J

DUP.L.tt·'~!E WAI ~US- D5 ~t\J... hA ......... &1

A Report CH-futruissioned by the W. o Waitangi Tribunal for the Wai 627 Claitn

Roimata Minhinick

March 1999

CONTENT

HE MANU KORERO

Author, Background to Raupatu ............................................................................................. 1-2 Main Issues, Outline ........................................................................................................... 3-4

PART I: Traditional aspects of Ngati Hangarau history 5-6

Map 1 - rohe and areas of interest to Ngati Hangarau ...................................................................... 7 Ka tiaki tonu a Ngati Hangarau i tona whenua .............................................................................. 8 T e hiahia ki te tiaki tonu i nga wai ............................................................................................. 9 N ga tohu 0 te ao Kohatu: Pa me nga Mahinga Kai .................................................................... 1 0-11 Map 2-Rohe ofNgati Hangarau as an area of intense Cultivation ....................................................... 12 Map 3-Pa, middens, eel weir within the rohe ofNgati Hangarau ....................................................... 13 Map 4-N gati Hangarau rohe 'Good' land except the bush area ........................................................... 14 Ngati Hangarau: Successful Participation in Trade and Food Production 1830s - 1860s ....................... 15-17 Summary ......................................................................................................................... 18

PART II: Raupatu

Ngati Hangarau support Tainui against the Crown's invasion ofWaikato ........................................... 19 Battles ofPukehinahina and Te Ranga ...................................... , .......................................... 20- 22

i....J cessation of hostilities: July 1864 .................................................................................... 23-24 . Pacification Hui and Confiscation: August 1864 - May 1865 .......................................................... 25

Map 5 -Tauranga confiscation boundary and area particular to Ngati Hangarau ...................................... 26 Pai Marire 1865: The immediacy of protest ............................................................................... 27 The Scorched Earth Campaign 1867, January 11 meeting 1867 .................................................... 28-30 Map 6 - Scorched Earth Campaign 1867 - 1870 .......................................................................... 31 Summary ........................................................................................................................ 32

PART III: Immediate Aftermath ofRaupatu

Ngati Hangarau Population Demise 1880s: Raupatu me te Mate Pakeha, Warfare, Disease and Famine ... .33-35 Summary ........................................................................................................................ 36

PART IV: Protests

Te Mete Raukawa Petition of1833:The 'promised' land ................................................................ 37 Te Mete Raukawa Speech to Native Minister in 1885 ................................................................... .38 Te Mete Raukawa·Petitions 1895, 1898, 1899 .......................................................................... 39-41 Were Hapu numbers artificially inflated ? ................................................................................ .42 Were returned inland blocks to Ngati Hangarau suitable for food production ? .................................... .43 Map 7 -Scientific Mapping showing returned inland blocks unsuitable for cultivation .............................. .44 Continued ....................................................................................................................... 45 r\id Te Mete Raukawa sell Taumata ?, ....................................................................................... 46

)rther enquiries by T e Mete Raukawa into T e Papa Parish Lot 14 and 114 ....................................... .47 MP Henare Kaihau supports Ngati Hangarau Petition: 1900 .............................. , ............................. .48

/'t,. PART V: Ngati Hangarau "Landless Maori~: 1900s

" JFurther petitions by Ngati Hangarau through Resident J.G.Baker: 1903-1905 ......................................... .49 The beginning of European settlement and subsequent concern for wahi tapu:1908-1910 .......................... 50 The Sim Commission 1927 ................................................................................................... 51 Ngati Hangarau and others seek a Royal Commission of enquiry into the Raupatu: 1944 ........................... 52 Petitions lead to a united front: The Tribal Executives 1961 and Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board 1981...53

PART VI: I Rutua Iho Ai Te Aroha Mo Nga Taonga

Shoreline Block Histories 54 Map 8 -Lots 95, 92, 91, 453, 8/8A, 14, 114, Parish ofTe Papa .......................................................... 55 Lot 95 Parish ofTe Papa, Lot 8/8A: The Paeroa Native School ................................................... 56-57

Inland Block Histories 58 Map 9 -Location of inland blocks ........................................................................................... 59 Tauwharawhara block Parish ofTe Papa ................................................................................... 60 Paengaroa No.2 Parish ofTe Papa ....................................................................................... 61-62 Paengaroa Reserves 537 & 538, Parish ofTe Papa ................................................................... 63-64 Lots 170 and 152A Parish ofTe Papa ....................................................................................... 65 Taumata Block Parish ofTe Papa .................................................................................... , ....... 66 Kaimai 1 and 2 .............................................................................................................. 66-68 Whaiti Kuranui No.5 and 5D2 ............................................................................................... 69

.,Establishment of Ngamanawa Incorporation 70 W ,JThe Mangapapa Power Scheme

The desecration ofwahi tapu, and continued protest over land acquisition ....................................... 71-75 Summary ........................................................................................................................ 76 Map 10 -Ngamanawa Amalgamation of Titles ............................................................................ 77 Map 11 -Land taken for electricity works ................................................................................. 78 Kei te maringi tonu nga roimata ......................................................................................... 79-81

Conclusion ................................................................................................................. 82-89 Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 90-92 Appendix .................................................................................................................. 93-112

MAPS: Sources: 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8: Hone Thompson 2,4,9, 10, 11: Dr E Stokes

1 Ngati Hangarau boundary lines and area of interests ............................................................. 7 2 Ngati Hangarau rohe: an area of intense cultivation ............................................................... 12 3 Pa, middens and eel weir within the rohe ofNgati Hangarau ................................................... 13 4 Ngati Hangarau rohe 'good' land except bush area ............................................................... 14 5 Ngati Hangarau rohe and confiscation boundary ................................................................. 26 6 Scorched Earth Campaign ..................................... " ...................... " ..................... " ...... 31 7 Scientific mapping showing returned inland blocks unsuitable for cultivation ............................... 44 8 Location of shoreline blocks, Lot 95, 92, 91,453, 8/8A, 14, 114 .............................................. 55 I Location of Inland blocks ......... '" ................................................................................ 59 ~ 0 Ngamanawa Amalgamation of Titles .............................................................................. 77 11 Land taken for electricity works .................................................................................... 78

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Author

-My name is Roimata Minhinnick. I belong to Ngati Te Ata of Waiohua and Waikato. I graduated in Law from Waikato University in 1994. My work in the area of research started in 1987 as a recipient of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation study grant. The research program touched upon socia~ lega~ business, educational and health services of urban Native American organisations in Calitornia, U.S.A. In 1989, I attended the Diplomacy Training Program at the University of New South Wales. This course covered aspects ofInternational Law and work of the United Nations. It was followed by various related research projects between 1990 and 1996 concerning the United Nations Working Group on the rights of Indigenous Peoples. In 1990, I was employed on a part time basis to do research on Maori land matters. The research project was overseen by Ngati Te Ata and coordinated by the School of Law and Maori Research Department of the University of Waikato. This led to further related work for Ngati Te Ata, and assisting David Abott of Shieff Angland Barristers and Solicitors and Dr David Williams. I was employed by the Waitangi Tribunal as a researcher between May 1995 and May 1997. My work for the Tribunal included the facilitation of claims in Tauranga and reports on, the loss of MauaolMount Maunganui (Wai 540), the loss of Moturiki, Motuotau and Karewa islands (Wai 540), the loss of ownership of the Tauranga Moana (Wai 540), and Kaitimako B and C (Wai 365).

Background to Raupatu

The confiscation or raupatu of the rohe ofNgati Hangarau is the focus of this report. For Ngati Hangarau, raupatu means many things, including the Crown's attack on them and others at Pukehinahina and Te Ranga, the confiscation of their rohe, the undermining of their ability to self govern and the manifestation of those past wrongs. I

This report covers the traditional, historical and contemporary aspects of Ngati Hangarau history.2 It was prepared with the understanding that the key issues for determination are whether or not the Crown breached the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi. 3

Te Mete Raukawa features strongly in this report. He was a significant leader ofNgati Hangarau and the wider Tauranga Moana.4 Literate and articulate in both English and Maori, Te Mete Raukawa was forefront in the fight to redress the devastation brought on the Iwi of Tauranga and in particular, Ngati Hangarau.

Te Mete Raukawa was born about 1836 or 1837 and would have been 27 or 28 years of age at the time of the battle ofTe Ranga. He was the eldest son of Raukawa Matia,

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See Supporting Documents 124-143 for survey questionnaires answered by repondents of Ngati Hangarau. The questionnaire was arranged between Roimata Minhinnick and Ngati Hangarau at Peterehema Marae during the months of November and December 1997. Issues for the report were formulated at Hui in November and December 1977. Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975. Some whanau have expressed the strong view that Te Mete Raukawa' was one of several chiefs ofNgati Hangarau at the time and this is acknowl«:dged.

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a Ngati Hangarau woman of rank and his father was Simpson (Simson) Smith, 'a Scotsman who traded betwee~ Auckland and Tauranga'. 5

Regarded as a rangatira-a leader Te Mete Raukawa was referred to frequently in the court reports of the day, many of which are quoted herein.

The following extract has been quoted almost in its entirety. Much of what is said about T e Mete Raukawa is reflected throughout this report and provides the reader with an introductory insight to the history of Ngati Hangarau. The New Zealand Dictionary of Biography, writes that (his):

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leadership, firmness of character and judgement asserted themselves after the wars. Although constantly reminding his people of the confiscation of their land, he encouraged them by exhortation and example to self-reliance and abstention from alcohol. Renowned as an orator with a powerful voice - it was said that when speaking on the marae at Bethlehem he could be heard at Te Puna - Te Mete became the leading spokesman of all Maori people of Tauranga, both Ngati Ranginui and Ngai Te Rangi. He often gave evidence on their behalf to the Native Land Court, and represented them on special occasions such as visits by governors and political leaders. With Hori Ngatai, leader of Ngai Te Rangi, he ably voiced their concerns when the native minister, John Balance, visited Tauranga in 1885. He was appointed as an assessor in 1884.

When the Maori King, Tawhiao, established his parliament, Te Kauhanganui. at Mangakawa near Cambridge in the late 1880s, Te Mete became one of his members. In 1894 he was appointed one of the Maori King's magistrates; his functions were to uphold Te Kauhanganui laws, to keep the peace and to settle. disputes. In June 1896 his Bethlehem settlement was the first place where Tawhiao's successor, Mahuta, stayed on visit to the Bay of Plenty. He was accompanied by about 100 followers and a large whare was built for their accommodation. After the death of Mahuta in 1912, Te Kauhanganui was moved to Rukumoana pa, near Morrinsville. Te Mete and Potaua Tangitu, leader of Pirirakau people of Te Puna, attended meetings there by riding horseback along the ancient Wairere and Tuhi tracks over the Kaimai Range.

Te Mete was strongly opposed to the dog tax imposed by county councils in the 1890s. However, Tawhiao began collecting his own taxes and in 1894 Te Kauhanganui appointed Te Mete as a registrar of Maori dogs. Later, when the Maori councils set up by the New Zealand government were empowered to collect the tax, Te Mete and Ngati Ranginui refused to recognise the authority of the Matatua District Council. .. Five men were gaoled for non-payment of the tax in 1905.

Te Mete attended many Maori conferences in different parts of New Zealand and sometimes called such meetings at Bethlehem. However, he refused to stand for Parliament when the opportunity was offered to him in 1908. In 1909 Te Mete was the first to sign Tana Tainga-kawa's petition concerning

New Zealand Dictionary of Biographies, The Turbelent Years: 'Te Mete Raukawa, 1836-37-1926, Ngati Ranginui Leader, assessor, sportsman', 102.

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violation of the Treaty of Waitangi. .. Te Mete was a strong supporter of the Paeroa school near Bethlehem. He emphasised the advantages of a European education in allowing Maori children to compete equally with Europeans.6

Main Issues

At two Ngati Hangarau hui they articulated the basis of their claim.7 The Crown confiscated almost every acre of land within the Ngati Hangarau rohe under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863.

The Hapu say that the confiscation and the Crown's subsequent actions prejudicially affected their ability to exercise tino rangatiratanga which had been guaranteed to them under the Treaty ofWaitangi.

Ngati Hangarau say that at the heart of their claim therefore is the large scale loss of their resource base and the Crown's refusal to recognise their right to determine their own lives.

In this report, I assess the history of the relationship between the Crown and Ngati Hangarau in order to throw light on these issues.

Outline

~: j .........., This report is divided into six parts.

Part I deals with traditional aspects of Ngati Hangarau prior to 1835 showing their relationship to lands and other taonga. These ties include the desire ofNgati Hangarau to continue the exercise of rangatiratanga over waterways, fishing grounds, cultivation sites, and other sign posts of the past.

N gati Hangarau was successful in trade and participated in the shipping industry during the 1840s and 1850s.

Evidence will be presented by claimants, giving commentary on manawhenua issues and the history of the Hapu.

Part IT examines raupatu under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 and evidence ofNgati Hangarau support to Waikato during the Crown's invasion in 1864. This will be followed by an analysis of:

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• the participation and loss of life by Ngati Hangarau at the battles of Pukehinahina and Te Ranga, 1864, which gave inspiration to the waiata tangi composed by a Ngati Hangarau member after the battle ofTe Ranga

• the 'cessation of hostilities' period of 1864 and the pacification hui which followed

Ibid. Meetings between Roimata Minhinnick and Ngati Hangarau, in October and November 1997 at Peterehema Marae, chaired by Michael O'Brien.

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• Ngati Hangarau ties with the Pai Marire movement in 1865, and;

- the scorched earth campaign through out the rohe of Ngati Ranginui in 1867 where Ngati Hangarau suffered devastation of crops and kainga

Part III shows that in the immediate aftermat~ of mupatu, Pakeha diseases spread through Ngati Hangamu leading to a significant decline in population.

Loss of lands led to wider implications on the people including reduction in cropping, food shortages, famine and in some cases death.

The Crown failed to respond to this crisis, ignoring the plight of the Hapu and rejecting successive petitions from Ngati Hangarau asking for more land.

Part IV will show the attempts by Ngati Hangarau to redress the effects of mupatu. These included a series of petitions from 1883 until 1899, presented to the Crown by Ngati Hangarau chiefTe Mete Raukawa, expressing the concerns of the Hapu.

The Crown had returned some land to the Hapu, but they were in the bush and useless for crop cultivation. The Crown failed to acknowledge the unproductive nature of the land, arguing that they were perfectly suitable for cropping and rejected all protestations to the contrary.

Part V shows that by 1900 Ngati Hangarau were listed as 'Landless Maori.' Not surprisingly, the Hapu lodged further petitions to the Crown in 1903 and 1905 seeking more suitable land to cultivate but to no avail. The Crown's plans to build a railway through burial grounds in 1908 were met with grave concerns from Te Mete Raukawa. He also expressed similar concerns in 1910 at a hearing of the Native Land Court where two burial grounds were asked to be set aside for the owners.

Petitions to the Crown from prominent Maori in Tauranga during the 1920s, particularly from Ngai Tamarawaho (a kin Hapu to Ngati Hangarau) led to the 1927 Sim Commission enquiry.

The Sim Commission opined that the confiscation was justified and not excessive. Although Ngati Hangarau were not included in the Sim enquiry, they were one of several Hapu included in the petition lodged by Tuhitaare Hemi in 1944. These petitioners sought a Royal Commission of enquiry into the confiscated lands on the grounds that they had been left out of the 1927 enquiry.

One of the most grievous omissions, however, of both the Sim Commission and the Crown was the failure to acknowledge Ngati Ranginui (to which Ngati Hangarau belong) as a distinct Iwi from Ngaiterangi with different perspectives relating to the raupatu and its effects.

The Crown's reliance on the Sim Commission's findings resulted in all Tauranga Maori being denied redress for the confiscation.

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Ngati Hangarau took active involvement within the wider levels of Tauranga Maori discontent at the Crown's lack of action at redress. A united approach was actioned through the Tauranga Tribal Executives of 1961 and the Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board of 1981.

Part VI examines the histories of the coastal and inland blocks returned to Ngati Hangarau including those blocks that were not returned but to which the Hapu had interest.

The inland blocks had deep cultural ties to the Hapu, therefore alienation from those lands brought about further suffering.

The establishment of the Mangapapa Power Scheme in 1968 by the Tauranga City Council and Tauranga Electric Power Board (The Tauranga Joint Generation Committee) proposed the taking of over 5000 acres from the inland blocks. The proposal led to N gati Hangarau attending many hearings and meetings to air their concerns over the destruction of wahi tapu, lack of consultation, deprivation of usage of the Wairoa River, as well as the taking of more land than was needed.

This action by the Joint Generation Committee led to the establishment of the Ngamanawa Incorporation in 1971, the beneficiaries of which are tied to Ngati Hangarau through whakapapa.

This led to the 1995 claim to the Waitangi Tribunal lodged by Mr Michael O'Brien on t behalf of the Ngamanawa Incorporation.

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Questionnaires from a survey about the impact of raupatu on individuals and whanau of Ngati Hangarau are examined in this report. Survey themes include the participants' understanding of raupatu, the impacts of raupatu and other laws or policies which may have prejudicially affected them.

PART}

Traditional Aspects of Ngati Hangarau History

Ngati Hangarau have links to the various waka of Aotearoa though their strongest traditional, political and kin ties are as a Hapu of Ngati Ranginui of the waka Takitimu.8 Ngati Hangarau evidence shows that they held:

8 Meeting with Ngati Hangarau at Peterehema Marae 20 June 1998. Kaumatua will present whakapapa showing their identity and genealogical links when the Waitangi Tribunal hears their claim.

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Manawhenua over land stretching from the harbour to the Kaimai. This land was bounded more or less by traditional lines which joined land occupied by Ngai Tamarawaho on the East and Ngiiti Kahu and Ngiiti Pango on the west.9

Ngiiti Hangarau has been in occupation of the area since about 1300 AD. According to a petition by Te Mete Raukawa, the Hapu was one of the 'original tribes of Tauranga,.lo

Ngiiti Hangarau do not claim manawhenua status over all areas included on the following map provided. The shaded area is the area of primary interest to Ngati Hangarau although Ngati Hangarau considers that it has other traditional interests outside the shaded area. It is understood that Kaumatua will speak to this at the hearings. Within the shaded area, some interests are shared with neighbouring Hapu.11

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Paper received from Michael O'Brien entitled ''Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana: Nga korero mo Ngati Hangarau (Ngati Hangarau perspective), 1997",4. Supporting Documents at 1-7. At hearings over the Paengaroa blocks on 20 August 1881, Ranginui of Ngai Tamarawaho was 'satisfied with the creek, Te Whakamaunga [or Te Hukanui] as the boundary between Paengaroa No.2 and Te Taumata', implying the boundary line between Ngai Tamarawaho and Ngati Hangarau, Brabant's Minute Book No.1, 118. Also see Appendix 1 for Map showing traditional boundaries according to Dr E Stokes, in 'The allocation of Reserves for Maori in the Tauranga Confiscated Lands, 1997, 61 '. MA 1905/1002, National Archives, Wellington. Translation of letter dated 6 August 1895 from 'Te Mete Raukawa and 60 others' to 'The Honorable the Speaker and Honorable Members of the House of Representative' . As discussed at meeting with Ngati Hangarau Claim Committee on 29 May 1998 at Peterehema Marae.

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Ka tiaki tonu a Ngati Hangarau i tona whenua

Despite the Ngati Ranginui Iwi dominance in Tauranga Moana being interrupted for a time in the 1700's when the warriors of Kotorerua displaced the people ofKinonui on Mauao during the battle of Kokowai, Ngati Hangarau maintain that they continued to exercise mana throughout their rohe. 12

The main areas taken by Kotorerua were Mauao and Otumoetai, places that were central points of Ngati Ranginui dominance at the time. The Pa of Ngati Hangarau, deep in the Kaimai Range were part of the re-consolidation era ofNgati Ranginui. \3

Te hiahia ki te tiaki tonu i nga wai

The Tauranga Moana and the rivers, streams, waterfalls and lakes within the rohe of Ngati Hangarau are taonga which have carried the blood, tears and fortune of the Hapu. These waterways provided Ngati Hangarau with the various foods found within, they were an essential part of the trade industry, a means of communication and were used for healing purposes, recreation and training. They are sources of mana and identity to Ngati Hangarau, inseparable. 14

The destruction of warn tapu and the deprivation of the use of waterways resulting from the Tauranga Joint Generation Committee actions in the late 1960s, led to Ngati Hangarau Kaumatua, Kaikohe Roretana stating:

Omanawa and Te Korokoro falls were used to prophesy good luck and ill fortune and death. When Koro Koro sounded, it was a sign of bad luck and sometimes death, while Omanawa Falls were a sign of good luck. We are proud of our fortune tellers which foretold the luck of the Tribe. When you go into this land and treat it as common earth you make yourselves vandals in our eyes. IS

This karero is reflected in the waiata composed by Te Turupa 'rna tana hoa a Kereti' who was killed at the battle of Te Ranga in 1864.16 Both were of Ngati Hangarau. Another traditional lament composed by Te Pakaru, also ofNgati Hangarau, speaks of using the Opuiaki Stream, a tributary of the Wairoa River, to carry his message of sorrow back to his friends located by the harbour. 17

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Ngati Hangarau korero, meeting at Peterehema Marae in June 1998. Notably during the early 1870s Clarke described Te Kaki, as 'impregnable'. Other Pa included Wharetangata, Paengaroa and Kopu. During the Ranginui era of re-consolidation. no doubt these Ngati Hangarau kainga were important to the iwi. This is demonstrated in the two waiata particular to Ngati Hangarau, 'Takiri Ko Te Ata 'and 'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru'. Also, Ngati Hangarau korero, June 1998. The statement was submitted in 1969 to the Tauranga City Council who held a special meeting to hear objections to taking land for the Mangapapa power scheme. See page 78 for detail on power scheme. See section on 'Takiri Ko Te Ata' for more details, page 22. See pages 58-60 for detail on 'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru.'

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Thus the waterways were part of the people, a part of Ngati Hangarau history retold when expressed in traditional_ waiata. 18 Traditional ties of Ngati Hangarau also amounted to shared guardianship, authority and control. Some areas within their rohe were managed by whanau on behalf of the Hapu (such as the Ngamanawa area and surrounding waterways), shared between Hapu on behalf of the Iwi (such as the Wairoa river) or defended by Hapu of each Iwi over the whole of the Tauranga Moana (such as against the Crown at the battles of Pukehinahina Gate Pa and Te Ranga). According to Alice Rerepeti Tuira, a kuia of Ngati Hangarau, the Hapu have used, protected and developed these waters in conjunction with the need to preserve them for future generations since the arrival of the waka Takitimu. 19

The exercise of tino rangatiratanga by Ngati Hangarau within their rohe is also reflected in the occupation and use of the area. The basis of this occupation was the abundance of food resources. The Hapu intend to submit oral evidence concerning the exercise of rangatiratanga in its various forms when the Waitangi Tribunal hears their claim.

It is important to note that for Ngati Hangarau, the Treaty of Waitangi affIrmed to them the right to continue the exercise of te tino rangatiratanga over their taonga including the Tauranga Moana. Ngati Hangarau understood what tino rangatiratanga meant. One example of this understanding is evident from a meeting in 1885 where Te Mete Raukawa questioned the Native Minister Ballance about 'the Queen's authority extending below high-water mark' Ballance replied: 20

This is a question of law, and depends upon the construction that is placed on the Treaty of Waitangi. It is an important question, and I shall submit it to the Law Officers of the Crown upon my return to Wellington. If those rights were ceded by the Treaty, they are in the Crown; if they were not distinctly withheld they are also in the Queen, for the Queen in all her dominions owns the land between high and low-water mark. It is not the wish of Government to restrict or to curtail Maori customs, unless the Natives wish it themselves; and therefore I shall make careful enquiry into the subject.21

There is no record in the fIles consulted of any response from the Crown. Nonetheless, Ngati Hangarau sought to continue the exercise of tino rangatiratanga over their taonga including the mo ana. 22

At the same 1885 meeting Hori Ngatai expanded on the issue of foreshore and fisheries ownership. He gave clear examples showing that the various Hapu of Tauranga and exercised 'mana' over these things. Hori Ngatai also stated that the Queens 'sovereignty' did not extend to their fIshing grounds but remained 'out in the

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Ibid. See comments by Alice Riripeti Tuira at page 86. AJHR 01, 1885. Ibid. See Te Mete Raukawa and Hori Ngatai commentary on page 10 showing their desire to exercise some form of autonomy over their district and waterways. Ngatai specifically referring to the authority and man ofHapu over Tauranga Moana.

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deep water away beyond TOhua' .23 It is likely that Te Mete Raukawa supported this view.

Another clear example of the understanding oftino rangatiratanga by Ngati Hangarau is reflected in the statements of Te Mete Raukawa and Hori Ngatai at the 1885 meeting. Both sought to 'have a District Committee of their own - to have a separate district' presumably so that they could govern themselves and their affairs, including fisheries. 24 Ballance stated that as it was their wish to have a separate Committee, he would 'see if that can be done' .25 However, despite section 71 of 'The New Zealand Constitution Act 1852' providing for the establishment of 'particular Districts' enabling Maori the 'Government of themselves'and by way of their own 'laws, customs and usage', the provision was never implemented. 26 Later, in 1909 Te Mete Raukawa was the first to sign the petition from Tana Tainga Kawa concerning violation of the Treaty ofWaitangi.27

Nga Tobu 0 te Ao Kobatu: Pa me nga Mabinga Kai

The rohe ofNgati Hangarau was one of intense cultivation and many Pa sites, as was the entire Tauranga district opposite Motiti Island.

Captain Cook described the area as 'full of plantations and villages. The villages were larger than we had yet seen, were built on eminence's near the sea and fortified' .zs

....J While exploring the' Wairoa river', in 1842, E Shortland noticed areas of cultivation 'here and there' and that 'along the banks was much levelland and apparently rich, most lovely spot for farms ... All this country is remarkable for the absence of wood, the forest being generally 4 or 6 miles from the beach. ,2929 Shortland wondered whether the forest had been purposely cleared by tangata whenua through their own 'mode of native cultivation' .30

In 1867, James Mackay Junior, Civil Commissioner of Tauranga, prepared a 'Plan of Tauranga' in which he describes the land character within the domain of Ngati Hangarau to be mainly 'Good' except for the bush area.3l

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AJHR Gl, 1885, Ngati Hangarau concern for their waterways arose once again, in 1968, when the Tauranga Joint Generation Committee proposed to use the Wairoa river for the purpose of generating electrical power. See section on 'Mangapapa Power Scheme' for further details on the Joint Generation Committee and subsequent response by Ngati Hangarau, p 72. AJHRGl, 1885,59. Ibid. Constitution Act 1852, s 71. New Zealand Dictionary of Biographics The Turbulent Years: 'Te Mete Raukawa, 1836-37-1926, Ngati Ranginui Leader, assessor, sportsman', 102. W H Gifford & H B Williams, A Centennial History of Tauranga Reed, Dunedin, 1940, (Capper Press reprint, 1976,23. See also Kathryn Rose's. "The Impact of Confiscation: Socio economic conditions of Tauranga Maori, 1865-1965" Waitangi Tribunal Series, 1996. Rose also describes the socio-economic conditions of Taurang Maori from 1800 to 1865. E. Shortland (1842-1844) Diaries and Journal MS 15, Auckland Public Library. Ibid. See Map 4 for showing Ngati Hangarau rohe to be all good land except the bush area: (By James Mackay Civil Commissioner, 4 May 1867).

