Dr. Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell, Crisis 18 November 1890-21 April 1891

Dr. Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell, Crisis 18 November 1890-21 April 1891Author(s): Mark TierneySource: Collectanea Hibernica, No. 11 (1968), pp. 111-148Published by: Franciscan Province of IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30004589 .

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Dr Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell Crisis, 18 November 1890-21 April 1891

Some unpublished correspondence*

Mark Tierney, O.S.B.

Introduction

Dr T. W. Croke was archbishop of Cashel from 1875 to 1902. By 1880 he had thrown himself into the national movement and was on terms of friendship with Parnell, Dillon, W. O'Brien, Davitt, Gladstone and others. The Croke Papers in Archbishop's House, Thurles, contain letters from these Irish politicians, and reveal the attitudes which they adopted at various moments of their careers. The last time that Parnell wrote to Croke was on 8 May 1890, in connection with the Tipperary bye-election. The letter, written from the house of commons, London, is worth quoting:

I am desirous of hearing whether there is any local candidate agreeable to Your Grace for the vacancy in the Division of Tipperary from which Mr Mayne has retired. If there should not be, and if you have nobody in view, I should wish to suggest the name of Mr Harrison, who Your Grace will recollect was arrested under the Crimes Act in Donegal for supplying food to a tenant threatened with eviction. Those who know him, including Mr William O'Brien, speak very highly of him as a young man of culture, promise, integrity and courage.

In this letter Parnell puts his finger on one point, which was para- mount in Croke's mind; this is the reference to *a tenant threatened with eviction' . Croke had entered politics primarily for human- itarian motives. He wanted to obtain justice for the Irish tenant- farmers. Parnell knew this and played on Croke's feeling for the

*The Very Rev. Eamonn Marron, rector of the Pontifical Irish College in Rome, in a letter dated 18 Nov. 1968 told me, with regard to the college archives, that from 1883 onwards is a closed period, and that through a misunderstanding, letters bearing a later date have been presented to Collectanea Hibernica for publication by Father Tierney. Because this issue of the journal was already with the printers Father Marron kindly gave permission for publication but requested me to state that *no further exception to the above rule will be made, under any circumstances* .— General Editor.



112 Collectanea Hibernica

evicted tenants in the letter just cited. Parnell also knew how much Croke admired William O'Brien; hence the reference to him.

When the Parnell crisis came, Croke saw it in terms of a threat to the hopes he held out for the Irish tenant-farmers. All the work of the past ten years or so would now be in jeopardy. The political struggle for Home Rule was, in Croke's mind, a means to the end: and that end was justice and freedom for every Irishman to own his land and to earn a decent living from it. Politics, as such, did not interest Croke. He was no politician. It was, therefore, incorrect of Parnell to throw the accusation at the Irish bishops that they had condemned him for political reasons. This accusation was made in Limerick on 10 January 1891 and Pamell's actual words were as follows:1

The Bishops say that it is all a question of morality. I say it is not a question of morality. If it had been a question of morality these estimable men would have interfered at once. But they were too late. They waited for a whole fortnight before they expressed their opinion; they waited until Gladstone, until Stead, and every other miserable old-woman in England desirous of airing his virtue had interfered and expressed his opinion before they expressed theirs; and with all reverence for any bishop, and with all reverence for any priest, and with all reverence for any church, I declare as a man, and as an Irishman, it is not open to the Irish bishops to claim they had interfered on the question of morality, because they were too late. No, it was a question of politics . . .

Parnell is right when he says that it was 'not a question of morality' . This was certainly the case with Croke, whose priorities were concerned with the disasterous depletion of the Evicted Tenant Fund rather than with Parnell's conscience. Croke had acted as a receiver of large sums of money from America and the colonies, and was one of the trustees in charge of dispensing the relief funds. The Parnell divorce case caused a hold-up in the relief campaign. The subsequent negotiations at Boulogne between Dillon, O'Brien, Parnell and Justin MacCarthy failed to solve the financial problem.

