedto
reachSouthAfrica,andwiththehelpofsomeofmyteachersIcontinuedstudying
onscholarshipstocollegelevel.ItwasduringthisperiodthatmyworkwithNESAM,
andsomyserioustroubleswiththepolice,began.WhenIwasofferedascholarship
toAmerica,thePortugueseauthoritiesdecidedtosendmetoLisbonUniversity
instead.During
my
brief
stay
there,
however,
Iwas
harassed
so
constantly
by
the
policethatitinterferedwithmystudies,andImadeeffortstotakeupmu
scholarshipintheUnitedStates.Succeeding,Istudiedsociologyandanthropology
atOberlinandNorthwesternUniversities,andthenworkedfortheUnitedNations
asaresearchofficerintheTrusteeshipsection.
MeanwhileIkeptintouchasfaraspossiblewithdevelopmentsinMozambique,
andIbecameincreasinglyconvincedfromwhatIsawandfrommyoccasional
contactsthroughtheUNwiththePortuguesediplomatsthatnormalpolitical
pressure
and
agitation
would
not
affect
the
Portuguese
stand.
In
1961
I
was
able
to
visitMozambiqueonleavefromtheUN,andtravellingwidelysawformyselfwhat
hadchanged,ornotchanged,sinceIhadleft.OnmyreturnIlefttheUnitedNations
toengageopenlyintheliberationstruggle,andtookajoblecturingatSyracuse
Universitywhichleftmethetimeandtheopportunitytostudythesituation
further.Ihadestablishedcontactswithalltheseparateliberationparties,butIhad
refusedtojoinanyofthemseparately,andwasamongthosecampaigningstrongly
forunityin1961and1962.
TheMozambicanswhogatheredinDaresSalaamin1962togetherrepresented
almosteveryregionofMozambiqueandeverysectorofthepopulation.Nearly
everyonehadsomeexperienceofresistanceonasmallscale,andofthereprisals
whichnormallyfollowed.Bothinsideandoutsidethecountry,conditionswere
favourabletothenationaliststruggle.Ourproblemwaswhetherwecouldweld
togethertheseadvantagessoastomakeourmovementstrongthroughoutthe
country,andcapableoftakingeffectiveactionwhich,unlikepreviousisolated
efforts,wouldhurtthePortuguesemorethanithurtus.
Course:AfricanRevolutionaryWriting
20041,EduardoMondlane,TheStruggleforMozambique,1969
6952words