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A site of note includes a large cultivation area at Peterehema, denoted on an 1864 military topographical survey. 33

Dr Evelyn Stokes locates another three sites about Ngamanawa at the same time.34

And Dr Richard Bento~ Executive Director, Maori Research unit of the University of Waikato, has mapped numerous midde~ eel weir, and some 20 Pa within the Ngati Hangarau rohe using archaeological data. Concerning the Pa sites, Rotorua District Council archaeologist Dr Richard McGovern Wilson prepared a report in 1998 showing the state of these sites, the possibility of destructio~ and a list of current owners. 35

Evidence supports Ngati Hangarau korero that within the rohe were extensive cultivations and Pa sites.36 But only one PalMarae site is operational today, the Ngati Hangarau Peterehema Marae.

Almost all cultivation sites, Pa, waterways and other signs of occupation of Ngati Hangarau were lost to colonisation. The most devastating loss was the confiscation of virtually every acre of land held by the Hapu. Some lands were returned by the Crown, but evidence produced later will show that the majority of these blocks were poor and unsuitable for cultivation.37

33

34

35

36

37

See Appendix 3 for topographical survey showing large cultivations at Peterehema See Appendix 2 in 'E Stokes, The Allocation of Reserves for Maori in The Tauranga Confiscated Lands, 1997,61' and 'Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, Vol 1, 1990,52'. See Appendix 4 for Map prepared by Wilson. The archaeological report on Pa sites can be obtained from the Ngati Hangarau Claim Committee.It is probable that some of the Pa sites belong to Hapu whose rohe are located either side of Ngati Hangarau. Of course, these sites were not all occupied at once but they do indicate extensive occupaton before European contact. Also, see Benton's Map at page 13. Meeting with Ngati Hangarau at Peterehema Marae in November 1997. Several Kaumatua made reference to the many plantations in their rohe. Also see, papers received from Michael O'Brien entitled "Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana: Nga korero mo Ngati Hangarau (Ngati Hangarau perspective), 1997:, Snpporting Documents, 1-7. See section on 'Te Mete Raukawa Petitions: 1895, 1898, 1899', at pages 42-49.

o

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15

Ngati Hangarau: Successfully in Trade and Food Production: 1830s - 1860s

Before the Crown's invasion of Tauranga and confiscation oflands in 1865, Tauranga Maori controlled the district's economic infrastructure. They had successfully adapted to the challenges of dealing with new trading partners. Evidence shows that Ngati Hangarau were active participants of this era.

The potential for Pakeha trading with Ngati Hangarau and other Tawanga Hapu for their various goods was noted in 1820 by Samuel Marsden when he reported the area to have 'plenty of potatoe [sic] and pork' .38

Early Pakeha evidence suggests that the people established trade links. In April 1838, Reverend Brown recorded in his diary the movements of people on the Wairoa River. He noted that while some had assembled for a service it appeared that most 'had been absent several days in the woods taking up potatoes' .39

J C Bidwell wrote in the Preambles in New Zealand 1839 that Tauranga was a 'place of great consequence as very large quantities of that article was collected there. At present no flax is grown, as pigs supply the wants of the natives with infmitely less trouble to themselves. ,40

In 1841, Dieffenbach stated that:

Tauranga was in former times an important place for the pig and flax trade; and several European traders have lived there for many years. But from different causes the flax trade has dwindled away to almost nothing chiefly in consequence of the facility of obtaining European articles at a cost less than that of dressing the flax. The trade in pigs is still carried on.41

This common sense approach did not mean Tauranga Maori were scared of hard work, rather, they increased their labour, extended their line of products and invested in new technology. According to Kathryn Rose, Tauranga Maori were willingly and successfully participating in the economy and:

38

39

40

41

42

dominated the trade expansion during the 1840s and 1850s - producing pigs, potatoes, kumara, wheat, maize, vegetables and fruits for the growing market of Auckland. . .. By the 1850s an increasing number of trading vessels were owned and operated by Tauranga Maori. 42

W H Gifford and H B Williams, A Centennial Historv of Tauranga Dunedin Reed, 1940,22. Material received from claimants in 1996 re report by D Kahotea, Anthropologist, on 'The Interaction of Tauranga Hapu with the landscape, 1983' and draft report by D Kahotea on Tangata Whenua of Tauranga Moana 1996. J C Bidwell, 1841, Preambles in New Zealand 1839 Pegasus Press, Christchurch, 1952. E Dieffenbach Travels in New Zealand Vol 2, London (1843), reprinted in Capper Press, London 1974. K Rose, 'The Impact of Confiscation: Socio-Economic Conditions of Tauranga Maori 1865-1965", Commissioned by the Crown Forestry Rental Trust, January 1997, 5.

16

This successful adjustment to cross-cultural trade can partly be attributed to the ability of Tauranga Maori to produce mass supplies of food more quickly and_cheaply than their European counterparts.43 This efficiency can be attributed to the fact that such activities were based upon existing processes. Kathryn Rose noting this 'economic activity was organised through traditional structures. Crops were grown communally and vessels and flour mills were generally owned on a Hapu basis'. 44

Control of Tauranga's economy by the various Hapu and iwi continued up until the Crown's invasion of the area in 1864 and its 'scorched earth campaign' in 1867. In 1857 Cooper's Settlers Guide stated that Tauranga Maori supplied Auckland with 'more wheat, potatoes, India corn, onions, etc than any other part of New Zealand,.45 Governor Grey reported in 1864 that Tauranga Maori had sold 100,000 bushels of wheat with a similar quantity stored at settlements.46 And before the 'scorched earth campaign' in 1867, the 'Te Kaki' village belonging to Ngati Hangarau was reported to have had 'Large and productive cultivation's of potatoes and maize ... sufficient to maintain a large force for a long time,.47 Also according to Kathryn Rose, 'Tauranga Maori owned at least eight trading ships,48. Of these, at least one was owned by Ngati Hangarau, a schooner called the Mere Heeni. It was 44 feet in length with a haulage capacity of 17 tons.49

Local tradition in Tauranga tell that the mast and rigging from the Mere Heeni were used on the Niu pole, 'Te Pou 0 Motai' at Kuranui.50 Here the religious and political movement called the Pai Marire dubbed the 'Hauhau' rebellion, performed their karakia.51 The Mere Heeni and the war canoe Rangimania used to be moored side by side near the beach below the Marae at Peterehema and were personified as having an attachment for each other. Mere Heeni is said to have been wrecked at Tairua and because of the loss of 'Rangimania's companion', occasionally one might hear the kuia ofNgati Hangarau chant:

'Tera Mere Heeni kei te koko i Tairua e whakamau ana mai ki a Rangimania e hine wa,.52

Notably, the Tauranga harbour was 'unfit for large vessels' before being widened. 53 Therefore the use of waka or traditional canoe was also an important means of transporting traded goods. Huatiro, was another Ngati Hangarau waka.54 At the time,

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

E Stokes, A History of Tauranga Country 1980,59. K Rose, 'The Impact of Confiscation: Socio-Economic Conditions of Tauranga maoril865-1965, January 1997, 5. E Stokes, A History ofTauranga County 1980, 59. W Gifford & H Williams, A Centennial History ofTauranga Dunedin Reed, 1940,224. AJHR 1867, A20, 20. K. Rose, 'The Impact of Confiscation: Socio-Economic Conditions of Tauranga Maori 1865-1965, January 1997, 5. Also, ibid and A Van der Wouden, "Bay of Plenty Journal of History" 1985. E Stokes, 'Pai Marire and the Niu at Kuranui, Hamilton Center for Maori Studies & Research', Occasional Paper No.6, 1980, 43. Ibid at 47. Ibid. Ibid.The meaning of the chant will be provided by kaumatua at their marae when the claim is heard. R. Minhinnick, The Ownership ofTaurang Moana, 1998,29. According to Ngati Hangarau Kaumatua, re: meeting at Peterehema Marae on 29 May 1998.

17

there would have been no shortage of transport. According to Wilson who was on Board the Herald (apparently, the first European vessel to enter the Tauranga Harbour) there were a 'great number of canoes, over 1,000, large and small, on the beach between Otumoetai and Te Papa 55

As noted, during the 1880s, Te Mete Raukawa of Ngati Hangarau, was a prominent leader in Tauranga He had fought in the Waikato and survived the battles in Tauranga. Te Mete Raukawa was a central figure in the participation of Ngati Hangarau in the new economy. He was no doubt significantly advantaged by the fact that his Pakeha father, Simpson Smith, was a trader in his own right. His genealogical connections emphasise the ability ofNgati Hangarau to adapt and maintain control of the trading era by utilising traditional structures and processes. According to Stokes, once contacts were made during the 1830s, the Pakeha middle man (or trader) was no longer neccessary.56 Unless of course the middleman was party to a traditional, (ana (arranged marriage) whereby particular outsiders such as Smith, who could contribute to the welfare of the hapu, were welcomed within it.57

Ngati Hangarau adapted to the trading era by utilising traditional processes including tono. The numerous cultivation sites within their rohe, the ownership of their own ship, the Mere Heeni, and surrounding evidence shows a people who were active and successful participants in the new economy.

55

56

57

Stokes, A History of Tauranga County 1980,45. Stokes, A History of Tauranga County 1980,59. The lana between Simpson Smith and a Ngati Hangarau woman of rank is con finned by Michael O'Brien as was discussed at a Ngati Hangarau Hui in November 1997.

18

SUMMARY

Ngati Hangarau applied the concept of rangatiratanga (ranga meaning to weave, tira into a bundle and tanga, the act of weaving together into a bundle) or in other words, their ability to bring their Hapu together and in doing so strengthen their social, economical and political development.

Their knowledge of the land and waterways, their ability to unite their Hapu and farm the land, their skill as able seafarers and utilisation of traditional waka to transport goods, no doubt gave them and other Hapu of Tauranga an advantage over their European counterparts.

Ngati Hangarau were as skilled as all Hapu in Tauranga Moana in their ability to work the land and trade their produce. Using the arrival of the European traders to their advantage, the Hapu increased their products, invested in new technology such as the Meri Heeni and took an active part in the thriving economy of the richly cultivated district.

Historical evidence bears witness to a thriving economy controlled by Hapu and Iwi. The evidence shows that Ngati Hangarau participated avidly in the trading economy. Their land base was the key to the success of their participation. This remained the case right up until the Crown's invasion in 1864, the confiscation of their land which followed and the subsequent destruction of their cultivation sites during the 'scorched earth campaign' in 1867.

One influential chief of Ngati Hangarau was Te Mete Raukawa, the son of an arranged marriage between a Pakeha trader and a Ngati Hangarau woman of rank. This traditional method of building relationships helped Ngati Hangarau to continue the exercise of rangatiratanga over their own destiny, including the trade industry.

Later, Te Mete Raukawa was to be a powerful voice against the Crown's confiscations, and the governments bureaucratic interference in the lives of his people. Te Mete Raukawa exhorted his people to abstain from alcohol and to be self-reliant.

19

PARTll

RAUPATU

Ngati Hangarau Support Tainui against the Crown's Invasion ofWaikato

Ngati Hangarau embraced the same goals that underpinned the Kingitanga movement of 1858 and the induction of the Maori King, Potatau Te Wherowhero. The Kingitanga symbolised the retention of authority and control within traditional structures. The expression used by the people was 'Te Mana Motuhake' signifying Maori independence or self-determination. The Kings emblem, 'Te Paki 0 Matariki', the widespread calm of the 'Pleiades', proclaimed peaceful co-existence, the concept of partnership as equals, from one independent sovereign peoples to another. The Kings emblem, 'Te Paki 0 Matariki' and the words 'Te Mana Motuhake' are inscribed over the front door of the traditional meeting house of Ngati Hangarau, reaffirming and continuing the connections of the Hapu with the King Movement.

The most pressing concern for the Kingitanga at the time was the desire of settlers and government to acquire their land and their prohibition of any further land transactions. In addition to the principles upon which the Kingitanga was founded, Ngati Hangarau support to Waikato against the Crown was aligned to the affmity it developed with Te Waharoa, the chief of Ngati Haua. Te Waharoa assisted Tauranga Maori against Ngapuhi (1831) and Te Arawa (1830s-1840s).58 It is no coincidence that Te Waharoa's son to whom Ngati Hangarau was so closely aligned, was Wiremu Tamehana Tarapipi, the king maker. Thus E. Stokes notes that letters from Tauranga chiefs in 1859 acknowledged Potatau Te Whero Whero as king and confIrmed the status of 'Tauranga people' as being opposed to the alienation of any more lands to settlers.59 The alliance with Waikato was such that, the invasion of Waikato was probably seen by Ngati Hangarau as an invasion against them.

Ngati Hangarau were staunchly opposed to British intrusion into Waikato and were prepared to commit their lives to the cause. When British troops began building a road into the heart of Waikato, it was Ngati Hangarau who 'recommended that immediate action be taken against the British forces,6o

Government attempts to submit the King Movement to British rule failed.

In July 1863, under Grey's orders, General Cameron and troops attacked Waikato at Koheroa.61

The Kingitanga sent a warning to the government and its forces not to cross the Mangatawhiri river. The warning was issued following a meeting called by Wiremu Tamihana at Tamahere in October of 1863. Tauranga Maori were represented at the meeting and party to the resolution.

58

59

60

61

See Supporting Documents 1-7, at 3. Stokes, 'Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana', 1990, Vol I, 14. Clarke to Native Secretary, Tauranga, 29 January 1862, AJHR 1862, E9. J Belich The New Zealand Wars And the Victorian Interpretation of RacialConflict, 1986, 133.

20

The Kingitanga asked for the construction of the road to cease, military steamers to be excluded from entering the Waikato river and the Taranaki issue to be investigated.62

The Government needed to affirm its claim to sovereignty and war was the only way to do so.

In November 1863, Waikato along with its Tauranga allies were attacked at Rangiriri and Meremere. From Ngati Hangarau 19 out of21 men, joined Waikato in defence of their land and their authority over it.63

The ancient Arapohatu track, which cut through the heart ofNgati Hangarau, became a thoroughfare for supplying food and fighting men to the front line. The track started at Peterehema and followed the Wairoa river to Paengaroa before crossing over the Kaimai range into Waikato.

Premier Frederick Whitaker urged Governor Grey to begin military operations in Tauranga and argued that Tauranga was of considerable importance to the Kingitanga as a food source.64 This affirms the importance of Tauranga generally as a food production area even in the context of war.

N gati Hangarau were punished for their participation.

The New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 empowered the government to confiscate land as punishment against Hapu such as Ngati Hangarau who had taken up arms against the Queen or who had helped those who had made war.65

Battles of Pukehinahina and Te Ranga

On 21 January 1864 some 600 troops under Colonel Carey were landed in Tauranga at Te Papa Carey was instructed by Grey 'not to take any offensive measure at present' and 'intercept all armed Farties passing by the Tauranga route to aid the Natives now in arms against US,.6 The words 'at present' indicate that this was a temporary halt only. Pukehinahina or Gate Pa, garrisoned by some 230 warriors, was attacked once more troops were deployed (numbering 1689 strong), escape routes were covered and artillery were in place.67 Prior to Pukehinahina, Tauranga warriors who had been in Waikato returned to defend their rohe, including Ngati Hangarau. They took up positions in the Kaimai at Tawhitinui Pa, West of the Wairoa river at Poripori, East of the Wairoa river at Poteriwhi and West of the Waimapu river at Waoku. Challenges to do battle were then issued from these various fortifications.

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63

64

6S

66

67

Piripi Matewha to 'The Governor', Tamahere, 3 November 1862. AJHR 1863, No. 12.20. Report ofT H Smith to Government. AJHR 1864, No.2, 13. The record shows 19 of21 male ofNgati Hangaraujoin the 'rebels'. Raupatu Document Bank Vol 17,6559. New Zealand Settlements Act 1863. Grey to Carey, 1864; AJHR 1864, E2. J Belich, The New Zealand Wars 1986: 192-6.

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From Poteriwhi Pa near Peterehema, a letter containing a list of rules for the fight was attached to their challenge. It stated:68

Poteriwhi District ofTauranga March 28 1864

Rule 1: Ifwounded or (captured) whole, and the butt of the musket of hilt of the sword be turned to me (he) will be saved.

Rule 2: If any Pakeha, being a soldier by name, shall be travelling unarmed and meet me, he will be captured, and handed over to the directors of the law.

Rule 3: The soldier who flees, being carried away by his fears, and goes to the house of the priest with his gun (even though carrying arms) will be saved, I will not go there.

Rule 4: The unarmed, Pakeha women, and children will be spared. The end.

By

These are binding laws for Tauranga

Terea Puimanuka Wi Kotiro Pine Anoupu Kereti Pateriki

Or rather by all the Catholics at Tauranga

Kereti and Terea Pubimanuka were ofNgati Hangarau.69 Although Henare Taratoa of N gati Raukawa wrote the rules the actual architects are likely to have been the above siNgatiories.70 From Waoku, Rawiri Puhirake, a chief of Ngaiterangi, dispatched a formal message notifying the commanding officer of their position and if attacked, that they would 'accept the ordeal of battle' .71 All challenges were ignored except Pukehinahina (mainly garrisoned by Ngaiterangi though it included others of Ngati Ranginui) which before the battle was viewed as 'the most insignificant place' by one officer, unlike the other more formidable sites.72

To the Crown's dismay, the British imperial army of 1689 hand picked troops and the most powerful artillery that science could provide, suffered their most bewildering defeat of the New Zealand wars at Pukehinahina against some 230 men. Following a bombardment of unprecedented intensity, the elite 43rd Regiment and a naval brigade,

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69

70

71

72

AJHR 1864, E3, 47. Oral korero, Ngati Hangarau Kaumatua. Nb, Puhimanuka is an owner in Lot 95 which was returned to Ngati Hangarau. Korero a Ngati Hangarau, hui in 1997, Peterehema Marae. J Belich, The New Zealand Wars 1986, 192-6. Hori Ngatai's account in 1924 in E Stokes, 'Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana', Vol 1, 1990,279. Ngatai says that 'Ngaiterangi chose a strong old Pa at Waoku which we strengthened and waited to be attacked. Other sections took up position at Kaimai, Poripori, and Wairoa'. Challenges were made by Rawiri Puhirake of Ngaiterangi from Waoku. J Belich, The New Zealand Wars 1986m 192-6.

22

succeeded in entering the Pa. However, once inside, 'within ten minutes [they] were streaming back in absolute rout. leaving a hundred dead and wounded behind' .73

On 21 June, however, Tauranga Maori and allies were attacked at the battle of Te Ranga, Belich estimating Maori casualties at approximately 68 and the British losing '52 men killed and wounded,.74 While these figures show that the confrontation appears to have been relatively even, other accounts show that there is likely to have been more losses on the Maori side. Thus while Colonel Greer's first report also stated that there were 68 Maori killed, in his second report he states that 105 Maori were killed. The difference between the two battles of course is that Tauranga Maori had prepared for Pukehinahina but were caught off guard while still building their defences at Te Ranga. What ever the actual numbers were, it is clear that Ngati Hangarau lost a number of men on that day. The loss of Te Kereti is referred to specifically in the lament, 'Takiri Ko Te Ata' by his wife, Te Turupa.76 Notably the composer refers to the losses of Ngati Hangarau in the plural suggesting that Te Kereti was not the only loss for N gati Hangarau.77

In regard to the actual numbers lost by Ngati Hangarau, an analysis of the following figures show that at the worst, N gati Hangarau lost half its fighting force:

• According to T H Smith's report in 1864, 19 of 21 male adults from Ngati Hangarau supported Waikato. 78

• In July 1864, 10 Ngati Hangarau were recorded handing in arrns.79

• In 1868, 12 male adults of Ngati Hangarau were included in returned lands to 'rebels' .80

•

•

73

74

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

According to Theophilus Heale, Tauranga surveyor, Ngati Hangarau resided at Wairoa and Peterehema in 1865.81

In 1866, Whitaker's special files noted a 'list of the Ngati Hangarau tribe ... men, women and children 60 souls in all- in the ranges 30 persons of the same party' a total of90 people.82

Ibid. Ibid. Takiri Ko Te Ata is a lament composed following the battle ofTe Ranga and I understand that evidence in respect of it will be presented by Kaumatua witnesses at the hearings. The words in the lament which indicate the loss of more than Te Kereti are 'Ka ngaro koutou Haere ra e Pa rna'. AJHR 1864, E No.2, 13. GBPP 1865, Vol 14, 104-106andAJHR 1864,E6,22. Mr Whitaker's Tauranga papers, 1866, Special File 5, List of Hapu, Folder 3, 1865-66, 120-121 at LINZ, Hamilton. Supporting Documents 8-9. Papers entitled 'Te Puna Matauranga 0 Orakei' 1998, 2; received from Michael O'Brien providing brief chronology of events. It states 'Surveyor T Heale's documents indicate that Ngati Hangarau were resident at Wairoa and Peterehema at this time'. Held by Claim Committee. Mr Whitaker's Tauranga papers, 1866, Special File 5, List of Hapu, Folder 3, 1865-66, 120-21 at LINZ, Hamilton. Supporting Documents 8-9.

23

• The following 12 men were attached to the list of 60 persons resident at Peterehema but the names of other women and children were omitted: Rewiri, Pauro, Hohepa, Nikorora, Rau, T e Mete, Niheta, Aweroa, Iharaira, Wineti, Pipongia, and Kamira. Also recorded were 130 acres returned to Rewiri and Pauro on Trust for Ngati Hangarau. The land is described as Lot 95 of Te Papa and is located at Peterehema.83

• A submission by Te Mete Raukawa in 1888 noted that it was 'never the custom of leaving out a male child when making a Will,.84 Therefore it would be highly unlikely that a male adult would have been excluded from the return of lands.

• By making various assumptions and therefore a degree of error, if 19 male adults ofNgati Hangarau are recorded as having gone to fight and only 12 remain of the original 21, then the missing 9 are likely to have been killed at one of the various battles in Waikato, Tauranga or possibly even Taranaki.

• These recorded figures indicate war contributed to the Ngati Hangarau population loss and that loss is further substantiated by the waiata 'Takiri Ko Te Ata.'

"A cessation of hostilities" July 1864

In July 1864, a number of Tauranga Maori (including some Ngati Hangarau) 'laid down their arms,.85 This took place under the supervision of Colonel Greer and his assistant, H E Rice, and, according to Rice, the Governor's proclamation had been read to the 'rebels' and they understood that the disposal oftheir lands rested with the Governor.86 What appears to have occurred, however, was a process of ignoring the unsurrendered, talking past those who attended and inducing the friendly to assist.

During this process, Ngati Ranginui were treated by the Government as belonging to Ngaiterangi. In tum, Ngaiterangi were thereby deemed to speak for the whole of Ngati Ranginui. This effectively excluded Ngati Hangarau and others from the process. The advantage was that the jovernment could then take all of Ngati Ranginui land by a mere stroke of the pen. 7

E. Stokes notes that, William Baker, Resident Magistrate and James Mackay Jr, Civil Commissioner, questioned whether the chiefs 'fully understood that surrender also meant forfeiture of the land' and criticised Greer's handling of the surrender.

83

84

85

86

87

Ibid. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, files, Taurang 3,Taumata No 1, 10 March 1888. Grey Dispatch 6 Aug 1864, British Parliamentary Papers, Irish University Press Series (BPPIlUP), Vol 14, 114, cited in H. Riseborough, The Crown in Tauranga Moana: 1864-1868, October 1994, 13. And, GBPP 1865, Vol 14, 104-106, for list prepared by H. Rice of those handing in arms. Rice to Fox 26 July 1864, BPPIlUP Vol 14, 104 cited in H Riseborough, The Crown in Tauranga Moana: 1864-1868, October 1994, 16. See 'Te Raupatu 0 Te Pirirakau: Pirirakau Report', January 1997, 55: for Pirirakau commentary on the Ngati Ranginui position.

24

Greer replied they were interfering placing Mackay under arrest and restricting Baker's movements.88 Thus Mackay told Greer on 23 July that 'the natives do not appear to understand that the lands of rebels were forfeited, and I thought it should be explained to them. ,89

Similarly, Baker said that, 'they imagine it is chiefly a cessation of hostilities. ,90 At one meeting after Wi Patene told them that all ofNgaiterangi had given up the 'mana' of the land to the Governor, Mackay told Rice 'they do not understand it and that fellow Patene is misleading them. ,91

Wi Patene, whom Baker described as 'playing a double game to suit his own purposes', admitted that he had gone to 'tiki his relations, but maintained that he was authorised to do so by the Governor. ,92 Baker was told by Te Kiepa Amohau, who was escorted by seven 'friendly Natives' that:

the overtures of peace were made by the friendly chiefs in the pay of the Government; that it was a case of "tiki" (fetch), not "kuhu noa mai" (creeping in of their own accord), thus confirming our fears that the matter did not originate with the rebels. He laughed when we told him that we expected to have this thrown in our teeth at some future day. In fact his whole manner was such that I inferred he was ignorant of or misunderstood the great question of confiscation and the disposal of their lands. I could hardly imagine a Maori so cheerful in the prospect of surrendering for ever the mana of his paternal acres. When Mr Mackay came to bed he informed me that my surmises were correct; that Te Amohau had informed him that he knew nothing about the whenua part of the question, and did not know that he was to lose his land. 93

Unlike Rice, Mackay and Baker had more opportunity to observe Maori customs and language. In fact, Mackay made a point of informing Fox that Rice 'cannot from his brief acquaintance with the manners and customs of the Natives, and his imperfect knowledge of their language, be either a fit or reliable person to be entrusted with an undertaking in which the honour of the Colony is at stake' .94

The terms upon those persons who had handed in their arms is more likely to have been understood as a 'cessation of hostilities', not a consent to the surrender of their lands.

Rice recorded 133 persons as having surrendered their arms. This included the following ofNgati Hangarau:95

88

89

9()

91

92

93

94

95

Hohepa Pauro Mete

N gati Hangarau N gati Hangarau N gati Hangarau

Not at the fighting Musket and pouch No gun; 1 Hatchet

E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1990, Vol 1. Mackay to Colonial Secretary, Native Department, 27 July 1864; AJHR 1869, A 18,4. AJHR 1869, A18, 9. Ibid at note 3-4. Ibid at note 9-10. Ibid at note 9. Mackay to Fox, 27 July 1864; AJHR 1869, A18, 7. GBPP 1865, Vol 14, 104-106.

25

Another list ofNgati Hangarau who had returned arms on 24 July were:96

Maihi Wi Mete lharaira Nikoro Nihita Raumaeroa Werahiko

Ngati Hangarau Ngati Hangarau Ngati Hangarau Ngati Hangarau Ngati Hangarau N gati Hangarau Ngati Hangarau

An axe. Never had arms A gun.Pouch and Powder lost at TeRanga Gun and Pouch Gun and Pouch Gun and Pouch An axe

Because Katahi Hohepa is specifically mentioned as not at the fighting one might assume that the others had participated. It is possible that there may have been other Ngati Hangarau such as Kereti who had fought and were killed but were not recorded at the surrender.

Pacification Hui and Confiscation (August 1864 - May 1865)

Ngati Hangarau lost virtually every acre of its land when the Crown confiscated the entire district ofTauranga in May 1865, under the New Zealand Settlements Act.