Parnell, in his Limerick speech, is right in stating that the bishops delayed two full weeks before speaking out, as they did on 3 Dec- ember. He is wrong in declaring that they waited 'until Gladstone, Stead and every other miserable old woman in England . . . had interfered' . They could not have done otherwise. The value of the following correspondence is that it shows the pressure put upon Croke by men like W. T. Stead, Gladstone, Davitt, Healy, O'Brien, F. Hugh O'Donnell and T. Harrington. The Irish bishops—and especially Dr Croke—could not air their views in the same manner

1 Quoted in Hansard's Extra-Parliamentary Debates, Section I, vol. II. This volume covers the period from 21 Nov. 1890 to 21 Jan. 1891, and prints all the important political speeches made out of parliament during the Parnell crisis.



Dr Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell Crisis 113

as 'every other miserable old woman in England' . They recognised their moral obligation to both Parnell and the Irish people. They did not think in terms of individuals, but rather of the whole Irish situation. They had to weigh the evidence and they hoped from day to day that Parnell might see things in the true light.

The Irish bishops were also aware that the Roman attitude had to be considered, and Croke's correspondence with Dr T. Kirby, the rector rof the Irish College, Rome, during the Parnell crisis, is very revealing on this score. The Irish bishops were supposed not to interfere in politics. How far was the Parnell crisis apolitical affair? This was something they had to assess.

Furthermore, the Irish bishops were also worried about the reaction in America. Croke was aware that if they said anything to annoy their American friends, this might cause a drying-up of the flow of money to the Evicted Tenants Fund. Again one sees the complexity of the whole situation. It was not just a question of morality, nor of politics, but of life and death. Men and women and children were dying of starvation and misery in certain parts of Ireland; they could be helped only if the Land League could continue its work of bringing material relief. The Irish bishops dared not compromise this great work of charity.

The letters and papers edited here2 are taken from the Cashel Diocesan Archives at Archbishop's House, Thurles, the Archives of the Pontifical Irish College, Rome, and the British Museum. They are being published with the kind permission of Dr Thomas Morris, archbishop of Cashel and Emly, the rector of the Irish College, Rome, and the trustees of the British Museum. There must be other relevant letters in other episcopal archives through- out Ireland.

1 W. T. Stead* to Croke. London, 18 Nov. 1890

CD.A., Croke Papers 1890, item 24.

I rejoice to see that you have returned from Rome in good heart about the Pope. I wish that you had better news to await you on your return. The result of the O'Shea Divorce case is a great catastrophe, and I shall be very glad to know what course you recommend

2Abbreviations used: A.I.C.R. = Archives of the Irish College, Rome. B.M. = British Museum. C.D.A. = Cashel Diocesan Archives, Archbishop's House, Thurles.

3 W. T. Stead was an English journalist and social reformer, 1849-1912.




to be taken in a matter which concerns Morals if it does not con- cern Faith.

W. T. Stead.

2 Croke to W. T Stead. Thurles (The Palace), 21 Nov. 1890


Private

The result of the O'Shea Divorce case is, indeed, a sad catastrophe. But in view of it, and for the immediate present at least, silence

is for me the better part of valour. Come what may, however, Parnell's prestige is gone (must

surely suffer). Nor is it very easy to see how he can continue to be the accepted leader of Irish Bishops and Priests.

T. W. Croke.

3 Michael Davitt to Croke, London, 20 Nov. 1890

C.D.A., Croke Papers 1890, item 25.

Private

If Parnell appears in Parliament next week, or even this Session, as the newly-elected leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, it is all up with the Home Rule cause. There need not be the slightest doubt about this. The tone and temper of the British organs of Liberal and Nonconformist opinion say this in the most decided manner possible. And, it is now the general belief that the Tories, seeing their chance, will rush us into a General election early in the New Year.

What is to be done? Are we going to allow Parnell to wreck the Irish cause in the interests of the strumpet for whom he has all but sacrificed us already? The situation is simply terrible. Four days only intervene between us and the day when if Parnell still refuses to retire all hope of Home Rule in this generation may vanish.

I am speaking out in plain and unequivocal language in this day's Labour World and, although it will cost me abuse and de- nunciation and perhaps a good deal more—I would reproach myself with moral cowardice if I did not place on record what I believe to be the expression of the honest convictions of every man in our movement who places Ireland before Parnell.

I am writing by this post in the same vein to His Grace of Dublin.




I am somehow persuaded that if you both could speak out before Monday, all would not be lost.

Michael Davitt.