The confiscation ensured the land was available for settlement and colonisation by the British and resulted from a meeting between some Maori of Tauranga and Governor Grey, Whitaker and Fox on 5-6 August 1864. Here the Governor accepted 'the absolute and unconditional surrender of all those who were present' and promised 'that in the ultimate settlement of ... [their] lands the amount taken shall not exceed one fourth part of the whole lands' .97 Thus a quarter of the land originally confiscated would be retained and three quarters were to be returned.

There is no evidence that Ngati Hangarau were 'present' at the meeting and none of the speakers were of Ngati Hangarau.98 Had they been present and had they been aware that most of their land lay within the quarter the government intended keeping, one would question whether they would not have given their unconditional and absolute surrender to Grey. Indeed, evidence suggests that some Maori present took 'exception' to Grey's demands.99 According to Clarke in June 1865, 'they stated, with justice, that if it was carried out the punishment would fall heavily upon some [like Ngati Hangarau] while others would not lose an inch of land, although equally implicated in the war ... and some other Hapu who claim no land in the block would not be deprived of any land whatever,100

%

97

98

99

100

AJHR 1864, E6, 22. 'Nihita' is spelt Niheta according to kuia korero, meeting with Ngati Hangarau on 20 June 1998. AJHR 1867, A20, 5. Meeting at Peterehema Marae, 20 June 1998, kaumatua korero. AJHR 1865, A20, No. 11, 12. Ibid.

Ngati Hangarau rohe and confiscation boundary

Kuri a Whirai INDEX MAP OF

TAURANGA CONFISCATED LANDS

- - - - - Confiscation boundaty (Gazetted 1865)

1>',,,,>1 Confiscated Block

c:::::J Katikali Te Puna Block

c:::::J "Lands Returned" to MAori

_ Town of Tauranga and Township of Greerton

~ HANGARAUTBlRITDRY.

_ ....

26

27

Pai Marire: The immediacy of protest

Hapu resident west of the Waimapu river were seen by the British as rebels and practitioners of the Pai Marire religion which the colonialists perceived as a cult and a threat to colonial expansion.

Oral history records that Ngati Hangarau were Pai Marire supporters and historical records show the teachings ofPai Marire were prevalent among Hapu in the Tauranga Moana district. 101

The practice ofPai Marire worship became so prevalent among Maori that rumour of religious rituals, superstitions and Hauhau rebellion perturbed the British to the extent that Governor Grey stated he would 'resist and suppress by the use of force if necessary'the 'fanatical doctrines, rites and practices ofPai Marire. ,102

The Pai Marire teachings ofthe Taranaki prophet, Te Va Haumene spread throughout the North Island during 1864. The faith was accepted by the second Maori King, Tukaroto Matutaera, to whom the prophet gave another name, Tawhiao or encircle the world. 103 On 10 January 1865, H T Clarke reported that Pai Marire rituals were being conducted at villages in the ranges inland ofWairoa and Waimapu but did not specify where. lo4 On 18 April Clarke noted '[M]any Natives of the District, ... have again left for their inland kainga, so that (it is reported) they can practice their Pai Marire worship unmolested'. 105 In September, Wiremu Tamihana told R C Mainwaring, Resident Magistrate in Waikato. that 'there was nothing at all in the Pai Marire "Karakia" ... the very name of the sect meaning living quietly and peacefully together' . 106

Kingitanga supporters were closely aligned to Wiremu Tamihana (Ngati Haua), and were likely to be Pai Marire followers.

A strong connection between Pai Marire and Ngati Hangarau was the Niu pole which was the centre point for carrying out Pai Marire Karakia. The pole came from the mast of the Ngati Hangarau ship Mere Heeni. Additionally, the areas in which the Pai Marire was practiced, were within or close to the Ngati Hangarau inland boundaries. By supporting the Pai Marire, NgatiHangarau were essentially voicing their objections to the Crown's war and the loss of their lands, in a peaceful way. It was a natural response to the 'discontent' felt among local Maori at the delays due to the 'non-settlement of the land question [which was] looked upon by some of the Natives as a deception and wrong .. ' 107 In essence, the Pai Marire was for Ngati Hangarau, an immediate protest against the Crown's use of force against them and confiscation of their lands.

101

102

103

104

105

106

107

Meeting at Peterehema Marae. 19 June 1998. Korero a Huhana Heke. Clarke to Smith, 12 May 1865. Letters to TH Smith, MS283, I, 107, Auckland Institute and Museum Library; cited in New Zealand Journal of History April I 997, Vol 13, No I, re: E Stokes in 'Paimarire and Raupatu at Tauranga' 1864-1867,63. Nga Korero 0 oku Ruruhi. koroheke. See also New Zealand Journal of History April, 1997, VoI3I, No.1: E Stokes, 'Pai Marire and Raupatu at Tauranga' 1864-1867,59. AJHR 1865, E4, 11. AJHR, 1865, E4, 27. AJHR 1865, EI4, 3. Theophilus Heale, Tauranga District Surveyor report on 7 April 1865; AJHR 1867, A20, 8.

28

The Scorched Earth Campaign 1867

The scorched earth campaign needs to be seen as the Crown's response to legitimate Maori protest. The Crown's response to Maori protest was evident from an early stage. In January 1864, Whitaker instructed Ministers to take possession of 'crops, cattle and other property of the Natives on the West side.'\08

Consistentl~, on 17 January 1867, British Troops were ordered to advance west of the Waimapu. 1 9 Over the following three months all inland villages belonging to Ngati Ranginui, from Waoku to Whakamarama were burnt, crops destroyed and unsurrendered rebels, with a focus on Pirirakau, topping the wanted list. By Greys definition, Pai Marire followers were also rebels to be suppressed by force if necessary.lIO For Ngati Hangarau, the question is the extent to which they were involved in the numerous armed engagements during this period and to what extent they were affected by the Crown's more refmed policy, the scorched earth campaign.

January 11 Meeting, 1867:

On 11 January 1867 the 'Hauhau' adherents arranged a meeting with members of Ngati Hangarau, Ngaiterangi, Pai Marire followers and others at Paengaroa. The purpose of the meeting appears to have been to persuade Ngati Hangarau and others to join the Hauhau struggle. The attitude of the parties is shown clearly at the meeting.

This meeting shows a reluctance ofNgati Hangarau member Nikora Piparania to take up strong opposition against the Crown. On the one hand, Nikora does not appear to have grasped the full extent of pressure to which Pirirakau and others who were being subjected by the Crown. The Crown was seeking to extend the confiscation boundary across the Wairoa River into the Pirirakau rohe. On the other, Nikora could have leant more towards the solutions to land grievances that were peaceful; as that which was at the heart ofPai Marire.

Te Rau ofNgati Hangarau reported on the 11 January meeting at Paengaroa. Nikora Piparania and Te Aniwa accompanied Te Rau. 1 1 1 Nikora is listed as a member of Ngati Hangarau who handed in his arms following the battle of Te Ranga. II2 The Pai Marire adherents had also arrived at Paengaroa the day before.

When Te Kewene ofNgati Porou asked ifNgaiterangi and others had 'come' to join them against the Crown, Nikora replied that he would 'not consent'. 113 Whether his reply indicates the feeling of all Ngati Hangarau is open to conjecture. But Nikora

108

109

110

III

III

113

AJHR 1864, No.4, 8. Whitaker to Ministers 'as to instructions to be given to Tauranga Expedition'. Reference to the 'West side' is likely to be referring to those Tauranga Maori resident West of the Wairnapu river, essentially, Ngati Ranginui. New Zealand Journal of History Apri11997, Vol 13, No 1, re E Stokes in 'Paimarire and Raupatu at Tauranga' 1865-1867, 74. Clarke to Smith, 12 May 1865, Letters to TH Smith, MS283, I, 107, Auckland Institute and Museum Library; cited in New Zealand AJHR 1867, No. 48, 42. A person named 'Nikoro' is listed as being ofNgati Hangarau and had handed in arms in July 1865. And, a 'Nikorora' is one of 12 persons reported listed as Ngati Hangarau in Whitaker's notes dated 1866, Land Infonnation New Zealand, Hamilton, 'Special File' 1/3. AJHR 1867, No. 48,42.

29

accused Te Kewene of causing strife among their people and asked Penetaka of Pirirakau why he had earlier 'persuaded' him and others to make peace but then the change of heart.

Penetaka said he would not give up his land and would 'fight for it' against anyone who threatened to take it, Pakeha or Maori.1l4 Te Kewene was more forceful, threatening the life ofNikora if he continued to interfere.

Nikora may have expressed the views of Ngati Hangarau but there is some evidence to suggest that some Ngati Hangarau may have participated. Thus in 1866, Rewiri Turanga was reported as the chief of Ngati Hangarau adding perhaps, some doubt as to whether Nikora spoke on behalf of the Hapu. 115 The same report dated 1866 also noted that while 60 persons of Ngati Hangarau were resident at Peterehema, an additional 30 persons 'of the same hapu' were located 'in the ranges' .116 Additionally, apart from Pirirakau and a few staunch supporters from beyond Tauranga, the records do not say who the enemy were apart from describing them as 'Natives' or 'Hauhau's' .117

Specifically in 1872, James Mackay promised 3 persons of Ngati Hangarau 20 acres of land for having 'come in from the bush' .118 It is likely that 'come in from the bush' meant that. these persons participated in the armed struggle. According to a more recent account by Pehiriri Reweti, in 1970, 'Having lost most of their lands as the result of an unjust confiscation members ofNgati Ranginui were plunged into a mood of despair. Some joined the Hauhau rebels and went into the bush ... Maori from

'I Bethlehem and Wairoa went up the Omanawa valley, or to Poripori or far up into the .....; Kaimai ranges' .119 Thus it appears that some Ngati Hangarau did join the struggle.

The level of Ngati Hangarau involvement clearly had no impact on the Crown's attitude toward all 'natives'.

In February 1867, 154 allied Te Arawa under Colonel Mair's command took possession of the abandoned Kahakaharoa Pa and then on 4 February, joined the government's militia in a combined attack on Ake Ake and Taumata. 120 According to a report by Clarke, following the attack:

114

115

116

117

118

119

120

Taumata village was then destroyed, and three days were employed in destroying the cultivation's, which are most extensive. While the militia were engaged in destroying the cultivation's, the Arawas scoured the forest. One body advanced upon Oropi which they completely destroyed. It was

AJHR 1867, A20, 29. Penetaka stated that he would even fight against Ngaiterangi if need be. Land Infonnation New Zealand (LINZ), Hamilton, 'Special File' II3. Mr Whitaker's Tauranga papers, 1866, Special File 5, List of Hapu, Folder 3, 1865-66, 120-121 at LINZ, Hamilton. Also, see AJHR 1867, A20, No. 48, 42; for four kainga. Here, Nikora says that 'Kopu, Te Waki,[sic] Paengaroa, and Te Taumati [sic]' were all Ngati Hangaau kainga. New Zealand Journal of History Apri1l997, Vol 13, No I, re: E Stokes in 'Paimarire and Raupatu at Tauranga' 1864-1867',63-83. Clarke to Mackay, 18 February 1872, LINZ, files 5/28 Hamilton. E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1992, Vol 2, 33. New Zealand Journal of History April 1997, Vol 13, No I, re: Stokes in Paimarire and Raupatu at Tauranga 1864-1867.

30

unoccupied. A great quantity of loot and a considerable supply of gunpowder _ fell into the hands of the Te Arawa. Hakaraia's great flag, said to have been a gift from the King was also discovered, together with a large number of Hauhau flags. On the following days the Arawa's extended their expeditions to Paengaroa, where they were met by a body of Hauhaus, but after a few heavy volleys they as usual retired. They had as at the other places, removed all their goods to the woods. The village was destroyed. 121

By the 5 March the Te Arawa contingent had been increased to 280 men and 'embarked on an attack on Kaimai and Te Kaki villages,.122 At Te Kaki 'Large and productive cultivation's of potatoes and maize were found in the neighbourhood sufficient to maintain a large force for a long time. This is said to be the position Hakaraia intends to occupy. It is one most difficult to access and in the face of a large opposing force would be almost impregnable.' 123

The significance of these events is that Te Kaki and other 'Kaimai' villages belonged to Ngati Hangarau. Before the closing of the campaign, the Irihanga kainga of Pirirakau was attacked. 124

The scorched earth campaign covered all inland Ngati Ranginui kainga and crops.

Even ifNgati Hangarau decided to remain neutral, it was to no avail because they lost all their crops and kainga at Paengaroa, Kopti, Te Kaki, the Kaimai and 'Te Taumati' [sic]. 125

.~~ Some Ngati Hangarau refrained from joining the Hauhau, but others did. Maori became divided over how they should respond to the Crown's new invasion. The division between Nikora and Te Kewene at the 11 July meeting is a good example of this. Maori leaders clearly wished to retain their land but unless it was absolutely necessary, they did not wish to put their people at risk in the process.

121

122

123

124

125

AJHR 1867, A20, 46. New Zealand Journal of History April 1997, Vol 13, No 1, in E Stokes in 'Paimarire and Raupatu at Tauranga' 1864-1867, 78. AJHR 1867, A20, 29. Obviously, Hakaraia was not at Te Kaki at the time. Te Raupatu 0 Te Pirirakau: Pirirakau Report, 1997. AJHR 1867, A20, No. 48,42; for four kainga. Here, Nikora suggests that 'Kopu, Te Waki [Te Kaki], Paengaroa, Te Taumati' were all Ngati Hangarau kainga. For more detail see section on history of Paengaroa where boundary lines are accepted between Te Mete Raukawa and Ranginui of Ngai Tamarawaho between the Paengaroa and Taumata blocks. Note at the hearing of the Taumata block, the links of Ngati Hangarau to the block are said to be due to their whakapapa connections into Ngai Tamarawaho.

I,"" (

\ ~"P,""~"

SCORCHED EARTH CAMPAIGN 1867 -------------.----------7;~f}rf-;~:G~-0C-)-(---------·

NGATAMAHINERUA\' ?) /Lule,a~~ O~l I . Whareroa Pf2iy \) '\ L umoe .'0---..... Matuaiw.l) c:,oluatara

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TE WERAITI-

Tawhilinui 0 . ~ ../ ( \ qhU~~leno ~ v ' CPelerehema V . pUkewhanake~.heke 1;;~ >~bpoulea

Waiwhalawhala 0

Whakamarama 1) Telrih8ng~

1rr:::~ -- ~.. r A ;'otiiawahia papaohari.a5polellwhl Hunal\: 't-4ala~jhi "--.0. Pukekonui .. Tumuianul ;J

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. ~ngatap~, • ...- " • ,~. Pukehlnahtna. r::- _ ~ /,To Apal-l) I~Ohr\- kah rau1rita '"'" I U U I leu

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tf (J'f'

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__ \CO'OP' ~ G;Maenene . ------c::OAkeake ~ (1T;:'m~la ,.~,,~ \)

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32

SUMMARY

N gati Hangarau support to the Kingitanga was an expression of their desire to continue to govern their own affairs.

The Crown's attack upon the defenders ofPukehinahina and Te Ranga resulted in the loss of many lives. The loss ofTe Kereti and others ofNgati Hangarau at these battles are captured by the waiata tangi Takiri Ko Te Ata.

The British destruction of villages and crops clearly had a profound effect on the economic and social fabric of all Ngati Ranginui Hapu in Tauranga, irrespective of whether or not individual Hapu were openly aggressive toward the Crown. All of the major political groupings within Ngati Ranginui were affected by the Crowns campaign irrespective of the stance each grouping took. The effect of the campaign so soon after the battles of Pukehinahina and Te Ranga on the well being of Ngati Ranginui Hapu and the productive capacity of their resources must have been devastating.

Ngati Hangarau undoubtedly had amongst its members those who were involved in armed conflict against the Crown and those who preferred to take a more neutral or peaceful stance. The Crown was intent on bringing all 'natives' to heel and therefore, did not draw distinction between those whom it targeted with its campaign.

Ngati Hangarau were victims to the loss oflives, the loss of their kainga and crops as a result of the Crown's indiscriminate campaign. These actions effectively dismantled the social, political and traditional infrastructures of the hapu.

Ii 0,-

33

PARTll

IMMEDIATE AFTERMATH OF RAUPATU

Ngati Hangarau Population Demise, 1880s: Raupatu me te Mate Pakeha

War, confiscation and the introduction of Pakeha disease contributed to the loss of lives and the severe drop in N gati Hangarau population figures. These were the immediate impacts of raupatu on the Hapu.

Raupatu is taken to mean the entire process of colonisation up until the 1880s and its immediate impact on Ngati Hangarau.

Warfare:

The figures recorded earlier indicate that war contributed to the Ngati Hangarau population loss and that loss is further substantiated by the waiata 'Takiri Ko Te Ata'. At the worst about 50% of the Ngati Hangarau fighting force numbering some 9 out of 19 fighting men are likely to have been killed at one of the various battles in Waikato, Tauranga or possibly even Taranaki.

Disease and famine

Between 1874 and 1881 the Ngati Hangarau population almost halved. 126

Hapu Year

N gati Hangarau 1874

Ngati Hangarau 1878

Ngati Hangarau 1881

Residence

Peterehema Opounui

Peterehema Opounui

Peterehema

Population

132

107

71

In 1874 there were 19 Hapu and by 1881 these had increased to 24, most of which were half the size ofNgati Hangarau. The only grouping bigger than Ngati Hangarau was Ngaiterangi which total 146. As 9 members were likely to have been killed in war, it is assumed the greatest proportion of deaths was through famine and disease. It is possible that Ngati Hangarau people moved to other tribal links and that Opounui was mistakenly not counted in 1881. As to Opounui, the most likely explanation is that N gati Hangarau had left that settlement to return to the mainland. 127 Migration may have been a factor but it cannot explain a fall of nearly 50% in popUlation. This view is confirmed by contemporary records of mortality in the Tauranga Moana due to famine and disease.

126

127 AJHRs 1874, 1878 and 1881. See Appendices 5, 6, 7. The 1881 census counts Opounui but only as aTe Ngare settlement by that stage.

o

o

34

In 1875, Clarke reported that 'measles had been rife in the district' and the 'mortality among the Natives, during the past year, has been great'. 128 Those most affected were the children and elderly, and in Ngati He alone, seventeen people were reported as having died as a result. 129

In 1883, James Pope, the Inspector of Native Schools reported attendance throughout the district 'was suffering greatly through epidemics, Land Courts, or scarcity of food.'\3O

Although the above reports do not specify who were affected, it can be reasonably assumed that Ngati Hangarau were to some degree. Certainly, the reports which follow (and are more particular about which schools or areas were affected),

. demonstrate that Ngati Hangarau did suffer from famine and epidemics. 131

In 1886, a famine struck the Paeroa Native School at Bethlehem, taking its toll in the most devastating way. The Inspectors report stated:

there has been scarcity of food here and this has interfered much with the school work. Sickness has been prevalent and six children have died. On the whole I think the Natives & teachers deserve great credit that the condition of the school is so good. \32 .

Simply put, insufficient land meant insufficient crops and insufficient food meant starvation, famine, and death. The lack of an economic base also meant an inability to combat health and nutritional problems. When the psychological effect of the recent wars and the destruction of kainga on this dwindling population is added to the mix it is little wonder that Ngati Hangarau were in a state of despair. One year later. Rahiri Ngawharau, the Secretary of the School, expressed the School Committee's determination to keep it open despite their recent losses of life and hunger amongst the children:

it is principally on the account of hunger that the children are away. The return of our children to the school will soon take place. At any rate it is our very earnest request that the school be not closed. 133

In 1892, Paeroa Native School was 'entirely emptied by measles,.134 Whole families moved from Bethlehem and an Inspector stated that the 'school had not a very long future before it'. 135

128

129

130

131

132

133

134

135

H Clarke to Under Secretary of Native Department, II June 1875; AJHR 1875, Vol II, G14. 2. Ibid. AJHR 1883 E2, I. See section entitled 'Paengaroa Reserves' concerning uneconomic shares (which resulted from the Court's unilateral change of land tenure, individualisation of title, and fragmentation) and their compulsory acquisition. Also see the section on 'Te Mete Raukawa SpeeCh to Native Minister 1885' for Land Court delays in issuing Crown Grants. BAAA 10001l254b, 1539. Supporting Documents 10-I7 at 12. Ibid at 10. BAAA 1001l255a, 1559. Supporting Documents 18-33, at 31. F B, 'Bethlehem Maori School' 1955; BLDQ, 739/1550a.

, -'--'\. -........ j

35

Notably Te Mete Raukawa was the Chairman of the Paeroa Native School, and the school committee was made up of several Ngati Hangarau members. More importantly, between 1883 and 1910, Te Mete Raukawa had lodged several petitions to government seeking the return of traditional lands and the exchange of unproductive lands for more suitable lands cultivated by the Hapu in the past.

Every petition to the Native Department was denied.

The Department of Health and Education appeared to be just as dismissive. They failed to act upon the chronic problems facing Ngati Hangarau in any meaningful way. In April 1912, another measles epidemic hit the Paeroa Native School and 'every child was affected'. 136 A doctors report that ten pupils were suffering from the disease forced the District Health Officer to close the school. 137 Even then the Department of Education failed to share the concern of the Health officials and argued that nothing is gained by closing a Maori School 'when they mix freely outside; and in schoo I they are least warm.' 138

In August 1912, Francis Baker, teacher at Paeroa Native School requested a supply of medicines. The outbreaks of typhoid which occurred in 1915 and 1924 may have been avoided if the Health Department was less reluctant to supply all but a minimum of supplies. Baker was informed that the Health Department would provide:

simple remedies and stock mixtures for use of Native children and indigent Maori. It cannot agree, however, to supply anything in the way of luxuries; if these be required, the Maoris must endeavour to contribute to the expense. 139

The school eventually reopened but as stated, health problems in the district continued. On 31 March 1915, Baker reported the outbreak of typhoid amongst her pupils noting that one child had died. 140 The District Health Officer responded by claiming that the nearest nurse or inspector 'might have done useful work' if notified. 141 For the following two months, typhoid continued to impact upon the children of Bethlehem. 142 In fact, between June and November 1924, there were twenty one cases of typhoid among Maori in Tauranga (including Bethlehem), four of whom had died. 143

136

137

138

139

140

141

142

143

HI 162/43112619. Supporting Documents 34-54, at 51. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid at 43. Ibid at 35 and 39. 13 young persons were affected. The child who died was named Haki Te Keeti. Ibid at 42. Ibid at 33. HI 13 114/48 16902 Supporting Documents at 124.

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SUMMARY

The N gati Hangarau population halved within a ten year period.

During this time Pakeha records refer to the prevalence of disease and famine.

We will see that contemporaneously with these events, the Ngati Hangarau leadership is complaining bitterly that it lacks sufficient land to support the Hapu.

The evidence shows that the government ignored the problem and Ngati Hangarau complaints. As a result the statistics of high mortality and disease remained until well into the 20 century.

37

PART IV

PROTESTS

Te Mete Raukawa Petition of 1883: The 'promised' land

On 18 February 1872, James Mackay wrote to Mr Clarke, Civil Commissioner informing him that 'Keepa Te Amohau and Ngati asked me to give some land to Pirikahu, Eria, and Moerangi, who had come in from the bush; I promised that they should have twenty acres for themselves and their families. The locality was affixed.'l44 Eria and Moerangi are listed as adults ofNgati Hangarau in 1868. 145 On 8 September 1883, Te Mete Raukawa wrote to Commissioner Brabant on behalf of the 'Ngati Hangarau claim' requesting that the 20 acres promised to the above persons be given effect. 146 Brabant forwarded the letter from Te Mete Raukawa on to TW Lewis, Under Secretary ofN"!-tive Department on 13 September and enclosed:

An original document signed by Mr Mackay promising the land which I found amongst some old unrecorded documents in this office. The promised as far as I can ascertain has never been carried out. I beg to recommend that I be authorized to select 20 acres out of the confiscated block & settle a list of names for the same. 147

Lewis replied shortly after:

I am directed by the Native Minister to state that, it appears to him that the promise contained in Mr Mackay's Memorandum was made in consequence of the Natives having come in from the bush, and was intended to apply to something to be done for them at the time, which was probably carried out in some other way.

Under the circumstances Mr Bryce IS disposed to regard the prOmIse as obsolete, or as otherwise fulfilled. 148

There is· no record to be found on just how this promise might have been fulfilled, if it ever was. Despite Brabant, 'a most capable officer, and master of the work,' ascertaining that the promise was never carried out, the Minister chose to ignore him without evidence or an enquiry. 149

144

145

146

147

148

149

Clarke to Mackay, 18 February 1872, LINZ, files 5/28, Hamilton. Supporting Documents 55-60,at 58. Minutes of 1916 Court sitting to establish beneficial owners ofNgati Hangarau at Bethlehem, Lot 95 Parish of Te Papa. The Judge recorded a list of adults at the time of the award (in 1868). See appendix 12 or list. Te Mete Raukawa to Brabant, 8 September 1883, Supporting Documents at 59. Brabant to Lewis, 13 September 1883, LINZ, files 5/28, 331, Hamilton. Ibid at 60-61. Lewis to Brabant, 24 September 1883, LINZ, files 5/28, Hamilton. Ibid at 64-65. MAlMLP, 1907/9, 11 NLP 8l/21O.

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Te Mete Raukawa Speech to Native Minister in 1885

At a meeting held at Whareroa Marae in 1885, Te Mete Raukawa addressed the Native Minister, Ballance on behalf of Tauranga Maori (despite the record referring only to Ngaiterangi).150 As stated, government did not recognise that Ngati Ranginui were an Iwi in their own right, distinct from Ngaiterangi. Thus Brabant mistakenly described Te Mete as 'a chief of the Ngati Hangarau Hapu ofNgaiterangi.'l5l At the above meeting, Te Mete Raukawa spoke of matters affecting Maori throughout the country. He states:

The first matter which I will allude to is the Rating Act. The second subject is the restrictions placed upon the land between Ngakuriawharei and Wairakei, that is to say the Native lands. Third, about the Crown grants to lands which have passed the Court or have been awarded to the Natives. Fourth, with regard to the Queen's authority extending below high-water mark. Fifth, with regard to the issuing of arms and ammunition to the Natives. Sixth, Ngaiterangi wish that they should have a District Committee of their own- to have a separate district. Seventh, with regard to the thermal springs Act: that has been brought from forty miles inland-from-Rotorua-and made to extend over our lands. Eighth, with regard to Road Boards. Ninth, we seek that the Government will be pleased to call a member of the Ngaiterangi Tribe to the Upper house, seeing that the choice of calling a person to the Upper House rests with the Government, so that there may be three native members in the Legislative Council. The Government are always passing laws affecting the Native lands. 152

Concerning the Ratings Act, Te Mete Raukawa stated that it was 'very unjust ... because the Natives, being an impoverished people, are not able to pay either the rates on the land, or the property tax. We ask that these laws be repealed so far as they affect Native lands.' 153 He then stated that they:

were at loss to understand why there should be a delay in the issue of grants; if it is on account of the fees due, or the survey liens, there might be something in it-there might be a valid reason for the delay. Some people here have made a claim to the Civil Commissioner and offered to pay any survey charges that may be due on the land. There are some cases in which the Government have said that no survey charges will be made; but there are some case where the survey has already been paid for, and neither a certificate nor Crown grant has been issued to the owners. Mr Brabant is acquainted with the names of those lands, but I can mention two- Tauwharawhara and Paengaroa [blocks returned to Ngati Hangarau]. 154

The process of obtaining a Crown grant was clearly cumbersome and lengthy. This particular issue was brought before Commissioner Brabant by Lewis. 155 Brabant

ISO

151

152

153

154

155

AJHR 1885, Gl, 58-59. LINZ files Hamilton, 5/28; Supporting Documents at 60-61. AJHR 1885, Gl, 59-60. AJHR 1885, Gl, 59. Ibid. Lewis to Brabant, 1 May 1885, LINZ files Hamilton, 5/27 8511009.

39

replied that he had explained to Te Mete Raukawa that the lands department would not part with a grant even when ready unless they have an order from the whole of the grantees. And then stated:

What Te Mete and the tribe are really dissatisfied about however is this-when I give my decision as to the owners of a block of land, the owners hear the decision and (whenever they apply) see my certificate but have no means of ascertaining what action is taken on my certificate in Wellington. In respect of lands which are inalienable (ie open so far as leasing is concerned) I am continually asked by the Natives whether the Grant has issued or will issue and I am unable to give them any information.

What I should recommend would be that when you receive the certificates you should inform me what action will [be taken] on them - and that the Department should be asked to give me notice of the issue of grants referring to Tauranga District Lands. 156

Lewis replied that it was the practice of his office that as soon as the Governor gave directions for the issue of grants they would 'forward the papers to the Under Secretary for Crown Lands, for the preparation of grants in the usual way.' 157

Concerning the Paengaroa and Tauwharawhara blocks returned to Ngati Hangarau in 1881, four years later, Brabant noted that the Tauwharawahara grant was still in the Deeds office at Auckland and did 'not know if the grant for Paengaroa No 2 has been issued.' 162

Te Mete Raukawa Petitions: 1895, 1898

The plight of Ngati Hangarau in the wake of land loss was consistently ignored or sidelined by agents of the Crown. The Crown's consistent denial to acknowledge Ngati Hangarau landlessness led to petitions by Ngati Hangarau chief Te Mete Raukawa in 1895 and 1898. The Crown appeared convinced that Ngati Hangarau were well-off for land on the pretext the Hapu had considerable acreage of suitable land at the time and had historically been (according to an 1880 report by its own Commissioner of Lands, JA Wilson) "considered among the most prosperous natives in Tauranga with land in cultivation and money in the bank."

Such reports reinforced the Crown's belief that Ngati Hangarau land was in fact "good land" and not unproductive bush as Te Mete Raukawa had consistently claimed.

The Crown was further convinced this was the case by reports (again from Wilson) that N gati Hangarau were too lazy to put in road access to their bush lands.

There appeared to be a direct conflict between the Ngati Hangarau claims and the Crown's perception of the situation.

156

157

162

Brabant to Lewis, 20 May 1885, ibid. Lewis to Brabant, 9 June 1885, ibid. Brabant to Lewis, 20 May 1885, LINZ files Hamilton, 5/27 8511009.

40

In 1895, Te Mete Raukawa and '60 others' ofNgati Hangarau petitioned the Crown highlighting their diminished and unsatisfactory land ho ldings. They also asked that allotments 14, 114 and 92 located within their rohe be returned. 163

Lot 92 was left out of further enquiries and the most likely reason is that T e Mete Raukawa realised that it had been sold and could not be recovered. Lot 95 was a Crown grant to 'influential Maori' belonging to other Iwi who had sold the land. On the 24 December 1866, Mackay wrote to Whitaker recommending 'that a Grant be made out without any restrictions as to [the] sale' of this block. 158 The grant was issued in April 1867. 159 However Lot 92 had actually been sold before the grant was issued. 160 This left Ngati Hangarau with no recourse concerning the possible return of this block. Lot 92 was viewed as belonging to Ngati Hangarau 'in former times' .161 It contained 100 acres and is located next to Lot 95 which was returned to Ngati Hangarau.

Concerning the above petition, Te Mete Raukawa also stated that they were currently 'wandering about living on other tribes' land because the lands returned to them were 'in the bush seventeen or eighteen miles away from the town and without a good road to them.' 164 He also said that they 'were a large tribe' of 'perhaps eighty individuals.,165 J M Roberts, Stipendiary Magistrate at Tauranga was 'asked to enquire into this' but no further action occurred. 166 Rose concludes that although 'Ngati Hangarau still retained a quantity of land, its quality and position meant that this land was an inadequate means of support for the Hapu. Ngati Hangarau were effectively landless.' 167

The Crown's lack of response must have prompted Te Mete Raukawa to enquire into the matter. On 18 March 1898, Te Mete Raukawa referring to the 1895 petition. informed the Government that 'no properly appointed Commissioner has as yet come to enquire into our condition' and asked for this to be done. 168 In May 1898, Colonel Roberts SM, was asked to supply any information as to the condition of Te Mete Raukawa and his people, 'the lands they possess, their number, and their present mode of maintenance.' 169 Meanwhile on 19 July, Te Mete Raukawa wrote another letter, this time addressed to Seddon, the Premier, reminding the Government of his people's petition and seeking to have the matter settled while he was in

163

158

159

160

161

164

165

166

167

168

169

Jl 1905/55, Supporting Documents at 56. Mackay to Civil Commissioner 21 December 1866 in Raupatu Document Bank, Tauranga, 47871. Lots 109 and 105 also followed the same process and were recommended to be made out 'without restrictions so as to sale and disposal' re: Memo of J Mackay dated 11 March 1867, see Raupatu Document Bank, 4782. Meeting with Ngati Hangarau Claim Committee, Peterehema Marae, 29 May 1998. Raupatu Document Bank, 47873. Letter from Solicitor on behalf of Chadwick and Foley to A Sinclair, Survey Office,Auckland dated 27 February 1867. Jl 1905/55, Supporting Documents at 56-Ill, at 56. See following section on Te Mete Raukawa Petitions. Ibid. Ibid. Jl 1905/55, Supporting Documents at 60. K Rose, ' The Impact of Confiscation: Socia-Economic Conditions of Tauranga Maori 1865-1965, January 1997,33. Jl 1905/55, Supporting Documents at 61-62. Ibid at 63.

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Wellington.170 Te Mete Raukawa also stated that the lands referred to 'belonged to' his 'ancestors in former times' and therefore argued that when the said land was set aside for Maori purposes it must have been intended for them. 171 He then said that they could go into possession after the expiration of the lease. The letter was forwarded on to Seddon by Henare Kaihau (Maori member of parliament and principal advisor to King Mahuta) and at some point during the month of July, Henare Kaihau and Te Mete Raukawa met with Seddon to discuss the petition. 172

Roberts ascertained that sections 14 and 114 were leased by the Public Trustee to the Tanner Brothers for a period of 21 years, but did not know, 'what natives these sections were held in trust for.' 173

In-response to an enquiry from the Native Department concerning the petition of Te Mete Raukawa, JA Wilson, Native Land Court Judge and ex Lands Commissioner of Tauranga, reported:

In 1880 Te Mete Raukawa and his hapu at Bethlehem were considered among the most prosperous natives at Tauranga with lands in cultivation and money in the bank; the hapu was well under the guidance of M Raukawa a shrewd and capable man. It comes therefore as no surprise to me to hear that they are landless.

I can only suppose M Raukawa's prosperity and ambition to increase his hapu has caused outside connections to join his hapu until the land they have is too little for them... These lands in the bush are good land, and should be occupied by Te Mete Raukawa & hapu ... They should do this in my opinion instead of coming crying to the Govt for land - and they should take the proper steps for getting a road to their lands. If I remember rightly their lands are beyond the confiscation boundary ... Shortly after 1880 M Raukawa sold to Government several hundred acres of the land [which] is but a few miles (perhaps 6 or8) from where he lives, and is called Taumata ... If he was likely to be hard up for land M Raukawa ought not to have sold it, and the Land Purchase Department ought not to have bought ... I sympathise little with a man who can't make a track of a few miles to his land.MRaukawa & party are not the only complainants. If M Raukawa succeeds then the whole of the loyal N. Tapu will probably revive their claims; but that is another story.174

On 8 November 1898, Te Mete Raukawa wrote to Seddon again reminding him of his promise that 'if it is found that the land sections No.s 114 and 14 were really reserves that they would be returned to the Maoris.'175 He stated that these blocks could now be dealt with as the lease was about the expire. Seddon replied:

170

171

172

173

174

175

After you had left Well; [sic] Kaihau & Te Rawhiti came to see me again, & I

Ibid at 64. Ibid at 65. Ibid. Ibid at 66-68. Robert's states that he was tmable to contact Te Mete Raukawa at the time. Ibid at 70-73. Ibid at 74.

42

told them that you were a seller in the Taumata Block & that you and your people had land in the bush, which you could occupy if you liked; ... [and regarding the] enquiry to ascertain whether you were quite landless, it was not necessary to make any enquiry as it was quite clear that you had land and sold it, and that you still had land which had not been sold. 176

Wilson identified the following arguments in support of denying Ngati Hangarau any relief:

1. Hapu members were artificially inflated.

2. The land held by Ngati Hangarau was quality land for food production, and;

3. Te Mete Raukawa had sold land and should not be given more.

Were Hapu numbers artificially inflated?

The available evidence shows that Te Mete Raukawa was not inflating the Hapu numbers ofNgati Hangarau, in fact, the numbers identified in 1895 were significantly less than the 1874 figures. The following points can be made:

176

177

178

179

180

181

182

• In 1895 Te Mete Raukawa estimated a Ngati Hangarau popUlation of 80 persons.

• Te Mete Raukawa and 60 others of Ngati Hangarau signed the 1895 petition. 177

• Census gatherings reveal the status of Ngati Hangarau as a "large" Hapu. I78

• Whitaker reported in 1866 that Ngati Hangarau had a Hapu population of 90 persons. 179

• Between 1866 and 1874 the population increased to 132 persons. 180

• Between 1874 and 1878, Ngati Hangarau was the largest Hapu in Tauranga. 181

• In 1881, Ngati Hangarau were recorded as having a popUlation of 71 persons and in the same year, 75 persons were listed as owners in the Tauwharawhara block. 182

Ibid at 75. 11 1905/55, Supporting Documents at 56. Appendices 5, 6, 7. Supporting Documents 8-9. Appendix 5. Appendices 5, 6, 7. Ibid. Also see section on 'Tauwharawhara block' for more details at page 63.

43

• Despite a decline of Ngati Hangarau during the 1880s, the claim of a population of80 in 1895 is plausible. 183

Was Ngati Hangarau land suited for food production?

According to Dr Richard Benton, scientific testing of the area returned to Ngati Hangarau shows that the land was far from good. To illustrate this point Dr Benton produced the following map which gives 8 classifications of land use beginning at 1 representing good land through to 8 representing land unsuitable for cropping.

183 Appendices 5, 6, 7.

rl

arAPKEY

o Town

~ Location

TLA Boundary

LAND USE CLASSIFICA TION

[82

0 3

~4

~5

~6

~7

III-

I 1 cm =3.00 km

" -"-"------"-'""-------~.,' "

OK~lk~j ... : 7~,' •

1" ." \:/t::: ::..'

10 15km

NGAATI HANGARAU· LAND USE ClASSIFICATION

, ; ~

"

'.

"~ .. , "-, ,

'-' '-'

'~' -.. \ "

: C1MAY'-nd ,,, .. -' "

" .. '- ............ ~;,::>::.: ' \

<-::,:~'¢M:~ri~~. ~ --.. .. ,,', ...

(:Paengaroa

:, I I I

i I I I I I I I I

------~----...

45

Stokes also provides three maps of interest in her 1998 report on native reserves in Tauranga. 184 One map entitled 'UNPRODUCTIVE NATIVE LANDS 1906,' shows that the lands in the bush returned to Ngati Hangarau fell within this category.18S The second map entitled 'SOILS' shows Ngati Hangarau bush lands to be made up of hrrgely brown pumice ash with strips of various soils from volcanic ash. 186 And the third map entitled 'VEGETATION c 1860' shows that all inland blocks returned to Ngati Hangarau were podocarp forest. 187

The primary cultivation areas for Ngati Hangarau were on the coast. 188 Those areas were all confiscated and only 130 acres returned. Ngati Hangarau were excluded from the bulk of their traditional cultivation sites and Te Mete Raukawa was complaining that what was left to them on the coast was insufficient.

The importance of these coastal lands to Ngati Hangarau is evident from the appeal by Te Mete Raukawa to Seddon dated November 1898, requesting the government purchase Paengaroa No 2 containing 2933 acres to enable them to buy sections 454, 455 and 456 at Otumoetai which contained only 425 acres. 189 The proposed exchange was not proceeded with. What it does do however, is show the extent to which Ngati Hangarau were prepared to go, giving up seven times more land deemed unsuitable, as in Paengaroa No 2, for more suitable land closer to the all important moana and coastal cultivation areas.

Since the Ngati Hangarau population of 80 had to share 130 acres of their prime cultivation, an area of slightly more than one acre per head was clearly insufficient. Even the Native Land Court at the time considered that Maori with less than 50 acres per head should be prevented from selling land because they were close to landless. The fmal point is that the view of Te Mete Raukawa is clearly corroborated by the evidence of starvation referred to earlier.

Additionally, the plan of Tauranga compiled by Mackay in 1867 (See Plan on page 15), also shows the bush lands to be covered in forest and the further inland the survey went the more broken the character of the land. In fact, the intention of the Hapu regarding the bush lands was to keep the exactly as they were, unspoilt so that the bird life, particularly the pigeon, could regenerate in its natural surroundings. 190 Paengaroa was situated on the edge of the bush and places like Wharetangata were used as safe havens during times of war. The lands requested, however, were traditional cultivation sites located by the all important coastal front.

184

185

186

187

188

189

190

Appendices 8, 9, 10. in E Stokes, Natives Reserves in Tauranga Moana, 1998. Ibid at 291. See Appendix 8 for Map. Ibid at 204. See Appendix 9 for Map. Ibid at 205. See Appendix 10 for Map. See Appendix 2 for E Stokes map on cultivation sites. And, Appendix 3 for military survey showing extent of the cultivation site on the coast. JI 1905/55, Supporting documents, Vol II, 78. Oral history particular to Ngati Hangarau refers to the pigeon as an inland source of food to be shared by all. The story recalls the naming of Te Rere I Oturu waterfalls where a young man met his death. He had always eaten the large pigeons before he got home leaving the small ones for his wife and children. Because he was always seen in good health while they were seen to suffer, the brother-in-Iaws followed him one day and saw him eating the better of his catch. They chasedhim to the falls where he jumped and met his death.

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Did Te Mete Raukawa sell Taumata?

The Taumata block was awarded to descendants of Ngai Tamarawaho and Ngati Hangarau. 191 The part of the Taumata block that Te Mete Raukawa had shares in contained 105 owners including persons from other Hapu such as Hori Ngatai and Enoka Te Whanake. 192 The circumstances surrounding the acquisition of Taumata requires further research.193 It is therefore not known what role Te Mete Raukawa played, if any, in the sale of this land. Apart from wanting to exchange Paengaroa for other traditional and more suitable lands for cultivation purposes, Te Mete Raukawa is recorded as either a non-seller or asking for alienation restrictions to be placed on all other blocks in which he is involved. l94 Thus it would be going against the grain for him to have initiated the sale.

Ngati Hangarau were in despair at the time. There were reports of famine and disease causing death, no land upon which they could suitably occupy, and a steeply declining population.195 Assuming that Te Mete Raukawa had initiated the sale, it would seem that money to educate and feed their children with the hope that they would be returned traditional lands suitable for cropping, seaside access and therefore occupation would have contributed to the decision to sell. Additionally, the Taumata block was located in the bush and also unsuitable for cultivation, at least the type of cultivation commonly referred to nowadays. At the hearings of the Taumata block in 1881, Ngai Tamarawaho presented the following evidence:

There is no pa actually within this block which is entire forest with patches of fern or low scrub marking old cultivations ... Outside in the open land there was a pa of Te Ruakuri ... Our cultivations within this block, Kakanui, to previous generations, not what we call cuhivations they gathered hinau and caught birds such as Kiwi and Kakapo, they also fished eels at this mahinga. 196

The final comment by Wilson implied that Ngati Hangarau were merely attempting to fmd an easy solution to a situation that they had themselves created without acknowledging that the Government was even partially responsible. Wilson stated that he could not 'sympathise ... with a man who can't make a track of a few miles to his land' and perceived this as evidence of a lack of effort to improve their situation for themselves. 197

On 3 December 1898, Percy Smith, surveyor-general, commented on a further appeal lodged by Te Mete Raukawa in November. Smith actually calls into question Wilson's implication that Ngati Hangarau wanted other land merely because they

191

192

193

194

195

196

197

Brabant's Minute Book No.1, 121. Ibid at 138-14l. In-dept research on this block waS deemed wmecessary by claimant's as it was acknowledged that Ngai Tamarawaho had strong interests in the block, they had researched its history and would be speaking on the block's history at their own hearings. For detail on the block's history before the Native land Court, see section on 'Taumata block Parish ofte Papa' at page 67. See section on Inland Block Histories. See section on 'Ngati Hangarau Population Demise' . Tauranga Minute Book No II. Jl 1905155, Supporting Documents, Vol II, 11-65.

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were too lazy to work their land in the bush and was the first European representative to show some understanding of the situation ofNgati Hangarau. Smith stated:

On the general proposition that these Jordon people would be benefitted [sic] by such an exchange, there is no doubt in my mind that it would be a very good thing for them.. They are essentially a sea-side people and have only enough land there to starve on. 198

Concerning the above exchange, as stated earlier, Te Mete Raukawa sought to exchange Paengaroa block containing 2933 acres for more productive land by the sea-side containing only 425 acres.

Thus it is clear that Wilson's arguments, which were relied upon by Seddon to deny the Ngati Hangarau petition of 1895, were fraught with error.

- Further enquiries by Te Mete Raukawa into Te Papa Parish Lots 14 & 114

In June 1899, Te Mete Raukawa, asked that the government consider their original proposal regarding Lots 14 and 114, informing them that they were 'Native Reserves' and the lease was due to expire. 199 Te Mete also questioned whether Seddon had forgotten what he had 'agreed to' between himself and Kaihau.2OO Shortly after, Waldegrave Under Secretary for the Native Department informed Seddon:

This native is very persistent. I do not consider that he has any claim to be given land by the Govt. And in any case he could not be given the sections he asks for because part of Sec. 114 is a reserve vested in the Auckland Education Board, & the remaining portion of the section as well as Lot 14 are I believe Native Reserves under the jurisdiction of the Public Trustee. 201

Three months later, Seddon responded 'Reply Govt cannot do anything in the matter. ,202

According to the Register of Crown Grants, Lot 114 contained about 103 acres. Of this, 100 acres was awarded to the Public Trustee, as a grant for a Native School and 3 acres was set aside to the Educational Board for a school site. Approximately, 1 acre was taken for a road. 209 Lot 14 containing 58 acres was vested in the Public Trustee as an Endowment for Native Schools under the "The Tauranga Educational Endowment Res Act 1902".

Lot 14 is currently residential containing 172 allotments. Lot 114 is largely residential containing 332 allotments. There are two State Primary Schools located within the original block as well as Mitchell Park. One School is described as Lot 2 containing 1.2216 hectares and the other, Lot 644 contains 1.4113 hectares. Mitchell Park is

198

199

200

201

202

209

Ibid at 71. Ibid at 81-82. Ibid. Ibid at 83. Ibid. LINZ files Hamilton, Crown Grants, Vol 30, Register 4.

48

described as a 'Recreational Reserve,' Lot 60. (See Map 8 for Location of Lots 14, 114, page 55).

MP Henare Kaibau supports Ngati Hangarau Petition: 1900

In October the following year, Henare Kaihau wrote on behalf of Ngati Hangarau reminding the department of Seddon's earlier promise that 'it was right that it should be given back to the Maoris' particularly since it was set aside as a Maori reserve.203

Kaihau also sought enquiries from the department to ask the Public Trustee the current status of Lots 14 and 114 because if they were 'lying idle they [Ngati Hangarau] would be pleased to work the land and crop it for themselves and their people.'204 Carroll's response as the Native Minister, was that the 'Government could not give the land away' because 'section 14 was vested in the Auckland Education Board and the rest of the lands are Native reserves under the administration of the Public Trustee. ,205 He suggested that Te Mete Raukawa and his people wait for the Landless Native Act to come into operation. The bill was never enacted?06

A year later, enquiries were still being made but only in regard to section 14. The Public Trustee informed Waldegrave that section 14 containing 58 acres was set apart for the use of Maori in Tauranga, but no sitting was held to determine the owners. The Trustee stated that it was actually Crown land, never having been gazetted a Native Reserve. Because the lease had expired and the land was 'unoccupied' it was suggested that 'the Native claimants should apply to the Native Land Court to ascertain to whom the land and accumulated rents belong. ,207 No action on this advice was taken.

Meanwhile, the Tanner Bros. applied to the Native Minister to lease section 14 while also attempting to dissuade a grant to Te Mete Raukawa for 'his tribe' using the "great expense in fencing' and 'trouble with dogs etc' interfering with their sheep and stock as the reasons.208

203 Ibid at 84. 204 Ibid. 205 Ibid at 85. 206 Ibid. 207 Ibid at 86 208 Ibid at 90.

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PART V

NGATI HANGARAU "LANDLESS MAORI:" 1900s

On 22 May 1900, a report listing 'Landless Maoris in the Waikato, Thames Valley, and Tauranga Districts: who lost their land by confiscation' was tabled before the House of Representatives.2lO It is likely to have been compiled for the purposes of providing the House information concerning the proposed Landless Native Act. As stated earlier, it was this bill that the Native Minister Carroll advised Te Mete Raukawa and his people that they should wait for but was never enacted.211 The report names the following 66 persons under the title, 'List of names of Ngati Hangarau hapu ofTauranga:'

Te Mete Raukawa, Karora te Mete, Te Amokeiha Kereti, Waata Matea, Whare Angiangi Kereti, Kereti Kaikohe, Te Hemoata Wetera, Hare Hou, Te are te Mita, Akapita te Tewe, Uwia Harakeikei, Hoki Rewiri, Kataina Hou, Rangi Honahona, Rangipuata Waata, Te Kaho Werahiko, Raikena te Awaroa, Mareao Harakeikei, Parehaehae Whanawhana, Tuira Maihi, Kata Te Mete Raukawa, Kera Harakeikei, Waipapapa Maihi, Te Tuhi Parata, Te Aorewa Ngati, Kiwai Ngati, Wiremu Ngati, Parekino Tarei, Kereti te Mete, Tutauanui Moeiri, Apima te Mete, Amokeiha Peia, Hohepa Kereti, Pare Karora, Marea Whare, Rihi Whare, Kaikohe Kereti, Rawiri Amokeiha, Tana Heke, Tino Heke, Wetere te Ohu, Tamahapeti te Amo, Pia te Ohu, Te Poroto te Amo, Rangiheua Erueti, Tame Whakatete, Wirama Enoka, Neheta te Pakaru, Pita te Pakaru, Motai Peita, Mere Maihi, Te Ngohi Maihi, Katahi Turupa, Koko Hare, Hare Kupara, Aho Rikihana, Te Rongoi Haere Tari, Te Ata Tari. 212

Further petitions by Ngati Hangarau through Resident JG Baker: 1903-1905

Representations to government by JG Baker were made on behalf of Ngati Hangarau in 1903.213 Seddon's reply underpins the Crown's new policy direction and was a taste of things to come, the mainstreaming of Maori concerns and values. He states:

sorry indeed to learn that the Maoris in the Wairoa District are short of land. however, enquiries will be instituted with the view of seeing whether any land can be purchased at a reasonable price and the same thrown open for settlement to both European and Maori. 214

Again, a promise by Seddon was not fulfilled. In 1905, Baker wrote another letter to Seddon on behalf ofNgati Hangarau informing him that some land 'admirably suited to the requirements of these Maoris' had become available.2ls The letter had inscribed at the bottom 'e whakae ana matou nga Maori ki nga kupu katoa i rurJga ake nei, Te

210

211

212

213

214

215

AJHR 1900, G 1,6-8. Jl 1905/55, Supporting Documents 85. AJHR 1900, GI, 6-8 Jl 105/55, Supporting Documents 97. Ibid. Ibid at 100

50

Mete Raukawa, T e Heke Kereti me etehi atu,' that T e Mete, Kereti and others agree with everything in the letter?16 Baker stated that 'the Maoris would prefer that the Government should secure the land for them and that arrangements should be made for their acquiring it on a deferred payment system. ,217 He added, N gati Hangarau were again, willing to exchange Paengaroa No 2 for the said land if the government desired. The lands sought were allotments 192 containing 317 acres and 193 containing 108 acres. The blocks were held by Mr Dalton, Tauranga Land Agent, 'with instructions to dispose of it ifpossible at any reasonable price.'218 The previous owner was the 'late D Henry.' Walde graves informed the Native Minister:

There are no funds available for the purchase of the lands referred to and so far as I can ascertain Te Mete Raukawa's case has no more merits than that of hundreds of other Natives who claim to have insufficient land.

However Te Mete's deliberate & persistent refusal to obey the decision of the Court in the dog tax cases against him by the Maori Council, renders it inadvisable that he should be singled out for exceptionally favourable treatment at the present time.219

The fiscal constraints approach was in essence, a way of placing other imperatives before the welfare of the Hapu. This underpinned the governments attitude toward Ngati Hangarau claims to redress for the confiscation of their land. They were placed in the no merit basket with hundreds of other claims. The irony is of course that the Crown now acknowledge they were wrong concerning the confiscation of Maori land.

The beginning of European settlement and subsequent concern for wahi tapu: 1908-1910

One factor supporting European settlement was the Crown's policy of placing cultural and spiritual values behind what they termed 'the exigencies of modem progress. ,220 On 17 December 1908, Te Mete Raukawa wrote to the Native Department informing them that the Waihi - Te Puke railway lines cut straight through ancient burial grounds.22I The issue was passed on to the Public Works Department by the Under Secretary of the Native Department who stated that:

216

217

218

219

220

221

222

the Graveyard question is one of great sentimental importance in the Maori mind and although I am aware that the exigencies of modem progress must receive first consideration still I hope that the matter referred to will receive favourable consideration.222

Ibid at 98. Ibid at 99. Ibid. Ibid at lO1. Under Secretary of Native Department to Under Secretary of Public Works Department, 7 January 1909; Jl 1905/55; Supporting Documents 113-117 at 114. Te Mete Raukawa and 'others' to Head of Native Department, 17 December 1908; ibid at 113. Under Secretary of Native Department to Under Secretary of Public Works Department, 7 January 1909; ibid at 114.

51

The survey line was deviated accordingly to avoid the burial grounds.223

In 1910, Te Mete Raukawa also expressed similar concerns at a hearing over the Kaimai No 2 block seeking an amendment of the boundary of No 2A so that 'burial grounds belonging to the owners of No 2B shd [sic] be included in the subdivisions. ,224 He stated:

Otukoau is the name of the burial ground. All the owners were not present at the time the partition was made ... Te Rua claimed the western part of the block. I went and had a look at the place he was claiming. I found it included Popotataka burial ground. Then I suggested he shd [sic] take the eastern portion. I did not see them come to a fmal arrangement about the matter. 225

T e Mete Raukawa then proposed alterations to the subdivision to exclude the burial ground. This was agreed to by the two representatives· for the owners. On these two occasions, the concerns of Ngati Hangarau were given consideration and the desecration of waihi tapu avoided.