4 Dr T. Kirby to Croke. Rome (Irish college), 25 Nov. 1890


His Holiness having sent to the students a present of fine apples and sweatmeats, I went to the Vatican this evening to return him thanks. After thanking him, he commenced at once to speak of the recent scandal of the divorce case. His words, the expression of his countenance and entire manner shewed how great were the feelings of horror and grief which agitated his mind. It would be too long to repeat all that he said on the subject. And after he spoke of the betrayal of the confidence of the nation by degrading the cause which was entrusted to Mr Parnell by the commission of such a crime, he added with an expression of sorrow which I am unable to describe: 'And after all, they are going to continue this man in the leadership of their cause' . I did not know what to say; but I muttered, without well weighing my words: 'I hope not, Holy Father' . He rejoined: 'It is to be feared; I have received a letter from . . . who, you know, loves Ireland, and he says that he is deeply grieved at the occurence' , viz. the continuing in the leadership of so just a cause as that of the Irish Catholics, a man who is a convicted Adulterer.

I cannot tell you, my dear Lord, what my feelings were on re- turning home. I thought I should let you know immediately, in in order that you should try to impede this scandal and disgrace to the name of Catholic Ireland, whose glory ever consisted in her inviolable attachment to the Catholic Faith and the Chair of Peter, as well as the proverbial love of her children for the Virtue of Purity. And nbw, to confirm the leadership of her cause to a convicted Adulterer, what can it be considered unless a voluntary surrender of the priceless honour and dignity acquired for her name by the faith and virtue of her forefathers. Home Rule justly acquired would be a great boon to our Nation. But there is a boon incomparably more precious, the preservation of her faith, morality and spotless fame amongst the nations of the earth, and the keeping of her children aloof as much as possible from the danger of harm to these treasures. Your Grace knows better than I do the divine admonitions: What doth it profit a man etc. Qui cum sapientibus




graditur sapiens erit, amicus stultorum similis efficitur. And what would the putting of Catholic young politicians under the leadership and consequently in the continual contact with such a man, and his influence over them mean? I need not dwell at present example of their leaders; as, Regis ad exemplar totus componitur on other reflections which are many and most weighty, as they will doubtless occur to your own mind.

In the meantime, let us try by prayer and our influence to direct the malediction of heaven from our cause, and to prevent Home Rule itself from becoming not a blessing but a curse, to our country and a cause of perversion and ruin to multitudes from the evil orbis. Even the feelings and wishes of the Vicar of Christ on such a matter should be our guide. You remember the opening words of the Roman document a few years ago: 'Quicquid sit de P.' . Now, looking back on them, do not they seem to include a latent prophetic warning to be on our guard, and to have said: 'Sat verbum sapienti' .

May God m his mercy through the intercession of his holy Mother, guide all our Prelates and give them the light and the courage to stand up without human respect to instruct and save their flocks from the dangers which surround them.

I must have tired Your Grace but I will offer no excuse, as you well know what my motives are.

* T. Kirby, Archbishop of Ephesus.

5 Bishop E. O'Dwyer to Kirby. Limerick, 28 Nov. 1890

A.I.C.R., Kirby Papers.

My dear Lord Archbishop, I have to trouble Your Grace with the enclosed petition which

from its nature you will see is urgent. Your Grace must feel with us all, not only the disgrace of the

recent events, but the anxiety as to the future must weigh upon all Irishmen. The most deplorable circumstance, however, after the original crime that has led to it all, is in my opinion, the unsound and dangerous doctrines of the Freeman's Journal, which is trying to teach the people that private morality has nothing to do with public affairs, and for the purpose has gone so far as to try to blacken the moral character of the great O'Connell.




They are anxious times, when we need more than ever to pray to God to keep our people in the way of the commandments.

It is impossible to precaste the course of events. If Mr Parnell and the Freeman succeed on Monday next, we shall have a period of great unsettlement and confusion. Should he retire, a great deal will depend on the character of his successor, and his power to keep his party together.

In either case, I do not think it will be possible for at least six months to come, if even then, to estimate the consequences of the present disruption, or surmise the permanent condition of things which we shall have to face.

For this reason, I think the attitude of those who are responsible for the spiritual interest of our people should be one of caution. For myself, I should regret very much to see any more made by the Holy See beyond whatever suggestions it may find it necessary to make confidentially through individual bishops. Men are so excited now, that in their anger they will turn fiercely on any one who may be suspected of interference with their

'projects'.

Of course Your Grace will understand that I write this freely in confidence to yourself only.

Yours etc. E. O'D. Bp of Limerick.

6 Croke to Kirby. Thurles, 30 Nov. 1890


I have just got your letter giving me an account of the interview with the Holy Father, in reference to the Parnell scandal. I lose not a moment in sending you a line in reply.

Parnell will never again, and can never again be the leader of the Irish party. Bishops and priests will unanimously repudiate him. I respect and am touched by the Holy Father's grief over the great scandal. We are all humbled by it to the dust, and our long cherished hopes seem for the present to be blighted. But God is good and our cause is just, and truth will triumph at last.

Kindly convey for me to the Holy Father, at first opportunity, my solemn assurance, that I will use whatever influence I possess in driving the wicked and deceitful man from public life and position in Ireland.




Yesterday I forwarded to Mr Justin McCarthy, M.P., for publication in the London papers, and to be read for Irish members at their next meeting tomorrow, a strongly worded telegram ex- pressing my views and those of the Cashel clergy on the present crisis.

Here is the telegram: 'Sorry for Parnell: but, in God's name, let him retire quietly and with good grace, from the leadership. If he does so, the Irish Party will be kept together, our honourable alliance with the Gladstonian Liberals will be maintained; success at General Election assured, Home Rule certain. But if he does not retire, or be deposed, alliance will be dissolved; elections lost; Irish Party seriously damaged, if not wholly broken up; Home Rule indefinitely postponed; coercion perpetuated; evicted tenants hopelessly crushed; and though last not least, the public conscience grieviously outraged' .

I can say no more just now. I am writing to Mr Gladstone on the situation.

T. W. Croke. PS. Read telegram for Holy Father—T.W.C

7 Croke to Gladstone. Thurles, 30 Nov. 1890 B.M., Add. MS 44511 (Gladstone Papers).

I write you one line just to tell you how pained we all are here to think that Parnell has caused you so much trouble.

He must abdicate, or be deposed. I sent a strongly worded telegram to Mr Justin McCarthy,

M.P., yesterday, giving my views and those of the Cashel clergy on the situation. It will appear, I dare say, in the London papers tomorrow morning.

With sentiments of deepest gratitude and unabated confidence in your willingness and ability to serve and befriend us.

T. W. Croke.

8 W. E. Gladstone to Croke. London (1 Carlton Gardens), 2 Dec. 1890

CD.A., Croke Papers 1890, item 29. Private

I thank you very much for your letter: and have never had any doubts as to what your course would be.




The pain and the pity of the situation move me deeply, apart from other sentiments which as to Mr Parnell it more and more excites. Surely, as it develops from day to day, one is tempted to say, there never was any thing like it since the War in Heaven.

After the deplorable exposition in the Divorce Court, the first question that arose was what damage the Irish cause was to suffer among its supporters in Great Britain.

And it has I hope been shown that it need suffer none at all, unless it be reflex [ ?] from Ireland upon a breaking up of the National- ist Party.

The second and remaining question is what damage the cause is to suffer among its supporters in Ireland. That question has still to be answered: but it seems too probably to be the determination of Mr Parnell that if it cannot now be vitally wounded in England, Scotland and Wales through his continuance in the leadership, it shall survive all the mischief he can possibly inflict.

We seem to have done our part within our lives, and what re- mains is for Ireland itself. I am as unwilling as Parnell himself could be to offer an interference from without, for no one stands more strictly than I do for the independence of the Irish National party as well as for its unity.

W. E. Gladstone.

9 Printed Circular Letter of Archbishop William J. Walsh of Dublin.

4 Dec. 1890 CD.A., Croke Papers 1890, item 30.

Private

Dear Reverend Sir, You will have seen in this day's papers the Address of the Arch-

bishops and Bishops of Ireland on the lamentable crisis that has come upon our country as a result of the recent sad disclosures in the London Divorce Court.

I count upon your heartily co-operating to the best of your powers, in every prudent way, towards having effect given to the views expressed in the Address, thus endeavouring to guard our people from being 'bullied' or cajoled into a course which would be a disgrace to Catholic Ireland, and a ruin to our country's brightest hopes.