Later, however, this report shows (in regard to the establishment of the Mangapapa Power Scheme) that 'the exigencies of modem progress' did override the significance Ngati Hangarau place on their taonga including burial grounds, Pa sites and waterways.

The Sim Commission: 1927

On 31 March 1927, a Royal Commission was appointed under the chairmanship of Sir William Sim to inquire into the raupatu.226 The Sim Commission was parliaments response to petitions lodged by George Hall, and Nepia Kohu, two Kaumatua ofNgai Tamarawaho, and Rotohiki Pakana ofNgati Maka Maka.227

The petition of George Hall was dated 1 September 1920. The basis of his claim was that Ngai Tamarawaho were 'forced to forfeit most of their land' as a result of the raupatu and 'they did not have enough land to live on. ,228

The petition ofNepia Kohu was lodged in 1923 and signed by 648 others. He claimed among other things that their lands were confiscated 'for the misdeeds of others. ,229

The Commission rejected this petition, saying that the issue was covered in its general

223

224

225

226

227

228

229

Ibid at 117. Tauranga Minute Book No 6, 355-356. Ibid. AJHR 1928, G7:2. Hall to Herries, cc Pomare, U September 1920, see U 3, 1921-1922,5; and AJHR 1928,29-30. Kohu and 628 others to Native Minister, see I 3, 1924, 13; and AlHR 1928, G7,30. Pakana and 7 others to Native Minister, 29 February 1921, see I 3, 1921-1922,5; and AJHR 1928, G7, 20. It should be noted that there were numerous other petitions concerning land matters in Tauranga and not all were directly specifically at raupatu; see V O'Malley. 'The Aftermath of the Tauranga Raupatu 1864-1981', 1995, 204-217;for list of petitions. Ibid. Ibid.

. .).

52

report.230 However, this report failed to address the fundamental issue that Ngai Tamarawaho, indeed Ngati Ranginu~ bore the burden of the raupatu. The Ngati Ranginui Hapu including Ngati Hangarau were 'forced to forfeit most of their land.'231

The claim by Rotohiki Pakana was lodged on 20 January 1920. The commission ruled that this claim, which sought a grant of land in the Parish of Apata, was outside its terms ofreference.232

The Commission concluded that 'the confiscation was justified and not excessive. ,233

Although there were some 20 Hapu listed in the petition of Nepia Kohu (mainly of Ngati Ranginui), Ngati Hangarau were not a party to it.

Ngati Hangarau and others seek a Royal Commission of enquiry into the Raupatu: 1944

On 10 September 1944, Tuhitaare Hemi and 99 others (including Ngati Hangarau) petitioned parliament asking that their claims be investigated by a Royal Commission234 These petitioners claimed that:

• their land was wrongly confiscated • all the subtribes were involved • Ngai Te Rangi had lands returned to them • Ngati Ranginui land was confiscated. and; • the following hapu wrongfully had their land taken. Those hapu were:

Ngati Taopare, Ngati Matepu, Ngati Te Wai, Ngati Hangarau. 235

In the years to follow, a long line of separate individual/Hapullwi petitions from Tauranga were lodged, four of these were by Hall.236 All were stifled by government officials and the Sim Commission's fmdings were clearly influential in this process. Because the commission found that • substantial justice had been done to all' the Ngati Ranginui arguments that their claims had their own merits was not addressed. Thus in view of the commission's opinion, Eruera Tirikatene, Member of Parliament informed Hall that 'there is really nothing left to be investigated so far as the Ngati Ranginui are concerned. ,237

230

231

232

233

234

235

236

237

Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. AJHR 1928, G7:20. AAMK 8691l588b, Petition 75. Ibid. See Raupatu Document Bank., Vol 138: Hall 52966, Kohu 52953, Mikaere 52949, Te Pirihi Kerei 52929, Douglas 52924, Hiamone 52917, Rahipere 52913, Winiata 52897, Hall 52886. Hall 53271, Hall 53240. Tirikatene to Hall dated 1947, Raupatu Document Bank 53277.

53

Petitions lead to a united front: The Tauranga Tribal Executive 1961 and Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board 1981

The governments lack of response to individual claimant groups led to an amalgamation of the four Tauranga Tribal Executives in September 1961, namely the Ngati Ranginu~ Ngaiterangi, Matakana and Katikati Executives.238

According to Des Kahotea, the amalgamation represented the three Iwi in Tauranga, Ngati Ranginu~ Ngaiterangi and Ngati Pukenga.239 The purpose of the joint body which was called the 'Tauranga Tribal Executive' was put by one Kaumatua: 'ultimate unity and strength of voice of our people. ,240 Ngati Hangarau, were one of the Ngati Ranginui Hapu represented on the new Executive.24I Unlike previous petitions to parliament, this Executive questioned the Commission's fmdings and asked that the Tauranga confiscated lands be viewed in a 'contemporary light. ,242

By 1975, this united plea appears to have been accepted in principle by the Rowling government and an unofficial Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board was elected.243 In August 1978, the Board and Executive called for an inquiry into the confiscation and in September, Parliament's Maori Affairs committee heard submissions at Hairini marae.244 The Committee recommended compensation be paid and administered by the Board.245 The Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board Act 1981 was formally constituted to receive a lump sum of $250,000 as 'full and final payment. ,246 Before the bill was enacted P B Reweti. ~ for Eastern Maori, told the Minister that 'the interim board had difficulty in accepting the offer of $250,000' and the 'amount was

\ accepted under duress. ,247 According to Tim Smith ofNgati Hangarau: ~;

238

239

240

241

242

243

244

245

246

247

248

This matter many not be settled in our time but I believe that following generations will continue to press for a more just settlement. 248

Tauranga Tribal Executive Minute Book 196 1-1968. D Kahotea, papers received from claimants, page 217. Ibid at 3. D Kahotea, papers received from claimants, Page 224 re: Kahotea interview with Bill Ohia on 24 August 1992. Ibid. V O'Malley & A Ward, Draft Historical Report on Tauranga Moana Lands: Crown/Congress Joint Working Party, June 1993, 1OJ. Ibid. Ibid. Note, according to O'Malley and Ward, 'no recommendation was made in respect of the Katikati-Te Puna purchases.' Ibid. New Zealand Parliamentary Debates 14 August 1981,2647. See Pirirakau Report, January 1997, 129.

54

PART VI

I RUTUA mo AI TE AROHA MO NGA TAONGA

Shoreline Block Histories

Ngati Hangarau say that they held long and meaningful ties to the coastline area. That for the Hapu, there were no lines dividing one block from the other restricting their movement until the land was surveyed, partitioned and granted to others.

This section will analyse 2 shoreline blocks of particular significance to the Hapu. They are: Lot 95 which contained 130 acres and was awarded to individuals of Ngati Hangarau on trust for the Hapu and Lot 8/8A which was the site of the Paeroa School.

o

o

Map S showing Lots 95, 92, 91, 453, 8/SA, 14, 114

/ I

/ /

.-:

55

o

56

Lot 95 Parish ofTe Papa

Lot 95 in the Parish of Te Papa was the only shoreline block that Ngati Hangarau were returned. The award was made by Crown grant. Lot 95 is located on the shoreline of Bethlehem and contains 130 acres. It was granted to Rewi Maihi, Pauro Ngati, Afima Te Mete and others in 1868 according to the Register of Crown GrantS.24 However, the actual grant shows that there was only two trustees, Rewi Maihi and Pauro Ngati and the actual year of the grant was 1866.250 In 1916, the Maori Land Court enquired into the beneficial list of owners of Lot 95 as authorised by Order in Council under section 11 of the Native Amendment Act, 1912.251 A list of 64 adults ofNgati Hangarau were determined 'at the time of the first award' and the Court then received 'lists of present day representatives. ,252 The certificate of title dated 17 April 1917 lists 81 owners ofNgati Hangarau.253 (See Awendix 13 & 14 for the above lists).

Of the 130 acres awarded, approximately 122. acres remains with the Hapu.254 The 122 acres is divided into 24 blocks. The 24 blocks consist of the rnarae, urupa, sports field, harbour reserve, church, road access, 11 residential areas and 6 rural.

Due to the overlap of owners in each block the total number of owners is unclear and many owners will not have been succeeded. It is possible to ascertain however that the land is subject to a high level of fragmentation and its subsequent problems concerning the management of the blocks. The fragmentation is evident by the fact that 5 blocks have 244 owners or more, 3 of these blocks are no more than 1 acre in size and the other 2 blocks containing 7 acres are made up of the urupa and marae. The largest block at 9 acres is a harbour reserve with 134 owners. The Church, Sports field, 12 residential allotments and 6 rural blocks contain an average of 50 owners in each and vary between .5 and 4 hectares. 255

Lot 8/8A: The Paeroa Native School

Lot 8A was part of the original Lot 8 grant to 'Te Wharepapa and others' of the Ngati Kahu Hapu of Ngati Ranginui in 1869. Lot 8 contained 51.3.31 acres. Lot 8A contained 2 acres according to the New Zealand Gazette, 1885?56 It was the site of the Paeroa Native School. The school was named after the block. According to one report:

249

250

251

252

2530

254

255

256

The people of Bethlehem had made many representations to the Department for a school, and eventually Mr H W Brabant, District Superintendent of Schools, visited the area. In 1884 a school was held in an old mill on the west

LINZ files Hamilton, Crown Grants Register No 4, Vol 30. Copy of Crown Grant; Supporting Documents, 112. Minutes of Maori Land Court, 1916, 109-111. Ibid. CT Lot 95, Warrant No 2619, Vol 399, Folio 290. See Appendix 13 for Ngati Hangarau survey of Lot 95. See Appendix 13 for block assessment received from the Ngati Hangarau Claimant group giving current status of Lot 95 and Appendix 14 for Map showing Lot 95 as derived from Land Information New Zealand's Digital Database. New Zealand Gazette 1885,508.

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57

side of the Wairoa River, known as the Te Wairoa School... The Chief Te Meti [sic] Te Mete Raukawa, decided it would be better in the interests of the community to have a school closer to the settlement of Bethlehem, particularly as the bulk of the children came from that village.257

The School Committee was:

Nga Ngawharau Te Tira TeMete Nikora Wiremu

Te Komiti TiaMana Taumataherea Te Mete Raukawa Hekatapu Pepeka.258

(Chairman)

It is important to note that the schools composition included persons of Ngati Hangarau, particularly Te Mete Raukawa As stated, Te Mete Raukawa was instrumental in moving the school from the west side of the Wairoa river to its current location, Lot 8A. What is clear is that the school was moved closer to the community of Bethlehem, (the Ngati Hangarau kainga) where the 'bulk' of the children resided.

One school report stated that between 1902 and 1904, so 'popular did the school become, such was the rage to learn by the Maoris, evening classes were started to cope with the interest. ,259 In 1904, the Bay of Plenty Times reported at an opening of an additional classroom that 'T e Mete Raukawa, the leading Chief in the district rose to the occasion ... he considered that their school would compare favourably with any of the Board Schools for Europeans. ·260

As stated earlier, despite the tragic times mentioned, Ngawharau stated that the people did not want the school to close and it appears that their perseverance was starting to pay off.261 By 1910, the school, 'was the centre of the community.,262 However, with the increase in European population to the district there also appears to have been an attitude toward the 'Native' aspect of the School. In 1937, plans were made and a 'petition placed for a new school distinct from the Native school. ,263 It was turned down.264 Because there was no community hall at Bethlehem, the school became even more important to the community. Women's Institute, Women's Association, Boy Scouts 'and others' all used it as a meeting place.265

257

258

259

260

261

262

263

264

265

F B, 'Bethlehem Maori School', 1955, BLDQ 73911 550a. The report was received from Michael O'Brien in November 1997. Ibid. See also BAAA IOOO1l254b, 1539 re: correspondence from Ngawharau about children suffering through starvation and famine. Ngawharau is also listed as Ngawhanau. Wiremu Johnson is also listed as a Committee member. There appears to be conflicting evidence above as to whom was chairperson, possibly, both Te Mete Raukawa and Ngawharau held this position but at differing times. Ibid. Ibid. See section on 'Ngati Hangarau Population Demise' page 34-37. F B, 'Bethlehem Maori School', 1955, BLDQ 739/1550a. The report was received from Michael O'Brien in November 1997. Ibid. The above report notes the increase in European staff members at the time. Ibid. Ibid.

58

INLAND BLOCK HISTORIES

Ahakoa e tangi ana te ngakau 'i rutua iho ai te aroha' mo nga taonga

He Tangi Na Te Pakaru is a lament that was composed by Te Pakaru of Ngati Hangarau.272 It expresses the way the Hapu feel about the rivers, streams, waterfalls, ridges, kainga and other inland areas of significance. This feeling is captured by Te Pakaru, who speaks of his aroha pouring out for these places, 'I rutua iho ai te aroha' and so carry his tears by way of the Opuiaki stream and Wairoa river back to his friends on the coast. The lament names numerous well known landmarks located in the Ngamanawa Kaimai area which is on the boundary between Ngati Hangarau, Ngati Raukawa and other Ngati Ranginui Hapu. Arapera Nuku, a kuia of Ngati Hangarau and descendant of Te Pakaru stated that while the lament is about her tupuna expressing his sorrow because friends were not supporting him, the actual origin of the discontent, were the 'wrong doings of the Pakeha. ,273 In relation to the bush lands Arapera Nuku said she would often hear her hungawai say:

Ma te Pakeha hei muru te para 0 te rakau274

'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru' is reflected in the fact that Ngati Hangarau feature prominently at hearings over the determination of title of the blocks in the Kaimai Ngamanawa area.275 This section will analyse the following block histories:

• Tauwharawhara Block, • Paengaroa No 2 Block • Lots 537 & 538 Parish ofTe Papa • 170 and 152A Parish ofTe Papa at Omanawa • Taumata • Kaimai • Whaitikuranui 5 and 5D2

Where individuals of Ngati Hangarau received interests in blocks along with other hapu, calculations of the proportion of those interests have been provided. The claimants identified the individuals ofNgati Hangarau from the lists of owners for the above blocks. It is possible that some individuals have not been identified.

272

273

274

275

'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru' will be presented at the hearing by Ngati Hangarau. Interview with Arapera Nuku, kuia ofNgati Hangarau, 29 May 1998. Ibid. An explanation will be provided by Arapera Nuku at the hearing. E Stokes, Tauranga Reserves, 1998. The awards weree made to individuals ofNgati Hangarau.

HAPU OF THE INLAND BLOCKS

• Kainga Block Boundary Subdivision of Block

~ Reserves - Parish of Te Papa

o lands sold by 1886

~ Inalienable reserves

GatePa •

CONFISCATED BLOCK

• Kahakaharoa

PARISH OF TE PAPA

PuwfJenue

,', o 2 3 4 5

kilometres

~ lIQ '0 \C)

en ::r Q

~ _. = (JQ

0' n lIQ ..... CS· = Q ..., sr ;-= Q.

c:r 0' n r:

Vt \0

60

Tauwharawhara block Parish of Te Papa

Hearings over Tauwharawhara started on the 28 march 1881.277 It contained 2268 acres. Tauwharawhara was to be heard at the same time as Paengaroa No 2 but the Court adjourned because of' the arrival ofNgati Haua for Hori Tupaea's tangihanga' and noted that it was also a 'season of harvest. ,278 On 21 June 1881, the Commissioner's court read out a list of claimants and received counter claims over the Tauwharawhara block. Mr Gold Smith, District Surveyor, was called by the Court to identify the plans of Kaimai and Tauwharawhara. The case brought by Te Mete Raukawa was presented on 24 June. Brabant's Minute Book No 1 records:

Te Mete made his prima facie case viz.

my fIrst take is Raupatu my second take is tupuna my third take is Ahika me te noho tuturu

Te Mete Claimants. No counter claimants. 279

The court ruled:

There being no opposition to Te Mete Raukawa's claim, Tauwharawhara is adjudged to Ngatihangarau as descendants ofKokiri and Haratahi. 280

On 13 September 1881, a list of 75 owners were read and passed by the Court. ;.,....... Tauwharawhara was subjected to Part 1 of the Native Land Settlement Act 1907.281

(See Appendix 15 list of owners). The land was recommended for General Settlement (as opposed to reserved for Maori Occupation) and open to lease by the Stout and Ngata Native Lands Commission in 1908 under Part 1 of "The Native Land Settlement Act, 1907.,,282 On 24 June 1909,a notice was published in the New Zealand Gazette declaring Tauwharawhara and Paengaroa No 2 blocks subject to the provisions of the above Act. Tauwharawhara was described as:

situated in the Otanewainuku survey district and being called or known as Tauwharawhara containing by admeasurement, 2,268 acres more or less. Bounded towards the south-west by Paengaroa No.1 and 2 and towards the west and north - west by Kaimai No.2 and 1 Blocks. 283

On 27 February 1912, the following partitions were made.284

277

278

279

280

281

282

283

284

Tauwharawhara 1 Tauwharawhara 2

Brabant's Minute Book No I. Ibid at 60. Ibid at 6l. Ibid. Ibid at 158-160. AJHR 1908, GII<, Vol 4, 1-5. New Zealand Gazette 1909, 1653.

100 acres 3 roods 26 perches 679 acres 2 roods 24 perches

E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983,23.

Tauwharawhara 3 Tauwharawhara 4

Total

206 acres 0 roods 30 perches 981 acres 1 rood 0 perches

1966

61

According to Rachael Willan, Tauwharawhara had 'valuable timber resources which were utilised by timber companies. ,285 She notes that in 1950, the Maori Land Court granted Frankhams, a timber company, the right to construct a road across Tauwharawhara 3 and 4.286 The court then issued an order of incorporation on 29 May 1952 under section 445 of the Maori Affairs Act 1953. The incorporation was called 'The proprietors of Tauwharawhara 4 block. ,287 And in 1962, P T Y Industries Ltd were granted timber cutting rights over the block.288 Willan summarises 'the object of the incorporation was mainly to manage and exploit the block's timber resources.,289 The incorporation was wound up on 17 May 1966 and the land revested in the beneficial owners.290

Paengaroa No 2 Parish ofTe Papa

Paengaroa No 2 was heard by the Tauranga Land Commissioners in conjunction with the Tauwharawhara block on 28 March 1881.291 As stated, the hearing was adjourned and Paengaroa No 2 was reheard on 16 August 1881.292

The case for Ngati Hangarau was conducted by Te Mete Raukawa. His speaker was Ngati Rongoihaere. Ranginui ofNgai Tamarawaho put in a counter claim based upon the boundary line between Taumata and Paengaroa. After looking at the map produced, Ranginui withdrew his counter claim and acknowledged that the boundary pointed out by Te Mete Raukawa was 'corrrect.,293 Ranginui was 'satisfied with the creek Te Whakamaunga [or Te Hukanui] as the boundary between Paengaroa No.2 and Te Taumata. ,294 Te Pohoi also placed a counter claim to Paengaroa as an agent for Ngatihuna.295 The Court decided 'judging from the statement ofTe Pohoi that the Ngatihuna have ... [no] claim whatever to the block.,296

According to Brabant's Minute Book No.1, Paengaroa No.2 containing 2933 acres was adjudged to 'the Claimants Te Mete Raukawa, Ngati Te Rongoihaere and Ngatihangarau hapu-as descendants of Taharangi.'297 On 24 August 1881, Te Mete provided the Court with a list of 53 persons belonging to Ngati Hangarau which was

285

286

287

288

289

290

291

292

293

294

295

296

297

Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996, 31. Ibid; Tauranga Minute Book 16, folio 241. Tauranga Minute Book 17, folio 12. Tauranga Minute Book 24, folio 129. Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996, 31. Tauranga Minute Book 27, folio 93. Brabants Minute Book No.1, 116. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid at 117. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. at 118.

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read and approved.298 (See Awendix 16 for List of 53 owners). Te Mete Raukawa and Nikora Hikatapu were appointed as Trustees for the owners.299 Te Mete Raukawa then asked 'that the land be made inalienable. ,300 A Crown grant was issued to Katabi Hohepa and others on 17 October 1883.301 Paengaroa No 2 block was later recommended for lease by the 1909 Native Lands Commission under Part 1 of the Native Land Settlement Act 1907.302 Under Schedule 3 of the Commissions report entitled 'For Lease' the following detail was noted:303

Name of block Owners Area

Paengaroa No 2 53 2890

The Order in Council described the block as follows:

Remarks

Milling timber on block Partly in Rotorua County

All that parcel of land in the Land District of Auckland situated in the Otanewainuku Survey District, and being known as Paengaroa No.2 Block containing by admeasurement 2890 acres more or less. Bounded towards the north-west by Crown land, towards the east by Ornanawa and Te Whakamaunga or Hukanui stream, towards the south-west by Paengaroa No. 1 Block, towards the west by the Mangapapa river. 304

In 1909, 1000 acres ofPaengaroa 2 were exchanged for 1000 acres of allotment 589 in the Parish of Te Papa under the Native Land Court Act 1894.305 The block was o called Te Papa Paengaroa 2. In June 1913, the block was subdivided as follows:

298

299

300

30\

302 ( (

I 303

304

305

306

Block

. Te Papa Paengaroa 2A Te Papa Paengaroa 2B 1 Te Papa Paengaroa 2B2 Te Papa Paengaroa 2C Te Papa Paengaroa 2D Te Papa Paengaroa 2E Te Papa Paengaroa 2F Te Papa Paengaroa 2G

Ibid at 124. Ibid. Ibid at 127.

Total:

Acres

428 445 593 291 125 237 459 248

2826

AJHR 1886, GlO, 2; Brabant gave the CT No as 138. AJHR 1908, GIK, Vol 4, 1-5.

rood perches

1 18 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 0

7 18.306

Ibid. The initial award was 2933 acres, 2890acres was made available for lease. New Zealand Gazette 1909, 1653-1654. Judge Brown, Order of Native Land Court, Rotorua, 9 December 1909. Waikato-Maniapoto Maori Land Court, Block Order File T491, Partition Order, 19 June 1913.

63

By 1977, all of the Te Papa Paengaroa 2 subdivisions were included in the Ngamanawa Incorporation. Paengaroa 2A, ABl, 2B2, 2C and 2G were included in 1971. Te Papa Paengaroa 2D, 2E and 2F were amalgamated with some subdivisions ofKaimai 2 to form Kaimai 3 and were included in the Incorporation in 1977.309 Prior to the amalgamation, Willan notes that most Te Papa Paengaroa blocks were subject to rates charges, in particular, the owners ofPae~aroa 2B2 were liable for $47.29 and $1.00 for costs incurred for the years 1965-1966. 10 She also states that interest 'other than the owners often carried out exploitation of this [forestry] resource,.3lI On 16 February 1968, the Maori Land Court granted timber milling licenses to Lyn Robert Young over blocks 2B1 and 2D. The license was transferred to Ngahere Sawmills Ltd in 1969.312

Paengaroa Reserves 537 & 538 Parish of Te Papa

At the same time that Paengaroa No 2 was heard by the Tauranga Land Commissioners, it appears that the Paengaroa Reserves Nos 537 containing 203 acres and 538 containing 115 acres was settled.313 The blocks show a total of318 acres. No list of names for these reserves are included in Brabant's Minute Book No 1.314 At a hearing on 8 March 1912, Te Mete Raukawa handed in a list of owners and asked that all 'the original owners get one share each excepting Kereti T e Wharekareko who gets two. ,315 A list of 53 owners was read with no objections and the following partitions made: (See Appendix 17 for list of owners). Ngati Hangarau kaumatua and kuia have identified all 53 owners as belonging to the Hapu.316

Lot: Acres: Owners:

537A 25a 2r 3p 3

Comment: Kereti· T e Wharekareko [illeg] Kereti In his own right and as part [Suces]sic To Te Turipa Whakina Te Aorewa Kereti N gakuukuu Wetera

Lot: 537B Acres:

2.1/3 1 1

shares share share

Owners: 60a 3r 16 p 11

Comments: 1 equal share each except Amokeiha Kereti who has inscribed by his

309

310

3Jl

312

313

314

315

316

name '1/3 as suces [sic] to urupa'

Amalgamation Order, 16 Jtme 1972, Tauranga Minute Book 32, folios 121-123. Tauranga Minute Book, 27, folio 350 in Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996, 28. Ibid. Ibid; Tauranga Minute Book, 22, Folio 164. Brabant's Minute Book No.1 E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1992, Vol 2, 232. Tauranga Minute Book, No 7, 262. Hui with Ngati Hangarau on 26 March 1999. Present: Arapera Nuku, Michael O'Brien, Huhana Heke, Martha Mana, Angela Bennett, Grace Nuku and Tatai Allen.

64

Lot: Acres: Owners:

537C 76a2r 8p 13

Comment: 1 equal share

Lot: 538A Acres: Owners:

35a lr 13p 6

Comment: 1 equal share

Lot: 538B Acres: Owners:

119a 3r Op 20

Comment: 1 equal share to all except Te Whareangiangi Kereti who has inscribed be her name '1.1/3 in her own right & as suces [sic] to urupa.'

At these hearings Brabant noted that 'a lot of timber had been taken off the land for which no royalty has yet been paid' and that the owners 'understood' that royalties should have been paid.317 He stated it 'has also been arranged amongst the owners that they are to be at liberty to go upon any of the divisions in which trees are growing for the purpose of cutting down timber for posts for fencing there own land but not for the purpose of sale,.318 A road was laid off as requested and the above partitions were made.

Lots 537A and 537B were included in the Ngarnanawa Incorporation.319

According to Evelyn Stokes:

Rate debts were certainly a factor in the sale of several Maori blocks in the period 1966-71. Some were sold by a resolution passed at a meeting of owners under Part XXIII Maori Affairs Act. 320

Stokes then notes that Lot 538A was purchased by the Peers family for $1800 in 1971 following a resolution of owners under the above Act. And:

317

318

319

320

Lots 537D and 538B were sold in 1969 to the Public Trustee for $5,325 by the Maori Trustee acting under section 438 of the Maori Affairs Act 1953 on behalf of the estate of Albert Peterson. In 1966, E.M. Fox, the County Clerk was appointed receiver for lot 537C, an area of just over 76 acres (30 hectares). The number of original owners in 1912 was 19 but under the Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1967 the uneconomic interests were purchased by the Maori Trustee and sold to Albert Peterson, one of the other owners in 1967,

Ibid at 267. Ibid. Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996,30. E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983, 24.

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reducing the number of owners to 13. A Part XXIII meeting of owners resolved to sell the block in late 1967 to H and E Taylor for $5,400. 321

Six 'original owners' ofNgati Hangarau lost their shares in the above lands. Concern over the loss of lands included the 'uneconomic interests' provision raised at a number of Hapu meetings by kaumatua of Ngati Hangarau, in 1997 and 1998.322 According to Willan and Johnson, the taking of shares due to their 'uneconomic' status was essentially a compulsory acquisition of the land, 'a form of confiscation,.323 During the 1960s, the Crown believed uneconomic shares were problematic and allowed the Maori Trustee to purchase shares worth under 25 pounds assuming the owners wanted to lose what little ties they may have had left to their lands.324 Once again, the Crown imposed a form of raupatu upon wbanau of Ngati Hangarau.