10 Bishop E. O'Dwyer to Kirby. Limerick, 6 Dec. 1890


My dear Lord Archbishop, May I trouble Your Grace with enclosed petition. As you will have seen by the newspapers there is a full controversy

raging about Mr Parnell's leadership. It is a strange thing that in so Catholic a country as ours there can be found numbers of people to support so disgraceful a character.

My explanation of it is that for several years the moral sense of the people has been growing dull, and they have learned to put expediency before principle.

With the bishops' manifesto I entirely agree, but I have not signed it, as I have never been either a follower or ally of Mr Parnell, whom the true instinct of our Holy Father condemned years ago.

Hoping Your Grace continues in good health, Yours etc., E. O'Dwyer, Bishop of Limerick.

11 George Errington4 to Abbot Bernard Smith. London, 9 Dec. 1890

Rome, St Paul's-outside-the-walls, Abbot Smith Papers.

I have never known any political excitement to equal this. You have no doubt followed the details and I shall therefore only make a few general observations.

The crash came quite unexpectedly on the Gladstoman party and has knocked them all to pieces. Parnell's manifesto is regarded as one of the ablest though most unscrupulous state papers ever penned. Gladstone has not been able to answer or contradict it. At the same time, Gladstone's first letter repudiating Parnell on account of his divorce case has raised great enthusiasm among the Dissenters and is a clever electioneering dodge. Parnell, they say, starts today for Ireland to begin a campaign there. The superficial feeling over there is undoubtedly in his favour and he has given proof of such

4 Sir George Errington, an Irishman who had lost his seat in parliament in 1885, had turned from being a whiggish home-ruler to being an unofficial envoy to the Vatican on behalf of the British government. Abbot Smith was also an Irish- man, who had joined the Benedictine community in Monte Cassino and was later transferred to St Paul's-outside-the-walls, Rome. He and Errington carried on a correspondence during the years 1874-1891.




amazing power and statesmanlike ability that he will probably make a good fight—sufficient, at least, to paralyse for the present and greatly weaken the Nationalist Gladstonian alliance.

This, from our point of view, is providential. When certain persons fall out, it is said 'Honest men may come by their own' , and we may hope that Balfour's administration, firm and bene- ficient, may greatly change the state of things in Ireland.

The Irish bishops, by universal consent, came out most dis- creditably. At first, when Gladstone condemned Parnell's im- morality, Dr Walsh had an interview and wrote a letter of the most trimming kind. The papers spoke of him openly as 'sitting on the fence' . Then, when things seemed to be turning against Parnell, the bishops came out with a violent manifesto. What people say is that when the other commandments have been broken by thousands of people—the bishops, even at the urgent desire of the pope, would take no decisive action for Political reasons. But because it seems politically advisable now, they publicly de- nounce a single infraction of another commandment by a single individual; though that single infraction, unlike the practices condemned by Rome, is not affecting the morality or spreading among their flocks. It was a painful instance of time-serving in question of morality and truly must unfavourably impress Rome, as it does Protestant feeling here, even among Gladstonians.

It is too soon to judge, but I cannot help hoping that the Home Rule movement will now be thrown back beyond the life of that most dangerous man, Gladstone. Parnell, it is said, has always opposed the Plan of Campaign and is desirous to put an end to it; if so, he will be rendering a great service.

George Errington.

12 T. M. Healy, M.P., to Croke. No address. 3.00 a.m., 11 Dec. 1890


I am just back from recapturing 'ILL' premises and setting a garrison to hold the fort in O'Brien's name; and as I was travelling all last night, I will merely acknowledge your too kind communica- tion.

Need I say with what zest I read your slashing letter. It is far and away the best thing that has appeared. We must fight this Lunatic inch by inch at whatever personal hazard, and for my part I will not give him, nor take from him any quarter now. The




Freeman lies and the mobbing I revel in. I despised their praise and shouts but their hate I can stand, for it is genuine. I will go to Kilkenny forthwith. Sheehy is 'minding cool' there. I will be delighted to visit you and wallow in a genuine man's talk.

T. M. Healy

13 Dr A. Brownrigg5 to Croke. Kilkenny, 11 Dec. 1890


Many thanks for Your Grace's letter. As it was not marked private, I have taken the liberty of having it read at meetings of the clergy of two out of the 3 Deaneries of this Diocese, which are being held today. It ought to have great effect in stimulating them to fight a good battle.

However, there is no use concealing the fact that Parnell has a magic sway over the farmers and all with Fenian and democratic tendencies. I fear that there will be a serious split here amongst the former, who very generally have taken up the cry 'Parnell and Mrs O'Shea are Protestants and what is it to us what their morals are* . In the common parlance of the uneducated and the vulgar, this is the cry which seems to carry. The laity have profitted so far by their last ten years' education that they can now set aside religious considerations where merely material and temporal ends are to be gained. I do believe the religious and moral aspect of the present fight will not carry with the Irish people.

However, here we are doing all that men can do to win. We are organizing election committees and opening subscription lists to defray expenses. We hold either one or three great meetings on Sunday next at convenient points in the Electoral district. The priests with one or two exceptions are united on every point. The contest will be a very tough one, but of this we may be certain there is not a spot in all Ireland where a better fight from our point of view could be fought than in North Kilkenny.

A deputation of priests has just been with me here: they are on their way, at my suggestion, to ask you to come amongst us and attend a meeting in Kilkenny on Sunday next. I shall be at your side. We hope to have Michael Davitt. He will cool the Fenian element. Do come, let nothing prevent you. Wire me if you can.

A A. Brownrigg.

5 Abraham Brownrigg, bishop of Ossory, 1884-1928.




14 Same to same. Kilkenny, 13 Dec. 1890


I regret you could not see your way to come to us. However, on the whole it is, perhaps, as well you do not. The Clerical and Episcopal element has made itself felt as far as it is desirable.

I send you Journal, from which Your Grace will gain a fair idea of how we stand.

Money flows in golden streams on the Pamellite side and has brought to the surface in his favour everything bad, corrupt and mercenary. Even we cannot rely on those to whom is entrusted the carrying through of the fight on our side. Two of our priests have gone against us and will, I fear, bring their people with them.

I am not too sanguine about the result, but yet shall do all that mortal man can to win.

There is an explanation of the poor reception Pope Hennessy met with, but which I could venture to put in writing.

I am not surprised at Your Grace's chagrin and disappoint- ment, and at your loss of hope for Ireland. I, for one, thank God, have never been astray on this point and the present crisis does not in the least surprise me.

^ A. Brownrigg.

15 Same to same. Kilkenny, 19 Dec. 1890


The situation rests pretty much where it was when I wrote last. The Priests assure me, if the voters be faithful to their,promises, that we shall have a majority. The battle has been a dreadfully tough one. No doubt the sympathy of the people was entirely with Parnell and it had to be broken through as a wall of brass. If victory crown our banner, it is due not to politics, nor to morality, nor to the Irish Party, but purely and simply to the influence, family, personal, and ministerial of the priesthood of Ossory. Nothing else could possibly bear thru' the forces opposed to us. The forces opposed to us are about as bad as were ever congregated together in support of Mazzini, Cavour or Crispi. They consist of publicans and sinners—every one who has had a quarrel, fancied or real, with the Church or its representatives, of high or low degree, are ranged on the side of the 'great chief. Not a single Catholic medical man in the district but has gone for him. These men were




all educated in the Catholic University and owe their present position to the priests of this diocese. Orangemen, Fenians, Free- masons et more genus omne make up Pamell's gang. Suspended priests from all parts of Ireland have congregated to carry his banner to victory. The whole city of Kilkenny, Corporation and all, have gone solid for Parnell. Fortunately, they have no votes, or the day was lost; but they indirectly influence vast numbers of the country people. My conclusion is, it is well this man has been found out so soon, otherwise all the world would go after him.

They were talking of asking Your Grace to come over for the declaration of the Poll, if we can make sure of an overwhelming victory. But I do not think we can be sure of any thing of the kind. The priests themselves are nervous and don't like to be too sanguine. Father Tom Doyle has written a slating [?] letter which will appear in tomorrow's Journal, and which I shall send Your Grace. Parnell is endeavouring to get up a great Monster Meeting here*tomorrow in the city as a last influence on the electorate. Meanwhile our side for the last two or three days are devoting themselves to a house to house canvass amongst the electors. Priests, fathers and brothers are amongst the most obstinate Parnellites. The Freeman has done awful damage by its lies. Not a word of truth about the lime-throwing at Castlecomer. Parnell sat all day yesterday in the hotel window, with his head bandaged to win sympathy for a wound he never received. Pray for us. w A ^

^ A B w A ^ ^ A. Brownngg.