Lots 170 and 152A Parish of Te Papa

Individuals ofNgati Hangarau were awarded two blocks at Omanawa and it appears that these were made as a resuh of a promise to them. Lot 170 was granted to 'Amokeiha Kereti and others' in 1882 and lot 152A was also granted to the same persons in 1888.325 The following three names appear in Brabant's papers regarding lot 152A, namely: Here Kaueria [sic], Ratahi Hohepa and Amokeiha Kereti.326 Inscribed beside these names is another note in which Te Mete Raukawa says that 'Kiepa Puhimanuka, Eria = Tarawa = Te Wharehou' were 'original owners to whom this lot was promised. ,327 There is no indication on the file as to the reason for the promise.

According to the register of original Crown grants there is no separate recording in terms of acreage for lots 170 and 152A. Instead the register says lot 170 should be read 'with lot 152.'328 Thus both lots record the same acreage, a total of 221.1.32. acres.329 A survey in 1921 shows lot 152A containing 29.2.56 acres and lot 170 containing 191.3.0 acres.330 On 15 December 1888 a list of 108 owners were forwarded with an annotation that lots 170 and 152A were to be 'absolutely inalienable.' 331 (See Appendix 18 for list of owners). According to Ngati Hangarau kaumatua and kuia, 63 out of the 108 owners or 65% belong to Ngati Hangarau. Assuming all owners were given equal shares, 65% of the 221 acres would mean 139

321

322

323

324

325

326

327

328

329

330

331

Ibid. Meetings with Ngati Hangarau at Peterehema Marae, Kuia korero, November 1997 and May­June 1998. Rachel Willan and Ralph Johnson, Draft Report on 'The Sale and Administration of Waiwhetu Reserves at Larry Bay and Palmerston North' 3 December 1997, Wai 145, 91; released on 4 December from Waitangi Tribunal, Wellington. Ibid at 93. LlNZ files Hamilton, Crown Grants, Vol 30, Register 4. Brabant's Minute Book No.1, Supporting Documents at 118. Ibid. LlNZ files Hamilton, Crown Grants, Vol 30, Register 4. Ibid. LlNZ files Survey March 1921, Boundaries see NZ Statutes 1886, NZ Gazette 1882,295; NZ Gazette, 1913, 1503. Waikat~Maniapoto Maori Land Court, files Te Papa Lots 170 & 152A.

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acres was held by individuals of the Hapu. The land was partitioned in 1921.332 In 1954, 134 acres was leased to David and Eileen Heke (both ofNgati Hangarau) for a period of21 years from 1/9/1960.333

Taumata Block Parish of Te Papa

The Taumata block contained 5310 acres and was awarded to Ngai Tamarawaho and individuals ofNgati Hangarau due to their ties into their kin hapU.334 At the hearing of the Taumata block on 20 August 1881, Commissioner Brabant stated:

Te Whakatana says that Ranginui is agent for the whole of the block. Ranginui says I acknowledge Tamati to Te Ahiroa; but not to Tururu.I acknowledge Te Mete, Hohepa Hikutaia, Ngatirongoihaere and others to Taumata as belonging to Ngaitamarawaho. 335

On 27 August, a list handed in by Ranginui containing 124 owners was read and passed in regard to the Taumata block which contained 2326 acres.337 Ngati Hangarau have identified that 18 of the 124 owners, or 22%, belong to Ngati Hangarau. Assuming all owners were given equal shares, 22% of the 2326 acre block would mean 139 acres was held by individuals of the Hapu.338 (See Appendix 19 for list of owners over Taumata block). Ranginui then asked that 3000 acres be set aside as a reserve. This was agreed to and two days later another list containing 98 owners was produced and passed by the court concerning the Taumata reserve.339 Of the 98 owners, 8 owners or 7% have been identified as Ngati Hangarau. Again assuming the owners were awarded equal shares, 7% of the 3000 acre reserve would mean 418 acres was held by individuals of the Hapu. The total acreage for the Taumata block and reserve is 5326 acres, 16 acres more than Brabant had originally recorded.

Kaimai 1 and 2

Hearings over Kaimai started on 30 May 1881. There were 44 sittings, 13 in June, 23 in July and 7 in August. Judgment was given on 15 August.34o The hearings covered 14 inter-related blocks.341 According to the judgment, this 'is a block of land surveyed by Mr. R.E.M. Campbell containing 18,140 acres and known as Kaimai.'342

The original block was subdivided into smaller allotments. Individuals of Ngati Hangarau received interests in two of those allotments, Kaimai No.1 and 2 which total 5861 acres.343

332

333

334

335

337

338

339

340

341

342

343

Ibid. Ibid. Brabant's Minute Book No.1, 119. Ibid at 120. Brabant's Minute Book No.1, at 131, 138, 142. Hui with Ngati Hangarau on 26 March 1999. Present: Arapera Nuku, Michael O'Brien, Huhana Heke, Martha Mana, Angela Bennett, Grace Nuku and Tatai Allen. Brabant's Minute Book No~ 1, at 154. See Appendix 19 for list of98 owners. Ibid, 187-224. A further 19 hearings were held concerning surveys, lists of owners, and comments on reserves and alienation restrictions. E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1992, Vol 2, 189. Ibid at 96. E. Stokes, The Allocation of Reserves for Maori in the Tauranga Confiscated Lands, 1997, Vol 2, 37-38.

t,

,~ ..... }

67

Te Mete Raukawa plays a prominent role at the Kaimai hearings and a few others of N gati Hangarau are also mentioned as owners but it is difficult to determine on what basis. Thus, the shares of those individuals belonging to Ngati Hangarau were not awarded to them under the mantle ofNgati Hangarau but as being listed under other Hapu.345

Kaimai 1

There were 15 'tribes' awarded Kaimai No. 1.346 Two of these tribes combined as joint claimants, Ngati Mauri and Ngati Terau as one and Ngati Maid and Ngati Tamapu as the other.347 The record shows:348

Group 1: Ngatimauri and Ngatiterau's List: Group 2: Ngati Maki and Ngatitamapu

Male Adults: Te Mete Raukawa Oketopa Nikora Wineti Matia Marino Maihi Houwhenua Te Patu Renata T oriri Te Ipu Tauterangi Harawira Te Kotai Tutera Marupo

Female Adults:

Kirirahi Parakete Rihi Ngawai Hiria Enoka

Male Adults: Te Whakahoki Te Ohu Raumaewa Kereti Te Wharekareko Hikatapu Nikora Te Ratahi Hohepa Te Amokeiha Kereti Hohepa Hikutaia Moerangi Matia Hairuha Te Koo Nautawhao Ngapoti Rikihana Niao

Female Adult:

Ngawaiwera Rahipera

Concerning Kaimai 1, 27 individuals or 22% of the 85 owners are ofNgati Hangarau. Assuming all owners were given equal shares, 22% of the 3283 acre block would equate to 886 acres.

Kaimai 2

On 6 September 1881, Te Mete Raukawa handed in a list of owners for the Kaimai block which was passed by the COurt.365 He also requested that Purakautahi and 2600 acres in the Kaimai block be set aside as a reserve and that this block be restricted

345

346

347

348

365

Brabant's Minute Book No.1, 161. Brabant's Minute Book No.1, 161, 162, 163, 164. Ibid at 161. Ibid. Ibid at 149.

68

from alienation.366 The 2600 acre reserve was called Kaimai 2.359 E. Stokes surmises the following history ofKaimai 2:

A Crown Grant was issued under the Tauranga District Lands Act 1867 and 1868 on July 1883 for an area of 2578 acres ... The block was partitioned into 2A and 2B and further divi4ed into three blocks in 1909 but these partitions were cancelled and the present partitions made by the Maori Land Court in 1912. 368

The partitions were:

Block: Acres roods perches No of Owners: 1912 1968-69

Kaimai2A 218 3 19 8 69 Kaimai 2B 324 1 0 22 167 Kaimai 2C 210 3 0 9 29 Kaimai2D 924 0 38 80 382 Kaimai 2E 81 0 11 21 21 Kaimai 2F 186 1 31 16 47 Kaimai 2G 632 0 10 46 102.369

Total 2576 acres 2 roods 21 perches

Concerning Kaimai 2, 15 owners or 15% of the 102 owners belong to Ngati Hangarau. Assuming all owners were given equal shares, 15% of the 2578 acre block equates to 386 acres.

In 1970 the Ngamanawa Incorporation was established and Kaimai 2D formed part of the initial amalgamation. In 1972 the Maori Land Court amalgamated the remaining Kaimai 2A, 2B, 2C, 2E, 2F and 2G blocks with Te Papa Paengaroa 2D, 2E and 2F under section 435 of the Maori Affairs Act 1953.372 The judge, gave 'more effective management' as the reason for the amalgamation.373 The new block, now called Kaimai 3 totalled 1127.374 hectares or 2766 acres 0 roods and 02 perches.374 In 1975, Kaimai 3 block was vested in Victor Smith, Christie Rolleston, and E D Morgan as trustees under section 438 of the Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1953.375

The Trust was established to examine the best ways in which the use, management or 'alienation of the land could be facilitated'. 376 The Trust was also made to consider joining the Ngamanawa Incorporation and Mr Morgan was granted entitlement to charge for his time and advice.377 In 1976, the Joint Generation Committee took

366

359

368

369

372

373

374

375

376

377

Ibid at 149, 151. Ibid at 165, 168. E. Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983, 2l. Ibid. Amalgamation order 16 lWle 1972, Tauranga Minute Book 32, folio 121-3. Ibid. Ibid. Tauranga Minute Book 36, 128-140. Ibid. Ibid.

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6.5251 hectares for electrical works.378 On 24 February 1977, Kaimai 3 was included in the Ngamanawa Incorporation.379

Whaiti Kuranui No 5 and 5D2

There is no record of a hearing concerning the determination of title over Whaiti Kuranui No 5 from files consulted. The reason for this is that the block is actually located outside the raupatu boundary. Therefore, the land would have been processed through the Native Land Court not the Tauranga Land Commissioners. The block was partitioned in 1881.380 The hearing also addressed a claim by J Howard, B Walker and 'others' to have purchased the whole of the block from the owners.381 Their claim was dismissed.38 There is no reason provided on the file though it was probably related to the evidence given by James Mackay, Land Agent. Mackay stated that he was present when:

the arrangement was made with the natives Ngati Motai, Ngati Pango & Ngati Kahu, 58 have executed the deed of purchase, the remainder are willing to sign on the condition that a reserve of 1000 acres at the north end of the block shall be given to them & a further Reserve of 2000 acres at the Eastern end of the block.,383

Originally, there were 94 owners in the block which contained 12200 acres.384 This list is not provided with the file, Mackay, stated that they had 'purchased 60 interests leaving 34 non sellers' to the remaining shares and that 3000 acres were made into a reserve as arranged, leaving 9200 acres.38S Mackay then asked for an order for 5880 acres to be called Whaiti Kuranui 5B for 'Mr Howard and Walker; and that 3320 acres be awarded to the 34 non sellers.386 Te Mete Raukawa appeared on behalf of the applicants for a subdivision saying that he was present at the 'arrangement between purchasers and non sellers' and agreed to what was done but wanted the 3000 acre reserve be made 'inalienable.'387 Te Mete Raukawa was one of the 34 non-sellers and an order was issued in the non-sellers favour for 3320 acres called Whaiti Kuranui No 5C.388 Te Mete Raukawa was also one of the 94 owners that were set aside the two parcels of land containing the 3000 acre reserve known as Whaiti Kuranui Nos '5D & 5D' which were 'to be inalienable except by lease.'389 This block is likely to be the same block known as Whaiti Kuranui 5D2.

According to E. Stokes:

378

379

380

381

382

383

384

385

386

387

388

389

New Zealand Gazette 1909, 1653. Ibid. Waikato Minute Book No 7, 236. Ibid at 240. Ibid. Ibid at 237. Ibid at 236. Ibid at 237. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid at 238. Ibid at 240.

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This block was partitioned in 1881 at the time of investigation of title by the Maori Land Court (Waikato Minute Book 6passim and 7/2QO-204), an area of so~e 2639 acres (1067.9654 hectares). In 1975 there were 719 owners listed in the title. Timber cutting rights were granted in 1953 to Te Puke Sawmills LTD for 15 years and extended by 10 years in 1968. These rights were taken over by Fletcher Timber Company. 390

In 1983, part of Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 which contained 2639 acres was amalgamated into Ngamanawa Incorporation. Of the 94 owners, 23 have been identified as belonging to Ngati Hangarau. Assuming the owners were awarded equal shares, an approximate total of 648 acres would have been held by individuals of Ngati Hangarau. Using the same formula, the interests of 12 individuals ofNgati Hangarau in Whaitikuranui 5 B containing 3320 acres would have been about 135 acres.

Individuals of Ngati Hangarau who have shares in this block are there due to their whakapapa ties with the many other Hapu who also used and occupied the area.

Establishment of Ngamanawa Incorporation

On 12 February 1969, all the Tauwharawhara blocks, Parish of Te Papa Lots 537 A and Band Te Papa Paengaroa blocks 2A, 2Bl, 2B2 and 2G, and Kaimai No.2D were vested in trustees under section 438 Maori Affairs Act 1953.391 The trustees were: Akuhata Roretana, Ivan Williams, Albert Peterson, Kaikohe Rolleston and Desmond Smith.392 The terms of the Trust were essentially, to manage and control the lands on behalf of the owners including negotiating their concerns with the Joint Generation Committee. The owners agreed to an amalgamation of the above blocks which was done on 17 November 1970 and the land became known as Ngamanawa.393

On 6 May 1971, 'The Ngamanawa Incorporation' was established under Part IV of the Maori Affairs Amendment Act. As stated earlier, Kaimai 3 which was an amalgamation ofKaimai 2A, 2C, 2F and 2G blocks with Te Papa Paengaroa 2D, 2E and 2F, was included in the Ngamanawa Incorporation on 24 February 1977. In 1983, part of Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 was included in the Incorporation. The following table shows the total acreage of land held by the Ngamanawa Incorporation.

Block Acres Roods Perches

Tauwharawhara 1 100 3 26 Tauwharawhara 2 679 2 24 Tauwharawhara 3 206 0 30 Tauwharawhara 4 981 1 0

390 E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A studv of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University ofWaikato Hamilton, 1983, 24.

391

392

393

Tauranga Minute Book No.29, 355 in E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of conflicts in the use of Lands University ofWaikato, Hamilton, 1983,60. Ibid. Ibid at 61.

71

Te Papa Paengaroa 537A 24 3 27.3394

Te Papa Paengaroa 537B 60 3 16 Te Papa Paengaroa 2A 428 1 18 Te Papa Paengaroa 2B 1 445 2 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2B2 593 0 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2C 291 0 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2D 125 0 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2E 237 0 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2F 459 2 0 Te Papa Paengaroa 2G 248 2 0 Kaimai2A 218 3 19 Kaimai2B 324 1 0 Kaimai2C 210 3 0 Kaimai2D 924 0 38 Kaimai2E 81 0 11 Kaimai 2F 186 1 31 Kaimai2G 632 0 10 Part Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 2639.395

Total 10090

The Mangapapa Power Scheme: desecration ofWahi Tapu, and continued protest over land acquisition.

On 20 March 1995, Michael O'Brien lodged a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal on behalf ofNgamanawa Incorporated 401 The claim is registered as Wai 503. It concerns certain Treaty rights of the owners of Kaimai No 2, Paengaroa No 2 and Tauwharawhara blocks. The Crown actions complained of, surround the taking of the above lands and providing the Tauranga City Council and Tauranga Electric Power Board (The Tauranga Joint Generation Committee) with statutory rights that were in breach of their rights under the Treaty.402 It should be noted that a report commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal was written by Rachael Willan in 1996 concerning the 'Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition'. R Willan's report specifically addresses the concerns raised by the Ngamanawa Incorporated claim. 403

On 2 December 1968, Mr Ed Morgan, of Cooney Lees and Morgan wrote to Mr Paraone Reweti, Eastern Maori Member of Parliament relaying the concerns of 'Ngati

394

395

401

402

403

The original block was 25 acres 1 rood and 14.4 acres. The figure provided takes into account the construction of a road See Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996,30. The original award for Whaiti Kuranui 502 is 3000 acres. The figure of 2639 was provided by Michael O'Brien, Chairman of Ngamanawa Incorporated. According to Ena Lewis, Secretary of the Incorporation, 2000 acres was originally included in the Incorporation while 600 acres was to be managed by owners. It appears that at some point, both these blocks were included in the Incorporation. See Supporting Documents 119-123 for copy of claim. Ibid. Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996.

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Hangarau, the owners of the land' and sought clarification on reports about a proposal to take land for the purpose of electrical works.404 This lett~ also questioned the Joint Generation Committee's argument that it:

Has to acquire the whole of the Tauwharawhara Block because the whole Block forms part of the catchment area for the Mangapapa scheme, and any land that might not be in such a category is of little economic value and is difficult of access. 405

Ngati Hangarau concerns were prompted by a notice which appeared in the New Zealand Gazette on 12 December 1968. The notice stated that over 5000 acres were to be taken for electrical works by the Tauranga City Council under the Municipal Corporations Act 1954 and Public Works Act 1928.406 The blocks were all held in muhiple ownership and were part of the lands returned to N~ati Hangarau, though Kaimai No 2 was returned to persons belonging to other Hapu.4 7 The lands were:

Blocks Acres Roods Perches

Tauwharawhara 2268 0 0 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2B2 203 1 30 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2B2 138 1 30 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2B2 82 2 35 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2A 141 1 17 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2B 1 44 3 20 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2B 1 401 2 0 Te Papa Paengaroa Part 2G 248 2 0 Allotment 537 Part, Te Papa Parish 0 1 30.7 Kaimai No 2 Part 935 0 10 Kaimai No 2 Part 70 0 21 Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 748 2 0

Approximate Total 5280 acres

In addition to concerns over the raupatu of the 1860s and the compulsory acquisition of land deemed uneconomic shares during the 1960s, Ngati Hangarau sought to protect their lands against yet another form of confiscation, public works legislation. Subsequently, matters came to a head and a few days after the Gazette notice was published, a meeting was held at the Tauranga City Council to discuss the matter. On 17 December, the Bay of Plenty Times reported Cr V C Smith making the following claims:408

404

405

406

407

408

E Stokes, 'Ngamanawa': A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands: University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983,41. Ibid. New Zealand Gazette 3 December 1968. Ibid. See Brabant's Minute Book No 1, 165 showing list of owners over Kaimai No.2. E Stokes, 'Ngamanawa': A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983, 42.

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• other land needed for the joint generation scheme had been taken by agreement whereas the Maori land was being taken by proclamation with no attempt at negotiation.

• more land than was needed was being taken. • notices barring the owners from their land had been erected, and; • bulldozer drivers had been instructed to drive at anyone who got in their

way.

Victor Smith then asked for an inquiry into the matter. The following weekend, an informal meeting was held at Peterehema Marae and four trustees, including Victor Smith, were elected to act on behalf of the owners.409 As stated earlier, a Trust was then established to manage the land, and various inland blocks were amalgamated to form the Ngamanawa Incorporation.4IO

Meanwhile, during a visit to Tauranga on 21-23 March 1969, the Parliamentary Select Committee promised an investigation into the proposed Mangapapa scheme after they had heard appeals by local kaumatua.411 On 1 April 1969, the Tauranga City Council held a special meeting to hear objections to the taking of the land for the Mangapapa scheme.412 The Bay of Plenty Times reported Kaikohe Roretana (kaumatua ofNgati Hangarau) saying that he and others of the Hapu had experienced a sense of bitter resentment:

The land which you seek to take is a land with history attached to it. . .It is a land whose history you have disregarded in bulldozing and working through it without any respect which is why we owners are bitter. You took it without negotiating, we resent your actions as those of people led by ignorance into actions which they should have known better. 413

Rachael Willans surmises that 'the committee had failed to recognise the land's significance for Ngati Hangarau. Consultation was minimal and by entering the land prior to the taking the committee was also guilty oftrespass,.414 The 'significance' of the area was economic as well as cultural. Thus, according to the Bay of Plenty Times. 'afforestation could bring a profit of $100,000 in 20 years for disbursement among private owners.'415 And, with no prospect of securing other land within their rohe, lands left to them became increasingly significant in·terms of symbolising the Hapu identity, and ties to the district. Some places were of particular significance. In addition to those places mentioned in the lament of 'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru', in 1982 Victor Smith emphasised the deprivation of the usage of the Wairoa river, and the destruction of the Ruahihi Pa and burial grounds:

409

410

411

412

413

414

415

Ibid at 44. See section on Ngamanawa Incorporation. E Stokes, 'Ngarnanawa': A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, Hamilton, 1983,42. Ibid. Ibid at 48. Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acqusition, September 1996, 19. Bay of Plenty 2 April 1969.

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we have not fmalised our dispute with the Joint Generation Committee ... We say they have achieved their purpose by_harnessing up the water which runs through our land for power, and deprived us of natural river and interfered with historic sites. We had on the spot questions on this matter, and one of the most insulting questions asked by us by a member of their committee was what we want these areas back for, as if we did not have the right to our inheritance .

. . . you all know of the Ruahihi disaster ... we will be paying for this man made disaster for years ... The Joint Generation Committee as a whole lack ... respect for Maori burial grounds [referring to an area called Paru Hu Ha]. When these were discussed by them with an elder, they said that if they tunnelled the area they would probably by-pass without interfering. So much for Tauranga Joint Generation Committee. 416

The Joint Generation Committee proposed taking 5000 acres of the inland blocks for a power scheme.396 After Ngati Hangarau protested against the proposal arguing that the amount proposed to be taken was in excess of the amount required, the amount of land eventually taken dropped to 144 acres. 397

The table below shows the land finally acquired by the Joint Generation Committee.398

Year Block Acres Roods Perches

1972 Part Kaimai 2 5 0 .28 Part Tauwharawhara 1 1 25.5 Part Kaimai 2 4 1 14 Part Tauwharawhara 6 3 11

1973 Part Tauwharawhara 12 0 24 Part T e Papa Paengaroa 3 0 7 Part T e Papa Paengaroa 1 0 21 Part T e Papa Paengaroa 4 0 21 Part Te Papa Paengaroa 2 2 20

1974 Part Te Papa Paengaroa 13 0 23 Part Te Papa Paengaroa 1 0 3 Part T e Papa Paengaroa 4 0 21 Te Papa Paengaroa 1 2 29 Te Papa Paengaroa 4 1 25

1976 Part Kaimai 2 16 0 20

416 Annual Report 1982, Incorporation File No. 44/23, Waikato Maniapoto Maori Land Court. 396 Tauranga Minute Book No.29, 355 in E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of conflicts in the use of

Lands University ofWaikato, Hamilton, 1983,42. 397 The circumstances surrounding the acquisition of this land will follow. 398 Rachael WilIan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition,

September 1996, 36.

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Part Tauwharawhara 11 0 35 Part Tauwharawhara 21 0 12

1977 Part Tauwharawhara 3 1 38.7 Part Kaimai 2 5 10 1.7 Part Kaimai 2 1 3 11.8 Part Kaimai 2 3 2 14.5 Part Tauwharawhara 3 1 24.4 Part Te Papa Paengaroa 6 2 27.5

Approximate Subtotal Acquisition 139 1 29

Part Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 13 3 12.5

Approximate Total Acquisition 154 1 12.5

Less Awakotuku Access 5 3 31.4 Less Returned Land 3 2 0 Approx. Total returned 9 1 31.4

Approximate Total Acquired 144 acres

According to Willan, sites were destroyed • apparently without consultation or regard to objections.'417 She says the Tauranga Joint Generation Committee eventually compensated land owners for the compulsory acquisition of land but there was no compensation for the destruction and loss of historically and culturally significant resources, including the Wairoa river and estuaries.418 The persistence of Ngati Hangarau on this occasion led to a considerable reduction in the amount of land fmally taken for the power scheme. From the original notice which proposed to take 5000 acres, the amount of land actually taken by the Joint Committee was 154 acres of which it retained 144 acres.419 The compulsory acquisition ofNgati Hangarau lands in the 1970s, the destruction oftaonga and deprivation of its usage has been for Ngati Hangarau a clear example ofraupatu continuing in the 20th century.

417

418

419

Ibid at 52. Rachael Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition. September 1996,53,54,56. Ibid at 36-37.

76

SUMMARY

-The shoreline blocks were of particular importance to Ngati Hangarau. The Hapu made productive use of the land for the cultivation of large crops and the moana as a means of communication, trade, and fishing. However, only Lot 95 containing 130 acres was returned and this was clearly insufficient to maintain the Hapu. Lot 95 is currently subject to a high level of fragmentation and its subsequent problems concerning management.

The lament 'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru' demonstrates the deep and meaningful ties of N gati Hangarau to the land, waterfalls, streams, and rivers in the Kaimai N gamanawa area.

Ngati Hangarau individuals alone received interests in the Tauwharawhara, Paengaroa 2 and Te Papa 537 and 538 Blocks. Individuals of Ngati Hangarau also received interests in the following inland blocks returned to Maori: Lot 170 and 152A, Taumata, Kaimai 1 and 2 and Whaiti Kuranui 5D2.

The total acreage awarded specifically to Ngati Hangarau:

Tauwharawhara Paengaroa 2 Paengaroa Reserves 537 & 538 Lot 95

Total

2268 2933

318 130

5649

The following figures are an approximation of the amount of land awarded to individuals ofNgati Hangarau through their ties to other hapu. Therefore providing a total calculation of the acerage received in this block and accrediting this amount to a total amount received by Ngati Hangarau as a Hapu would be misleading.

Lot 170 & 152A Taumata Taumata Reserve Kaimai 1 Kaimai 2 Whaiti Kuranui 5D2 Total

The total acreage of land included in the Ngamanawa Incorporation: The total acreage of land taken by the Tauranga Joint Generation Committee: The total acreage of land retained by the Ngamanawa Incorporation:

The total amount of acerage sold:

139 139 418 886 386 783

2751

10090 144

9946

12 400

400 7 acres has been sold from Lot 95 and according to oral korero a small block from the Ngati Hangarau portion of Lots 170 and 152a which amonted to 139 acres was sold. The estimate of 5 acres was calculated from a map and is likely to be an over estaimate.

(

ONGAONGA

KURANUI

Pt 5D2

KA/MAI N°1

o

~ ~ ~ ~

NGAMANAWA: AMALGAMATION OF TITLES

[]]]

til

NGAMANAWA BLOCK AMALGAMATION 1970.

KAIMAI NO 3 BLOCK AMALGAMATION 1972.

NGAMANAWA INCORroRAT/ON LANDS 1983.

N

o 2 ' ..... 1 ....

kilometres

z (JQ

8 ~ ~ I»

~ I» -(JQ a ~ ...... _. g o ~

~ _. ,.... -Cb CI'J

::::

I ~!."'''''~ 1km !

Land taken for electricity works

SCOTT

FARM

Pt. KAIMAI 3

NGAMANAWA

S.F 3

Land taken for Electricity Works

NGAMANAWA INCORPORATION

FIGURE 14

78

79

Kei te Maringi Tonu Nga Roimata

A questionnaire survey about the impact of raupatu on individuals and whanau of Ngati Hangarau was carried out in 1998.420 The main themes were:

• their understanding of raupatu

• the impact of raupatu on them, and;

• other laws which may have prejudicially affected them. 42 1

The questionnaire evolved through a series of meetings between the author and Ngati Hangarau. It was based upon scripts of the late Hamiora Rolleston and meetings held between himself and the Hapu at the time.