16 Croke to Kirby. Thurles, 23 Dec. 1890

A.I.C.R., Kirby Papers. Yesterday was a day of great anxiety and of much correspondence

on my part, owing to the Kilkenny Election, and I forgot, in con- sequence, to drop you the usual Christmas line, wishing you every blessing and several returns of the festival. I wish you all these things from the bottom of my heart.

Poll not yet declared in Kilkenny; so I cannot tell you the result, but, of course, it will be known to you long before this reaches your hand.

I presume we have won—the only question being as to the majority.

I cannot write any more now. Remember me warmly to the Primate and Dr Hannan.

T. W. Croke.




17 Bishop J. McCarthy to same. Queenstown, 26 Dec. 1890

A.I.C.R;, Kirby Papers.

My dear Lord Archbishop, As you have probably learned from the newspapers our un-

happy country is again thrown back into a state of turmoil and confusion by the desperate efforts of Mr Parnell to retain the leadership of the National Party, notwithstanding the disgrace he has brought upon himself and the cause he advocates by his conviction as an adulterer in the Divorce Court. Though he has been repudiated by the Bishops and clergy, by all that is right-minded and best in this community, he has unfortunately secured a certain amount of support amongst extreme men of the middle class, and the remnants of the Fenians and other secret societies, which were dying out until for his own selfish and unscrupulous ambitions he sought to revive them, by appealing to that latent hatred of England which still unhappily prevails amongst the lower classes and which he has fanned to such a flame by representing Mr Gladstone's proper refusal to recognise him any longer as leader.

How this unhappy state of things will end it is hard to say, but one good at least may come of it, namely, the exposure of Mr Pamell's true character and his unfitness to be the leader of a moral and Catholic people. It is almost providential that this should have happened before any measure of Home Rule was granted, or otherwise the country would have been at the mercy of a bold unscrupulous despot, who has shown by his acts that his own exaltation, and not the interests of his country, is his primary object.

To add to our misfortunes a great portion of our country is threatened with famine at present, and of which a portion of this diocese along the, sea coast, the boggy and mountainous districts will be unfortunately the victims. On the whole, the present pros- pects of our unhappy country, both political and economic and social, are anything but cheering. May God in his infinite mercy look down on our sorely tried and long suffering country and preserve it from the demoralization—worse element of the National suffering—with which it is threatened by the unprincipled and selfish ambition of one man and his declared followers.

I am afraid I have tried you by this long and gloomy letter, but my heart is full of sad foreboding for the future, and it is a




relief to me to unburden myself to a sympathetic friend. Thank God, this diocese has not been infested with the Pamell mania.

Yours etc., John MacCarthy, Bishop of Cloyne.

18 W. O'Brien, M.P., to Croke. Paris (Ave. du Trocadero), 27Dec. 1890


No use in telling you what our feelings are, or how sadly I looked back upon our last Christmas under your dear roof. It is the darkest Christmas time in our generation.

I know Your Grace's views. I have only to ask you to trust me to do my honest best, after the most racking and soul-searching deliberation. We are perfectly in accord that Pamell's withdrawal from the leadership is the first condition of any regeneration of any sort or kind. If that is once assented to, I believe we ought to go as far as it is possible for men of self-respect to go to smoothe his way and assuage his feelings. Believe me, if I could have a chat with Your Grace, I could convince you that what is to come after Pamell, even under favourable circumstances, is a matter of the utmost peril. In fact, the consequences of his withdrawal are only a lesser evil than the certain and inevitable ruin that would come of retaining him. Your Grace's first telegramme to the Party put the whole case most admirably. I wish those lines had been stuck to. Even yet I think it possible to devise conditions under which Pamell's withdrawal can be managed, and that even the G.O.M. might be brought to cooperate in easing the situation. A couple of days must decide finally whether Pamell can be brought to consent. I have only a very slender hope that he can; but it is to my mind as clear as daylight, that in that hope, slight as it is, lies the only possible hope of winning the General Election.

As to Dillon's and my own course, in case he is immovable, all that is certain is that we cannot under any condition accept his leadership. I will in any event almost certainly be in Ireland within a week. There are many, many things I should love to say to Your Grace, but in a letter I find it impossible to do more than entreat you to believe that I understand fully your views and your position, and that the dearest wish of my heart will always be to retain Your Grace's affection.