However the questionnaire is limited in that only those who attended the hui received questionnaires and there were only seven responses received by the Claim Committee and forwarded to the author. Therefore the questionnaire is limited in its coverage. Despite these qualifiers, the material is invaluable in the sense that some respondents indicated a preference to write instead of speak at a hearing, (and visa versa), most were over 70 years of age and one respondent has since passed away, the late Desmond Stuart Smith.

The common understanding by respondents to the meaning of raupatu is reflected in the statement ofHomai Balzer (Age 74). Homai Balzer defines raupatu as:

Land that was confiscated -taken- without the consent of Maori people. Some of the lands in the Kaimai area were taken by the Department of Public Works for roads etc. and they say a lot wasn't compensated for. 422

Notably, the compulsory acquisition of Maori land without their consent whether under the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 or the Public Works Legislation were regarded as the same, acts of confiscation. Mere Balzer, daughter of Homai Balzer, reiterated a similar understanding ofraupatu adding that 'the same processes continue today but they are more subtle about it.' Mere Balzer explains:

420

421

422

423

only one member of my mother's immediate family live in Bethlehem and no one in Kaimai. My mother will go back when she dies but we don't really know our relations back there. Where do we go when we die? As the years pass the alienation grows. 423

Following several meetings between Roimata Minhinnick and Ngati Hangarau at Peterehema Marae during the months of November and December 1997. See.Supporting Documents 124-143 for questionnaies. Ibid. Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Homai Balzer, May 1998. Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Mere Balzer, May 1998.

80

Desmond Stuart Smith (Age 73) summarised the overall effect of the raupatu:

ownership of productive lands gave the tribe power and mana. Loss of these lands by confiscation meant the loss of that nationwide mana. 424

In effect, the confiscation oflands also meant the loss of the ability ofNgati Hangarau to continue the exercise of mana over their land. Desmond Stuart Smith adds:

After the battle of Gate Pa, the Tribes land, Marae's, shelter and food crops where [sic] destroyed and the women, children and elderly fled to Ngamanawa for shelter. Many deaths occurred during this period from starvation and disease.

Subsequently the tribe was dispersed with the survivors looking for food, protection and shelter. The consequences of the confiscation, therefore meant the effective dispersal of the survivors of the Tribe ... the loss of lands, limited knowledge of the Maori culture and protocols and no knowledge at all of the Maori language. 425

Mrs Joy Anne Kathleen Milne (Age 70) reaffirms the above losses including her identity as a Maori 'having being brought up as Europeans' despite her father being the youngest of the ten children of Te Mete Raukawa.426 However, Mrs Joy Milne also attributes her 'little knowledge of Maori culture' and not being able to understand or speak Maori to another form of confiscation and the failure of the Courts to recognise traditional Maori adoption. Joy Milne states:

Because of the refusal by the Court to acknowledge Maori adoption rights [in a case taken to the Maori Land Court in the 1950s] it has left my brother and I with a small holding in tribal land which has further been deroded by the confiscation of land taken for the Tauranga Hydro Electric Scheme.' 427

Another common theme evident from the survey was the desire of those who live outside the rohe of Ngati Hangarau to return to their turangawaewae and there admission of divisions within the Hapu as a direct result of the loss of lands through the raupatu. According to Alice Riripeti Tuira (Age 76):

Raupatu has had an impact on my whanau due to very small portions of whenua left for this and coming generations, hence the Hapu start taking each others shares. 428

The point about taking others shares should be read in light of the Crown's policy of compulsorily acquiring uneconomic interests from whanau and giving them to another whanaulmember. According to one kaumatua, her shares were taken by the Maori Trustee concerning land at Peterehema and handed to another Hapu member to build a

424

425

426

427

428

Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Desmond Stuart, May 1998. Ibid. Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Joy Anne Kathleen Milne, May 1998. Ibid. Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Alice Riripeti Tuira, May 1998.

81

house. While the person supported the idea of whanau having a house upon traditional land she was distressed about the taking of her only ties to the. coastal block.429

Alice Riripeti Tuira states that the raupatu has been the cause for 'whanau like Tuira, Te Pakaru, Te Whakahoki and others' not living within their traditionallands.430 Alice Riripeti Tuira adds:

Colonisation created divisions in Ngati Hangarau, weak from strong, educated from uneducated. A clear separation of these. 43\

Homai Balzer states that the impact ofraupatu upon their whanau was that they 'have never lived within the rohe of N §ati Hangarau and therefore only have minimal connections to Hangarau family. ,43 Homai Balzer says that both her and her sister 'want to move back' but to do so they need the permission of their brothers son who has lived in Australia for the past 30 years and has no intention to return. Their nephew succeeded to all their brother's shares.433

And according to another respondent (Age 40):434

Because the Crown Confiscation. A large proportion of our land & the land that is left is shared by many Trustees & Shareholders whom some are fighting amongst themselves about who owns what, how much, where they own the land. In order for someone like myself who was not brought up there it is difficult to reclaim ties back there. i.e. Land whakawhanaungatanga .

... ,) The raupatu has had a severe impact on Ngati Hangarau, the effects of which continue today.

429

430

431

432

433

434

Kuia korero, meeting at Peterehema Marae, November 1997. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid re: survey questionnaire of Homai Balzer, May 1998. Ibid. Ibid re: survey questionnaire [unnamed], May 1998.

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82

CONCLUSION

The claim

• Ngati Hangarau say that the confiscation of virtually every acre of land within their rohe and various other actions and omissions of the Crown prejudicially affected their ability to exercise the guarantee of tino rangatiratanga affirmed to them under the Treaty ofWaitangi.

• In accordance with the guarantee of tino rangatiratanga, Ngati Hangarau assert unrelinquished rights to all taonga within their rohe.

• Ngati Hangarau say that at the heart of their claim therefore is the large scale loss of their resource base and the Crown's refusal to recognise their right to determine their own lives.

Traditional Aspects

• Ngati Hangarau were one of the original tribes of Tauranga. Although the Hapu have links to the various waka throughout the motu their strongest ties are as a Hapu ofNgati Ranginui, of the waka Takitimu.

• Ngati Hangarau claim manawhenua over land stretching from the Tauranga harbour to the Kaimai ranges. This land was bounded by traditional lines which joined land occupied by Ngai Tamarawaho on the east and Ngati Kahu and Ngati Pango on the west.

• The Tauranga harbour, Wairoa river, lakes, waterfalls, streams, Pa, urupa and other taonga within the rohe ofNgati Hangarau are places of special significance to the Hapu. They are not just place names inscribed on maps but are living sources of identity and mana. FortllIlately, the way the Hapu feel about these things are imprinted in waiata of old and.retold on occasion. Two waiata particular to Ngati Hangarau, 'He Tangi Na Te Pakaru' and 'Takiri Ko Te Ata', demonstrate these ties.

Ngati Hangarau : Successfully in trade and food production: 1830s-1860s

• Signs of past occupation and usage are evident from the records of early travellers such as Cook and Shortland, Government surveys during the 1860s and recent archaeological reports. These show that there were 4 major food plantations within the immediate rohe of Ngati Hangarau with numerous villageslPa, eel constructions and rua pits strategically located throughout.

• Ngati Hangarau sought to continue the exercise of tino rangatiratanga during the "... .. period of contact between themselves and Pakeha traders and settlers.

83

• During the 1840s and 1850s Tauranga Maori 'dominated the trade expansion, producing pigs, potatoes, kumara, wheat, maize, yegetables and fruits for the growing market of Auckland.'

~c~d~ • Historical reports shows that in 1864 Tauranga Maori traded 100,000 ~tm61es of

wheat with the same amount in storage.

• Ngati Hangarau were as skilled as all Hapu in Tauranga Moana, in their ability to work the land and trade their cultivations.

• In 1866, the Ngati Hangarau Te Kaki kainga was reported to have had large and productive cultivation's of potato and maize.

• Knowledge and control of the land and waterways, the ability to unite the Hapu and farm the land, their skill as able seafarers and utilisation of traditional waka to transport goods is likely to have given Ngati Hangarau and other Hapu of Tauranga an advantage over their European counterparts in the trade industry.

• Ngati Hangarau had successfully adapted to this era of economic activity by utilising traditional structures and processes. In addition to crops grown communally and waka transportation, Ngati Hangarau had developed a relationship with a trader through the tikanga known as a tono or an arranged marriage. This traditional method of strengthening the welfare of the Hapu assisted with continued Hapu autonomy over its affairs, particularly the trade industry. The offspring of this tono, Te Mete Raukawa, later became an influential leader throughout the Tauranga Moana. Te Mete Raukawa was to be a powerful voice against the Crown's confiscation and the government's bureaucratic interference in the lives of his people. Consistent with his experience as a successful trader, Te Mete Raukawa urged his people to be self-reliant and to abstain from alcohol.

• Using the arrival of the Pakeha and their technology to their advantage, Ngati Hangarau supplemented their traditional waka by investing in their own ship, the Meri Heeni.

• In short, before the invasion of Tauranga, the confiscation of their lands and the scorched earth campaign of 1867, Ngati Hangarau were in good shape, economically, socially, culturally and politically.

Ngati Hangarau support the principles which underpin the Kingitanga: 1863

• The goals which underpinned Kingitanga policy were the same goals that Ngati Hangarau sought to advance. The Kingitanga symbolised the retention of authority and control within traditional structures and a prohibition on land transactions. The expression used at the time was 'Te Mana Maori Motuhake' meaning Maori independence or self-determination. Ngati Hangarau sought to maintain their independence, hold on to their lands and continue to determine and control their own destiny. This is witnessed by their successful participation in the trade industry.

84

• When the Crown were preparing to invade Waikato it was Ngati Hangarau that recommended immediate action be taken against the British troops.

• 19 out of21 able bodied men from Ngati Hangaraujoined the Waikato front-line against the Crown in 1863.

• The extent of Ngati Hangarau support to the Kingitanga and its principles is evident and acknowledged by the placement of the Kings coat of arms, 'Te Paki 0 Matariki' over the front door of their traditional meeting house with the inscription Te Mana Motuhake.

The Crown's response: 1864

• The Crown responded to the efforts of Hapu that supported the Kingitanga by enacting the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 which granted to themselves the power to confiscate the lands of those tribes who were deemed to have taken up arms against the Crown or helped those who did.

• In April 1864, the British imperial army consisting of 1689 troops attacked some 230 Tauranga Maori (including members of Ngati Hangarau) at Pukehinahina. The severe loss suffered by British troops at this engagement was qualified by their attack on Tauranga Maori at the battle of Te Ranga (which again included

,} members ofNgati Hangarau). -• Those of Ngati Hangarau who lost their lives at these battles are remembered by

the waiata 'Takiri Ko Te Ata' which was composed after the battle of Te Ranga by Turupa for her husband Te Kereti, both of whom belonged to Ngati Hangarau.

• The is no evidence that N gati Hangarau chiefs, who surrendered their arms at the July 1864 hui, accepted that in doing so they were forfeiting their land base or their mana over it. What appears to have occurred was more a process of talking past those who attended, ignoring the unsurrendered and inducing the friendly Maori to assist.

• There is no evidence that Ngati Hangarau were present at the Pacification Hui of August 1864. Therefore the Hapu would have been unaffected by the Crown's view that they had obtained the 'absolute and unconditional surrender of all those who were present' and that this enabled them to confiscate the lands of Ngati Hangarau.

The confiscation: 1865

• The New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 (or the land confiscating legislation) was later applied directly to Tauranga on 18 May 1865.

• Virtually every acre of land held by Ngati Hangarau was confiscated.

\ %

""".l

85

The Pai Marire Movement 18~5: The immediacy of protest.

• N gati Hangarau support of the Pai Marire Movement was an expression of their disquiet over the Crown's invasion of the Tauranga Moana and the confiscation of their lands.

The scorched earth campaign: 1867

• In 1867 the Crown carried out a scorched earth campaign where it attacked and destroyed the Ngati Hangarau villages ofPaengaroa, Kopu, Te Kaki, Kaimai and 'Te Taumata' (see commentary on Taumata block) and important food plantations of the Hapu.

• The war and loss of lands resulted in the loss of Ngati Hangarau rangatiratanga over its rohe.

The aftermath of raupatu: 1870s-1880s

• The war and loss of lands had a severe effect on the ability of Ngati Hangarau to support themselves physically, socially, economically, and politically.

• The war, confiscation, famine and Pakeha diseases contributed to the severe drop in the population of Ngati Hangarau. Between 1874 and 1881, the Hapu population was virtually cut in half.

• Decline of rohe through confiscation led to the decline in health, increase in poverty and famine, susceptibility to epidemics (particularly the children and elderly) and death.

• Evidence shows that the death of 6 children in 1886 as a result of famine and sickness were the symptoms of a larger cause: the confiscation of the Ngati Hangarau rohe.

• Simply put, insufficient land meant insufficient crops and insufficient food meant starvation, famine, sickness and death.

The Government's failure to respond

• The education of Ngati Hangarau children suffered through outbreaks of disease and famine. The record shows:

Year

1875

Report

'measles had been strife in the district' and 'that the mortality among the natives has been great'

1883

1886

1887

1892

1912

1915

1924

86

attendance at schools suffering greatly through epidemics, Land Courts, or scarcity of food'

'Sickness has been prevalent and six children have died', Paeroa School

it is principally on the account of hunger that the children are away', Paeroa School

the Paeroa School was 'entirely emptied by measles' and whole families moved from Bethlehem.

a measles epidemic hit the Paeroa School and 'every child was affected'. The District Health Officer decides to close the Paeroa School.

outbreak of typhoid at Paeroa School and a child dies. Children of Bethlehem still affected by typhoid two months later.

21 cases of typhoid among Tauranga Maori (including Bethlehem) and four die.

• Government departments failed to respond to the crisis and denied adequate medical supplies.

Protests: 1883-1900

• In 1872, Pirikahu, Eria and Moerangi, three persons of Ngati Hangarau, were promised 20 acres of land, and despite a petition by Te Mete Raukawa to have the promise actioned in 1883, the Minister of Native Affairs regarded it as obsolete. ignoring the claim without evidence or an enquiry.

• In 1885 Ngati Hangarau, through Te Mete Raukawa addressed the Native Minister, Ballance on behalf of Tauranga Maori tabling the following issues of concern:

• the Rating Act was 'unjust', they were' impoverished', could not pay and sought a repeal of the Act.

• restrictions placed on Maori Land that they sought to lease. • delay in issuing Crown Grants due to cumbersome process. • that the Queen's 'sovereignty' did not extend to their fishing

grounds particularly the area below high-water mark. • issuing of firearms and ammunition for their protection. • the failure of the Crown to enable Tauranga Maori to govern

themselves under their own laws as provided for under section 71 of the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852.

87

• the Thermal Springs Act which extended lands held by the Rotorua District Committee into the traditional area ofTauranga Maori.

• the Road Boards • to call a member of the 'Tribe to the Upper House' of Government

enabling their views to be heard particularly in regard to 'Native Lands'.

• In 1895, 1898 and 1899 the petitions ofTe Mete Raukawa to the Crown seeking suitable land to occupy and crop were rejected and the reasons adopted by the Native Minister were fraught with error. In particular, the reserve lands returned to Ngati Hangarau were insufficient to sustain the large Hapu, and apart from one block, the rest were unsuitable for cropping purposes and located some distance from the all important harbour and its fisheries.

• In 1899 and 1890, Henare Kaihau, MP supported the return of certain lands to Ngati Hangarau noting that they were originally set aside as Maori reserves and N gati Hangarau were keen to cultivate the land. Premier Seddon's promise to Kaihau and Te Mete Raukawa that the lands in question would be returned was not fulfilled.

Ngati Hangarau 'Landless Maori': 1900s

• By 1900, Ngati Hangarau were among those Maori described as 'Landless' "..J despite the reserve lands returned to them.

• Through the resident magistrate, JG Baker, Ngati Hangarau again sought to have more suitable land returned to them in 1903 and 1905 without success. The Crown adopted an approach whereby their fiscal constraints were used to place other imperatives before the welfare of the Hapu.

• In 1908 the Crown's proposal to construct a railway line through a Ngati Hangarau burial ground was avoided as a result of Te Mete Raukawa drawing attention to the issue. Te Mete Raukawa also ensured the burial grounds known as Otukoau and Popotataka located in the Kaimai ranges were excluded from subdivisions that would have severed the Hapu control and use of the areas.

Lack of Crown response leads to further petitions and a united front

• In 1944, Ngati Hangarau were party to a petition which followed a series of petitions lodged by other Hapu of Ngati Ranginui asking that their confiscated lands be investigated, to no avail. Crown officials relied upon the erroneous fmdings of the 1927 Sim Commission enquiry that the confiscation was justified and not excessive. Both the Commission and the Crown failed to see that Ngati Ranginui (to whom Ngati Hangarau belong) bore the burden of the confiscation.

• The Government failure to recognise the claims of individual claimant groups led to a more united front among Tauranga Maori. Four Tribal Executives were

o

-0

88

established in 1961 and the Tauranga Moana Maori Trust Board in 1975. Ngati Hangarau were active participants in the work of the Ngati Ranginui Executive and Trust Board.

• According to Paraone Reweti, MP, the formal offer by the Government of $250,000 compensation in 1981 was received under duress.

Block histories

• Ngati Hangarau specific were returned 5649 acres but only Lot 95 containing 130 acres was suitable for cropping. Lot 95 was also the only land awarded to the hapu on Trust and close to their major traditional cultivations and the all important moana. Despite this however, the significance of the inland blocks returned are demonstrated by waiata of old and the continued association by Ngati Hangarau to these lands.

• Ngati Hangarau were awarded the following blocks: Paengaroa No 2, Tauwharawhara, Lot 95 (only coastal reserve) and Lots 537 and 538. Individuals of the Hapu were also awarded shares in: lots 170 and 152A, Taumata, Kaimai and Whaiti Kuranui blocks ..

• Evidence shows that there were numerous discrepancies between the amount of acreage awarded and the amount later, either partitioned. subdivided or leased.

• The Tauwharawhara and Paengaroa blocks were exploited for their timber resources by timber companies.

• At the hearings of the Paengaroa Reserves 537 and 538, Commissioner Brabant noted that 'a lot oftimber had been taken off the land for which no royalty has yet been paid' and that the owners were at 'liberty to go upon any of the divisions in which trees are growing for the purpos~s of cutting down timber for posts'. Later in 1967, 6 of the original owners in these lands had their shares compulsorily acquired by the Maori Trustee after being deemed uneconomic interests.

The Mangapapa Power Scheme

• In 1968, the Tauranga 10int Generation Committee (The Tauranga City Council and Tauranga Electric Power Board) proposed to take 5000 acres from the inland blocks returned to Ngati Hangarau for electrical works under the Public Works Act 1928.

• The arguments and persistence ofNgati Hangarau to protect their taonga brought about a reduction from the 5000 acres sought to 144 acres. Although compensation was paid for the compulsory acquisition of land, there was no compensation for the destruction and loss of historically and culturally significant resources, in particular, the Ruahihi Pa, the Paruhuha burial ground as well as the loss of usage and spoilage of the Wairoa river.

89

The Impact of Raupatu on Ngati _Hangarau

• Clearly, the process ofraupatu has been something evident throughout the history of Ngati Hangarau. Having stemmed from the invasion of Tauranga and the confiscation of their lands under the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863, raupatu took the form of lands compulsorily acquired after having been deemed uneconomic interests during the early 1960s and through public works takings in the latter part of that decade.

• The impact ofraupatu upon Ngati Hangarau is evidenced through waiata tangi of old and from the accounts of kaumatua. Respondents to a questionnaire on the impact of raupatu noted:

• how those living outside their rohe are unable to return because of the confiscation of their lands

• the loss of a 'nationwide mana' due to the confiscation

• the effective dispersal of the survivors of the Hapu following the battles of the 1860s against the Crown

• the loss of lands, limited knowledge of tikanga Maori and loss of the Maori language

• the creation of internal conflict over land within the Hapu as well as neighbouring kin Hapu as a result of the confiscation

• that the same processes of raupatu continues today but in more subtle ways

• and that the impact of raupatu IS part of the wider impact of colonisation

o

Government

AAMK 869/1588b, Petition 75. AJHR 1862, E9. AJHR 1863, ENo.12, 20. AJHR 1864, ENo.2, 13. AJHR 1864, E2. AJHR 1864, E3, 47. AJHR 1864, E6, 22. AJHR 1864, No.4, 8. AJHR 1864, ENo.2, 13. AJHR 1865, A20, No.l1, 12. AJHR 1865, E4, 11. AJHR 1865, E4, 27. AJHR 1865, E14, 3. AJHR 1867, A20, 5. AJHR 1867, A20, 8. AJHR 1867, A20, 29. AJHR 1867, A20, 42. AJHR 1867, A20, 46. AJHR 1869, A18, 4. AJHR 1869, A18, 7. AJHR 1869, A18, 9. AJHR 1874, G7, 7-8. AJHR 1875, G14, 2. AJHR 1878, G2, 20-21. AJHR 1881, G3, 19-20. AJHR 1883, E2, 1. AJHR 1885, Gl, 58-60. AJHR 1886, G 10, 2. AJHR 1900, G 1,6-8. AJHR 1908, GIK, Vol 4, 1-5. AJHR 1928, G7, 2. AJHR 1928, G7, 20. AJHR 1928, G7, 29. AJHR 1928, G7, 30. BAAA 10001l254b. 1539. BAAA 1001l255a, 1559. BLDQ, 73911550a. Brabant's Minute Book No.1.

90

BIBLIOGRAPHY

British Parliamentary Papers, Irish University Press Series (BPP/I UP), Vol 14, 104, 114, 1864. GBPP 1865, Vol 14, 104-106. H I 162/43 12619. I 3, 1921-1922, 5. 11 1905155. LeV18671120. LINZ, Hamilton, 5/2785/1009. LINZ, Hamilton, 5/28. LINZ, Hamilton, Special File 113.

Government cont ...

LINZ, Hamilton, Special File 5, Folder 3, 1865-66, 120-121. LINZ, Hamilton, Survey Map ofTauranga, March 1921. LINZ, Hamilton Tauranga Confiscation file 4/25. LINZ, Hamilton, Vol 30, Register 4. MA 190511002. MAlMLP, 1907/9, 11 NLP 811210.

91

Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Annual Report 1982, Ngamanawa Incorporation File No. 44/23. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Block Order File T491, Partition Order Memorial Schedule, 19 June 1913. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Court sitting held 26 February 1962. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Te Papa Lots 170 & 152A. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Taumata No 1, 10 March 1888. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, CT Lot 95, Warrant No 2619, Vol 399, Folio 290. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Lot 95, Court Minutes 1916, 109-111. Maori Land Court, Hamilton, Te Papa filesl 453. Maori Land Court, Rotorua, Judge Brown, Order of Native Land Court, 9 December 1909. MS283, I, 107, Auckland Institute and Museum Library; 12 May 1865, Letters to TH Smith. New Zealand Gazette 1865, 187. New Zealand Gazette 1882, 295. New Zealand Gazette 1885, 508. New Zealand Gazette 1909,1653. New Zealand Gazette 1909. 1653-1654. New Zealand Gazette 1913, 1503. New Zealand Gazette 1916, 1769. New Zealand Gazette 1968, December 3rd.

Raupatu Document Bank, 47873. Raupatu Document Bank, 47871. Raupatu Document Bank, 4782. Raupatu Document Bank, Douglas 52924. Raupatu Document Bank, Hall 53240. Raupatu Document Bank, Hall 5327l. Raupatu Document Bank, Hall 52886. Raupatu Document Bank, 53277. Raupatu Document Bank, Hiamone 52917. Raupatu Document Bank, Kohu 52953. Raupatu Document Bank, Mikaere 52949. Raupatu Document Bank, Rahipere 52913. Raupatu Document Bank, Te Pirihi Kerei 52929. Raupatu Document Bank, Winiata 52897. Raupatu Document Bank, Vol 17,6559. Raupatu Document Bank, Vol. 126,48638-39. Raupatu Document Bank, Vol 138. Tauranga Minute Book 2. Tauranga Minute Book 6, 355-356. Tauranga Minute Book 16, folio 241. Tauranga Minute Book 17. folio 12. Tauranga Minute Book 22. folio 164. Tauranga Minute Book 24. folio 129. Tauranga Minute Book 27, folio 93. Tauranga Minute Book 27, folio 350. Tauranga Minute Book 29, 335. Tauranga Minute Book 32, folios 121-123. Tauranga Minute Book 36, 128-140.

Tauranga Tribal Executive Minute Book 1961-1968. Waikato Minute Book 7, 236.

Secondary

92

A Wouden, 'Maori Ship owners and Pakeha Ship builders in the Bay of Plenty: 184-1860' in 'Historical Review: Bay of Plenty Journal of History' Vol 33-No 2, ISSNOORI8-2516-November 1985. D Kahotea, 'The Interaction of Tauranga Hapu with the Landscape', 1983. D Kahotea, Draft report on Tangata Whenua of Tauranga Moana, 1996. E Dieffenbach, (1843) Travels in New Zealand Vol 2. London, reprinted by Capper Press, 1974. E Shortland, (1842-1844), Diaries and Journal MSI5, Auckland Public Library. E Stokes, A History ofTauranga County, 1980. E Stokes, Ngamanawa: A study of Conflicts in the Use of Forest Lands University of Waikato, 1983. E Stokes, 'Pai Marire and the Niu at Kuranui', Maori Studies & Research, Occasional Paper No.6, 1980. E Stokes, Tauranga Reserves, 1998. E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1990, Vol 1. E Stokes, Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana, 1990, Vol 11. H Riseborough, The Crown in Tauranga Moana: 1864-1868, October 1994. James Barnes & ASS Ltd, 'Ngati Hangarau Social Impact Assessment Progress Report' received 1997. J Belich, The New Zealand Wars And the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict, 1986. J C Bidwell, 1841, Preambles in New Zealand 1839 Pegasus Press, Christchurch 1952. J E Gorst, The Maori King London 1864, reprint Christchurch 1974. Julie Meade Rose & Associates, Tauranga District Council, Bethlehem Planning Study: Social Impact Assessment, July 1997. Kathryn Rose's, The Impact of Confiscation: Socio-economic conditions ofTauranga Maori, 1965-1965. New Zealand Dictionarv of Biographies The Turbulent Years. New Zealand Journal of History ApriL 1997, Vo131, No. 1. Rev Buddie, Origins of the Maori King 1860. R Minhinnick, The Ownership of the Tauranga Moana, 1998, Wai 215. R Willan and R Johnson, Draft Report on 'The Sale and Administration of Waiwhetu Reserves at Larry Bay and Palmerston North' 3 December 1997, Wai 145. R Willan, Hydro-Electricity in the Wairoa River Catchment: Land Acquisition, September 1996,31. Te Raupatu 0 Te Pirirakau: Pirirakau Report, January 1997. V O'Malley, The Aftermath ofTauranga Raupatu, 1864-1981. Waitangi Tribunal, Taranaki Report. 1997. Waitangi Tribunal, Te Whanganui A Orotu Report, 1995. W H Gifford & H B Williams, A Centennial History ofTauranga. Dunedin: 1940.

Papers received from Claimants

F B, 'Bethlehem Maori School' 1955. D Kahotea, Archaeological Report. 1997. Te Puna Matauranga 0 Orakei: Historical chronology, 1998. Te Raupatu 0 Tauranga Moana: Nga korero mo Ngati Hangarau 1997.

Others

Bay of Plenty Times 2 April 1969.

o

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

APPENDICES

Boundary and Cultivations Cultivations Cultivations Pa sites 1874 census 1878 census 1881 census Unproductive Lands Soils Vegetation Lot 95 owners Lot 95 owners Lot 95 assessment Lot 95 subdivision Tauwharawhara owners Paengaroa No 2 owners Paengaroa Reserves owners Lots 170 and 152A owners Taumata owners

Stokes, Reserves 1997 Vol 1, 61. Stokes, Raupatu 1990 Vol 1, 52. Military Survey, 1864. Wilson, Rotorua District Council. AJHR, G7, 7-8. AJHR, G2, 20-21. A.JH:R G3, 19-20. Stokes, Reserves 1998, 291. Stokes, Reserves 1998,204. Stokes, Reserves 1998, 205. MLC, 1916 original. MLC, 1916 CT Ngati Hangarau Claim Committee. LINZ, Hamilton digital read out. LINZ, Hamilton, Brabant 1. LINZ, Hamilton, Brabant 1. LINZ, Hamilton, Brabant 1. MLC, Hamilton, block files. LINZ, Hamilton, Brabant 1.

93

o

.r-\ '-'

Appendix 1: Hapu Boundary Lines and Cultivations

o Pa

• RadCIubt

• KaInQa 1864

<D' Busn

~ CullMaed anoas _ EIounOIIIy of

5O.COO-=­ConIiscII8d Black

94

- - - Confiscated BouncIary on Firsl Surwy

IIII.IIIIIII CMS Black

Appendix 2:

TAURANGA 1864 ,

I

Cultivations

Tourang a

,..----- _C/~-a--

I I

I

, .;-

Cui I ivayor;'s /

I I , \

/

,

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(

I I

/

"

, \ \ I " I,"

.;­,

o 5lXJ TIXXJ 7S00 mrrrrs ~!----~====~I----~I

Harbour

Source: TopographIcal Depot of the War Office. London. 1864.

To Te Ra"Igo

95

c::::J Maor; Village

~ Swamp

Macri Tracks

Military Rood

o

Appendix 3: Cultivations

422 Wairoa 1864

t.

.'

T ~ i

.R17tu/"'· •••• ,: .. ; ..... ____ _ 1;-4,;;,.1/ .... 4 ........... • ~ ____ ; __

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.; /' I '.1

./

96

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I.

I: T I} A

Appendix 4: Pa Sites

+ +

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x + +

+ + + + +

++ + + ~ +-1"-

+ + ++ T

+ +

+ T T

+

+ +

+ +

+++

+

+

T

T

+

+ ,.

+ +

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97

+

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+ +

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+ ~ + ~ + +~+.

+ + ~ -r++ : +

+-t+ ¥

98

Appendix S: 1874 Census

Hapu Residence Population

Ngaiterangi Whareroa, poripori 146 Ngati Hangarau Peterehema, Opounui 132 Ngati Whainoa Maungatapu 100 Ngati He Maungatapu 63 Materawaho Matapihi 84 Ngai Tamarawaho Huria S8 Ngati Mateika Oruamatua 47 Matekiwaho Oruamatua 17 Ngai Tuwhiwhia Opureora SS Whanau 0 Tauwhau Rangiwaea 86 Te Urungawera Katikati, TUhua S7 Ngati Wakarua Papakura 22 Ngai TeAhi Hairini 89 Ngati Pukenga Out 68 Ngati Kahu Poteriwhi 17 Ngati Tama Pori pori 12 Pirirakau Te Puna, Te Umu 0 Korongaehe 69 Ngati Rangiwewehi Omokoroa 54

0 Patuwai Motiti 69

Total 1,245

99

Appendix 6: 1878 Census

Hapu Residence Population

Ngati Mateika Oruamatua 4S Matekiwaho Oruamatua 18 Ngati Whainoa Maungatapu 88 Ngati He Maungatapu 47 Ngaiterangi Whareroa 131 Materawaho Matapihi 69 Ngati Hangarau Peterehema, Opounui 132 Ngati Whainoa Maungatapu 100 Whanau a Tauwhau Rangiwaea 6S Ngai Te Ahi Hairini 87 N gai Tamarawaho Huria 56 N gati Hangarau Peterehema, Opounui 107 Ngati Pukenga Ngapeke 60 Ngati Kahu Poteriwhi, Rangiwaea 28 Te Urungawera Katikati, Tiihua 40 Ngai Tuwhiwhia Opureora 51 Pirirakau Te Puna 6S Ngati Whakama Papakura 16 Ngati Rangiwewehi Te Umu 0 Korongaehe 4S Patuwai Motiti 64 Ngati Haua Opureora 4

, I ~

Total 1,086

100

Appendix 7: 1881 Census

0 Hapu Residence Population

Matewaitai Whareroa 33 Ngati Pau Whareroa 20 Materawaho Matapihi S6 Matekiwaho Otuawahia 23 Ngati Mateika Mangatawa 67 Ngati He Maungatapu 91 Ngati Pukenga Ngapeke 31 Ngai TeAhi Hairini 64 Ngati Rehu Waoku 33 Whanau a Tauwhao Rangiwaea 26 Patutohora Rangiwaea 32 TeNgare Opounui 47 Ngai Tuwhiwhia Opureora 38 Ngati Mura Kutaroa 31 Ngai Tamarawaho Huria 72 Ngati Hangarau Peterehema 71 Ngati Pango Wairoa 25 Ngati Kahu Wairoa, Kaimai 31

0 Ngati Rangi Huharua 15 Pirirakau Raropua 47 Ngati Rau Rereatukahia 27 Ngati Teoteo Rereatukahia 23 Ngati Hurimaioro . Tuapiro 14 Te Urungawera Tuapiro, Tuhua 49 N gati Rangiwewehi Huharua 54

Total 1,020

Appendix 8: Unproductive Lands

o

o

\.. . ) Katikati • Te Puna \ Block

o '0 ! , ! !

E:;::;,;'~;;a -Unproductive- Maori Land 1906 (BIocIcs over 1000 acnts)

I············] Lands already sold by 1886

Note: Only bloc:lal over 1 ,000 acres _ra listed

"UNPRODUCTIVE NA nVE LAND" 1906

101

Appendix 9: Soils

o

Summit of Mt.TeAnlha

\

Yellow-Brown Loams: from Whakatane Waihi ash ..................... L....J Yellow-Brown Pumice Soils: from Kaharoa ash .......................................... ! .... i from Taupo ash ............................................... G::2l Recent Soils ,from Volcanic Ash: Yellow-Brown sands and saline soils _ Recent soils from alluvium ....................... r " • '1 GJey and organic soiL ................................ ~ Steepland soils ............................................... amID

SOILS

~ 0 5 10 I , , I I -

Watershed on Kaimai Ranges ._ ............ -_. Source: Nellanal Resoun:es Survey, Bey rA Plenty Region, 1962. Gt.t>: rJ.1'irI

102

Appendix 10:

Coastal scrub

E:l Swamp

Fern and Manuka

~:~i;:,~Y Podocarp Forest

, Scattered Kauri

Vegetation

Confiscation Boundary

Watershed on Kaimai Ranges

VEGETATION c.1860

I I

5

.' .' .,

, ! ! -

103

10 , t I

GMO:2197

Appendix 11:

a· Meria . 2. Moerangi

3. Waikoura 4. Whareangiangi 5. Kata 6. Eria 7. Hohepa 8. TeTurupa 9. Ratahi 10. Roirori 11. Kerara 12. Te Kapuhuia 13. Rangitutaki 14. Kararaina 15.0ria 16. Te Rangiwhiua 17. Parakete 18. Hiwa 19. Ngati 20. Rau 21. Waiti

o

/ \

Lot 95 owners, original

22. Kiritahi 23. Mariao 24. Hiria 25. Hamiora 26. Kereti 27. TeHeke 28. Nukuhia 29. Ngareta 30. Kohi 31. Karauna 32 .. 0ketopa 33. Riki 34. Pipi 35. Hautawaho 36. Pine 37. Niheta 38. Kiwairoa 39. Wineti 40. Waata 41. Pakaru 41. Reoiti

43. Tainui 44. Te Ohu Whakahoki 45. Kahui Whakahoki 46. Te Pera Werahoki 47. Kiriwaitai Werahoki 48. Horowai Ngati 49. Parehuia Te Kirirahi 50. Horomako Te Mete 51. Ruka Huiarangi 52. Hoera Hairuha 53. Tatara Hairuha 54. Maata Kereti 55. Kereti Ano 56. Pipi Ngati 57. Te Mete Raukawa 58. Para Poai 59. Tairnana Parata 60. Matahera Parata 61. Whareangi Parata 62. Eruera Ngapoti 63.Puhimanuka 64. Te Amohau Puhimanuka

104

Appendix 12: CT Lot 95

o 1. Apima Te Mete ..... 2. Amokeiha Te Mete

3. Aorewa (Ngareta) Ngati 4. Te Amohau Puhimanuka 5. Aramoana Puhimanuka 6. Eria 7. Te Herehere Haere 8. Te Heke Kereti 9. Hohepa Te Mete

10. Reweti [?} Hemi 11. Kerekau Eria 12. Hamiora Werahiko 13. Hohi 14. Hohi Maihi 15. Hamiora 16. Te Heke 17. Kerekau Haere 18. Kiriwaitai Werahiko 19. Kahui Whakahoki 20. Kirirahi 21. Kereti Kaikohe Kereti 22. Te Karuhuia Te Mete 23. Karora Te Mete

04. Te Karehana Gardiner 25. Te Kaaro Werahiko 26. Te Kakahukara Werahiko 27. Te Kahu Oketopa 28. Te Kapohuia 29. Kereti 30. Kereti Te Mete 31. Karauna Maihi 32. Te Mete Raukawa 33. Mako Hamiora 34. Maata Ngarahu 35. Maria Ngarahu 36. Matahera Parata 37. Maihi Whakatete 38. Mariao 39. Te Moengaroa Haere 40. Ngareta

41. Te Ngohe Te Mete 42. Ngapaki Werahiko 43. Ngahiti Maihi 44. Nukuhia Ngati 45. Neri Haere 46. Te Oti Wiremu 47.0ketopa 48. Te Ohu Whakahoki 49. Pakaru 50. Pakaru Karora 51. Pate Wineti 52. Peti Hautawhao 53. Te Pera Werahiko 54. Peata Hamiora 55. Te Pera Werahiko 56. Parehuia Te Kirirahi 57. Pipi 58. Pioiroa Tawhiao 59 Te Pare Haere 60. Rangitutaki Te Mete 61. Ratahi Te Mete 62. Rangi Maihi 63. Rangihiapo Hamiora 64. Rewa Oketopa 65. Riki Oketopa 66. Rangitutaki 67. Riki 68. Te Reoiti Haere 69. Tiki Wineti 70. Taruke Waata 71. Tuira Maihi 72. Tamehana Hamiora 73. Tanu Hamiora 74.Tangiwai Whakatete 75. Tairi Haere 76. Taurarua Haere 77. Teiao Haere 78. Wharepapapa Maihi 79. Te Waata Hamiora 80. Te Whiurangi Ngarahu 81. Wharerangi Parata

105

106

Appendix 13:

Block No Area Status Shares No Owners Trust

A 0.1.07p road access 65000 244 MT A 1.0.23p public road 65000 244 CL B 7.942M2 urupa reserve 65000 244 MT la 1.062M2 church reserve 1 CT C.I.BI 7.876M2 marae 65000 244 MT 409a 1.5816 sports field reserve MT 95D 1.0 11M2 harbour residential 65000 274 MT 95?2 9.672M2 harbour reserve 1.4593 134 MT 95E4B 1.0659ha residential 7.00 34 438 95F2 1.8396ha residential 4.605 56 ?438 95G2 1.5750ha residential 4.0187 96 438 95W2 3.4965ha residential 5.5295 133 438 95J6 3.4247ha residential 4.3418 60 438 Ll 4.3189ha rural 6.6166 39 438 L2 .5649ha rural 50 438 M 1.8160 rural 50 438 95P2 2.0032ha rural private J/T J/T 95P28 1.5145 rural 3.5333 31 438 759 3.4639 rural 438 760 2.5619ha residential 438

,l 409B2 4.3741ha residential 10.0797 43 438 , <,""'-""'""" 95Z3 2.3042 residential 3.92407 163 438

95Y2 1.568M2 residential Crown MT MT 95YIBI 3566M2 residential 26.4683 130 NT

107

Appendix 14: Lot 95, subdivision

\ \

0\ \ \

\ \

PI Allot 95Z3 TE PAPA PSH

2.7UO ML21771

ML21n1

I i r

1.6000 I ML 22330 22330

oeD .--J ML 21772

\ Pt AHot 95N,950 B,95Ql \ \

Allol409A TEPAPA PSH

1,581' ML20933

Allot _B2B\ TE ~~.::.~:sr Allot 95P2B > TE PAPA PSH ML 19134 \ All01409B1 E PAPA PSH

2.7'" '\ ML 11195 '\TE ~A':~:SH \ 1.5145', PI Allol95N,9502B,95Q1 ML 22330 ML 2051. ML 19503 \ TE PAPA PSH \ , _____ 88 ',0009

\ \ ML 19134 \ ML 19134 ~

\ \ \ J19503\ ~ \ 11,. ,

\ \z\ \ ~ ____ J..._---.-l-"--:L.L\_--===~~;PI~A;jIl.f.95N,9~2B,9 Ql

TEPAPA PSH'

~~.~~~ :2~~ \ ~\

Allol95Ll All 197B TE PAPA PSH

\

ML 10710

o 4.3199 TE PAPA PSH \ ML 2174414

1.9573 ML22179 (3.3733)

\ \

LotI DPS43440

5.7705

\

\ ~ \ ~ Lot 2 \ CPS 1l~~'43440

5.7838

\ \

\ \ \

Pt Lot 1 DP 3822 32.4863

--.. _---_. --------------------'-- ---,-.--------,---.. ~------

o 50 Scale 1 :5550

100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500 550 600

Birds Eye Vie'N CROWN COPYRIGHT RESERVED HN DCDB Data as at 20-01-1998 Information derived from the Land Information New Zealand's Digital Databases.

650 700m

Appendix 15: Tauwharawhara block, list of 75 owners passed on 13 September 1881

(')ale Adults:

108

Ratahi Hohepa, Herekau Eria, Amokeiha Kereti, Peita Karora, MarinoMaihi, Oketopa Nikora, Riki Nikora, Tainui Karora, Hautawaho Ngapoti, Taimana Poai, Mohi Ataiti, Amohau Puhirnanuka, Tawhiao Puhimanuka, Emera Ngapoti, Wiremu Heti Hetara, Apima Wetera, Te Uata Ataiti, Raikena Werahiko, ManahiTe Hiakai, Te Oti Te Kauri, Te Mete Raukawa, Ngatu Te Rongoihaere, Te Whakahoki Te Ohu, Mita Marino, Kotai Te Huawai.

Female Adults:

Ngareta Ngatu, Whakina Hohepa,Rangitomokia Te Mete, Pipi Nikora, Hohi Maihi, Rangingatata Karora, Ngawai Peata, Hinehuhu Werahiko, Pare Matihera, Hemoata Wetera

Male Children:

Whakatete Po ai, Tapa Ngaiti, Karora Mete, Ngarahu Nikora,Ngararanui Oketopa, Tuira Maihi, Awanui Hamiora, Witari Whakahoki, Haeata Maihi, Kereti Te Mete, Te Mete Hemi, Te Toa Mauha, Te Ao Mauha.

Female Children:

Rangitomokia Te Mete, Te Aorewa Kereti, Peata Hamiora, Hokomako Te Mete,Rawakore Te Mete, Kiwairoa Ngatu, Maria Te Mete, Mora Whakahoki, Ngaki Whakahoki, Ngaki Whakahoki, Taheke ~\hakahoki, Rorikaro Whakahoki, Paraki Whakahoki, Rangihiapo Hamiora, Ngahiti Maihi, Harete Arama,

\~era Wineti, Noema Wineti, Haere Wineti, Rangipuata Waata, Hira Waata, Riapeti Matika, Pareariki Wineti, Teo Puhou,Rew Oketopa.

109

Appendix 16: Paengaroa No 2, list of 53 owners passed on 24 August 1881

o 1. Amokeiha Kereti 34. Kaweri Wakahoki 2. Amohau Puhimanuka 35. Mata Wineti 3. Awanui Hamiora 36. Ngararanui Oketopa 4. Apirna Matira 37. Noema Wineti 5. Eruera Ngapoti 38. Peata Hamiora 6. Kerekau Eria 39. Pareariki Wineti 7. Hautawhao Ngapoti 40. Raukena Werahiko 8. Hohepa Werahiko 41. Rikihana Arama 9. Hokomako Te Mete 42. Rangitomokia Te Mete

10. Hohu Maihi 43. Rawakore Te Mete 11. Hemoata Detara 44. Rangipuata Waata 12. Hinehuhu Werahiko 45. Rewa Oketopa 13. Mohi Ataiti 46. Taapa Ngati 14. Mita Marino 47. TeNgarahu Nikora 15. Mora Whakahoki 48. Tuira Maihi 16. Marino Maihi 49. Te Mete Kemi 17. Nikora Hikatapu 50. Te Horeuia Ngati 18. Ngareta Ngati 51. Te Opuhou Ngati 19. Oketopa Nikora 52. Whakatete Poau 20. Pakaru Karora 53. Witari Whakahoki 21. Ratahi Hohepa 22. Riki Nikora 03. Rangingatata Karora 24. Tainui Karora 25. Taimana Poai 26. Tahwhio Puimanuka 27. Te Mete Raukawa 28. Whareangiangi Kereti 29. Whakina Hohepa 30. Haeata Maihi 31. Haere Wineti 32. Ihaia Te Amohau 33. Karora Te Mete

',- -

Appendix 17: Paengaroa Reserves Lots 537 and 538 partitioned, list of 53 'original owners' passed on 8 March 1912

537 A: 3 owners

1. To Te Turipa Whakina 2. Te Aorewa Kereti 3. Ngakuukuu Wetera

537B: 11 owners

1. Kiwairoa Ngati 2. N gati Te Rongoihaere 3. Taapa Ngati 4.Te Opuhau Ngati 5. Waatai Hinetahu 6. Raumawira Tamaihengia 7. Te Ngarahu Nikora 8. Nikora Oketopa 9. Whakahoki Te Ohu

.. lO. Te Ruinga Whakapeke ;->1. Amokeiha Kereti

537C: 13 owners

1. Hamiora Harakeke 2. Kakahukaira Werahiko 3. Mauao Mahana 4. Ngaoha Himiona 5. Ngapaki Mauao 6. N gap uti Maihi 7. Rewiri Maihi 8. Raikena Werahiko 9. Te Pure Te Mahana

10. Te Haeata Maihi 11. Huria Te Mahana 12. Werahiko Te Aweroa 13. Kiriwaitai Werahiko

538A: 6 owners

1. Te Huwara Matika 2. Hera Wineti 3. Mata Wineti 4. Pareariki Winei 5. Reweti Parekorero 6. Weneti Malia

538B: 20 owners

1. Haiwha Te Hou 2. Kata Raukawa 3. Karora Te Mete 4. Kereti Te Mete 5. Moerangi Matia 6. Maua Te Mete 7. Oriwia Te Mete 8. Raniora Whakina 9. Rawakore Te Mete

10. Te Mete Raukawa 11. Te Opu Hinau 12. Te Mete Hemi 13. Waata Matia 14. Te Whareangiangi Kereti 15. Hoani Ngaruka 16. Kiwirahi Te Marara 17. Ngatoueria Tutauanui 18. Ngararanui Oketopa 19. Po ai Rahikau 20. Rewa Oketopa

110

111

Appendix 18: Lots 170 & 152A,list of 108 owners passed on 15 December 1888

o (The list goes from 1 to 51, then there are ten names missing before it starts again at number 62 and ends at , owner 108)

1. Amokeiha Kereti 2. Apima Wetera 3. Te Amohau Puhimanulrua 4. Te Ahirimu Werahiko 5. Te Ataiti Arama 6. Te Aorewa Kereti 7. Eruera Ngapoti 8. Eparaima Amohau 9. Hamiora Ngakura

10. Hamiora Te Harakeke , 11. Hohepa Werahiko

12. Hirakau Eria 13. Te Hikatapu Nikora 14. Te Hautawaho Ngpoti 15. Hohi Hautawaho 16. Hinehuhu Tawhio 17. Te Hokomako Te Mete 18. Te Hemoata Kereti 19. Haere Wineti 20. Hira Waata 21. Harete Arama

.0" 22. Hamupeeke Poai j 23. Kereti Kaikohe

24. Kiwairoa Hohaia 25. Kerara Te Mahana 26. Te Kirirahi Parakete 27. Te Kiriwaitai Arama 28. Karora Te Mete 29. Kereti Te Meti 30. Kapuarangi Tawhio 31. Te Kaaho Werahiko 32. Te Kakahu Kura 33. Te KaraunaMarino 34. Te Karehana Taimana 35. Moerangi Matia 36. Marino Rewiri 37. Mohi Te Ataiti 38. Mita Arama 39. Mita Marino 40. Mariao Te Harakeke 41. Mora Te Whakahoki 42. Matahera Poai 43. Te Mete Hemi 44. Maria Te Mete 45. Mohokura Oketopa 46. Ngati Te Rongoihaere

/ 17. Ngamuka Te Titoke ".. j48. Ngareta Te Ratahi

49. Ngatai Oketopa 50. Ngaki Te Whakhoki 51. Ngakohau Whakahoki Nb break from 52-62 63. Te Pakaru Karora 64~ Pipi Kirirahi 65. Te Pire Te Harakeke

66. Pateriki Wintei 67. Pareariki Wineti 68. Paraki Te Whakahoki 69. Peata Hamiora 70. Te Pire Hautawaho

71. Riki Nikora 72. Rau Maewa 73. Ratahi Hohepa 74. Te Rangiawanui 75. Rangi Te Pakaru

76. Rawakore Te Mete 77. Te Reoiti Wineti 78. Raikena Werahiko 79. Te Rikihana Arama 80. Rewa Oketopa 81. Rorikaro Te Whakahoki 82. Rangipuata Waata 83. Rangihiapo Hamiora 84. Rangitokona Amohau 85. Te Ruakino Rewiri 86. Tainui Karora 87. Taimana Poai 88. Taukotahi Te Kiri 89. Tawhio Pumanuka 90. Te Turupa Kopa 91. Tata Amokeiha 92. Taapa Ngati 93. Tamati Mohi 94. Tuira Rewiri 95. Tangi Arama

96. Te Taheke Whakahoki 97. Te Uata Te Ataiti 98. Uia Te Harakeke 99. Te Whakahoki Te Ohu 100. Wineti Matia 101. Waata Matia 102. Werahiko Mangainui 103. Te Whareangiangi 104. Waitai Ngati 105. Te Whakatere Poai 106. Witari Te Whakahoki

107. Te Wharepapa Rewiri 108. Te Wharerangi Poai

Appendix 19: Taumata block, list of 124 owners passed on 27 August 1881

4'''''C-y,~

,( )tale Adults . 1. Tawa Tuaurutapu 2. Ranginui Te Kaponga 3. Hirini Paraone 4. Hakopa Tiepa 5. Tauawhi Rahipere 6.Hamiora Rahipere 7. Tukaokao Rahipere 8. Nepia Atatu 9. Pita Hopaea

10. Eruera Te Whakahoruru 11. Te Hautawaho Tawa 12. Te Hata Taupe 13. Te Reweti Te Haurangi 14. Ngaero Te Wharemaea 15. Hoani Taumatawiwi 16. Hamiora Te Waitohi 17.Witeri Taupe 18. Te Kapa Waikawa 19. Te Riha Utaora 20. Taimana Poai 21. Te Retimana Te Aotutahanga 22. Raniera Te Hiahia 23. Hori Huikakahu 24. Peita Niore 25. Hekapa Netana ,26. Hohepa Waitara

,~=)7. Mohi Wait~ ·28. Te Uata Wrutara

29. Kahakore Matataia 30. Eraihia Matataia 31. Metera Nohinohi 32. Niko Horomata 33. Te Whakatana Nikorima 34. Te Whakataka Timoti 3S. Wetini Te Moko 36. Henare Piahana 37. Irimana Piahana 38. Wi Piahana 39. Hori Taoi 40. Te Matehaere Te Rehe 41. Te Raiwhara Punga 42. Te Hati Horohau 43. Eru Te Arahiora 44. Ngataiharuru Te Haurangi 45. Manuariki Te Hapu 46. Enoka Te Whanake 47. Hori Ngatai 48. Te Herewini Te Ngarohaere 49. Hohepa Hikutaia SO. Riki Tautahanga

51. Rikihana Niao 52. Ngaati Te Rongoihaere 53. Te Mete Raukawa 54. Ratahi Hohepa 5S. Maihi Rewiri 56. Raumaewa 57. Kereti Wharekareko 58. Hamiora Te Motupuka 59. Andrew Haua 60. Te Pakaru Karoa 61. Waata Matia 62. Ruka Tamakohe

Female Adults 63. Waiwera Paraone 64. Heni Parone 65. Te Auetu Paraone 66. Ngakumama Paraone 67. Maria Hinerongo 68. Peka Tuaurutapu 69. Te Arama Rahipere 70. Te Kaweroa Atatu 71. Tera Nepia 72. Ngapati Te Tauawhi 73. Miria Paraone 74. Hohepa Taituha 7S. Mere Parata 76. Maikara Parata 77. Ngapouaka Mihinui 78. Ngaruri Te Rawha 79. Mama Ataiti 80. Meri Mohi 81. Erana Kahakore 82. KonoKieKie Te Marua 83. Ngapeka Te Urumahora 84. Hauarawhiti Wharetaka 8S. Maraea Mokohiti 86. Pekerangi Nikorima 87. Ane Maraea 88. lliipera Mokohiti 89. Wharepora Ranginui 90. Hera Hinekio 91. Te Homai Piahana 92. Katerina Akapita 93. Ngahaka Eraihia 94. Heni Te Reohau 9S. Ruiha Te Kaponga 96. Ngapera Niore 97. Rahera Tamati 98. Turuhira Tamati 99. Ani Tamati

100. Ngaia Teruruku 101. Hohi Te Hautawaho 102. Kahu Tanuere 103. Te Amo Te Reti 104. Te Uruheuheu Te Raumati 105. Marara Atarete 106. Kawhakaruku Tiamu 107. Ngakai Te Potahi 108. Te Ruakino Hamiora Tu 109. Ngahuia Matehaere 110. Mata Ranginui 111. Atarete Monikore 112. Harata Te Whakamara 113. Matt Paraone 114. Kerara Poai 115. Te Akamaru Taurawiwi 116. Tuao Te Kapa 117. Rarua Tahuri 118. Hareta Tupou 119. Mere Hohepa 120. Ngareta Ngaati 121. Te Turupa Whakina 122. Waitai Ngatii 123. Te Whareangiangi Te Mete 124. Ngakaka Te Parihirihi

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