William O'Brien.




19 Bishop T A. O'Callaghan to Kirby. Cork, 27 Dec. 1890


My dear Lord, It would be interesting to you to get news from Cork as I am sure

you share our anxiety for the welfare of our poor country. We are in the midst of trouble and great excitement. The engros-

sing subject of converse everywhere is Pamell and politics, and people are busily taking sides. In Cork there is much division— the mob is for Pamell, and the priests were insulted and hooted lately in the streets. This is the result of money and drink given to them for the purpose. The country and county towns have taken the opposite side as have all the priests except one, and he has lately retraced his steps and made a public apology.

What is so extraordinary is the fact that some even pious men and women have cast themselves with Pamell. They are, however, very few in number. The crowd of his followers is the Fenian Society, which hitherto was opposed to him, but is now his main support, and that is perhaps the greatest point of danger. The Irish Party destroyed the power of Fenianism in the past, and remnants of it only remained.

If it be again revived through Parnell's influence, it will be the source of innumerable evils. You will have heard before this reaches you that a shot was fired at Dr Healy of Clonfert from which you may imagine what we are to expect. An attack was made on me some time ago in Cork. Fortunately the man in rushing at me slipped and fell at my feet receiving a wound on his forehead.

Wishing Your Grace a happy new Year, I remain, etc.,

T. A. O'Callaghan, Bishop of Cork.

20 W: E. Gladstone to Croke. Hawarden, 29 Dec. 1890


I am grateful for Your Grace's letter and especially for your prayers and I do not forget that it is not the first occasion on which you have encouraged me in this particular manner.

It has pleased the Almighty, doubtless for wise purposes, to allow the Irish cause to receive a heavy blow: and for the first time,




from the hand of its chosen leader. It is the only form of calamity, which was not included upon the long roll of Ireland's former and bitter experiences.

We cannot interfere from this side of the water without doing more harm than good, and I daresay that Your Grace and your Episcopal Brethren feel under a good deal of prudential restraint.

A Presbyterian Review has been sent to me which points out that the defeat of Parnell will be a triumph of Roman and clerical influence.

Our business is to hold the Liberal party of Great Britain in good order, and to do everything which will give it heart, without in the smallest degree receding from our ground about Irish Home Rule. This wish of ours will be easy or difficult in proportion as the struggle in Ireland inclines slowly and feebly, or quickly and decisively, to the defeat of Pamell.

I own myself at a loss to understand how any of his Parliamentary followers can have so blinded themselves as to feel warranted in their present course.

Believe me, etc. W. E. Gladstone.

21 Telegram: W. O'Brien to Croke. Paris, 1 Jan. 1891


Confidential. Pay no attention to newspaper remarks. Trust Dillon and myself if there is to be any way out of these horrors.

O'Brien.

22 Telegram: same to same. Paris, 2 Jan. 1891


Confidential. Wrote and telegraphed Thurles. Would give world for chat with Your Grace. Convinced you would see Dillon and I are taking only possible course that can reunite Ireland, while satisfying England. Delay cannot be more than few days furthest. Precipitation landed us in all this sorrow. For Heaven's sake trust Dillon and myself a little, considering frightful issues at stake. Nothing will be done without assent majority.

O'Brien.




23 Bishop E. O'Dwyer to Kirby. Limerick, 4 Jan. 1891


My dear Lord Archbishop, I thank Your Grace for the dispensation which I received in

the course of yesterday. With the spirit of your very just remarks about Mr Pamell I

heartily agree, but I wish I could hope that those who direct the affairs of the Church in Ireland would see the support which he is getting in defiance of common decency. It is all evidence of the demoralization which has gone on for the last ten years during which crime has been connived at for political purposes and the authority of the Holy See, even within its own sphere of moral teacher, has been repudiated by that very section of politicians to whom we now look for the alternative to Mr Pamell.

If we had less politics and more religion, the Church in Ireland would do better.

With profound respect, I have the honour to remain, Yours etc. E. O'D., Bishop of Limerick.

24 Telegram: W. O'Brien to Croke. Paris, 5 Jan. 1891


Mary George.

25 F. Hugh O'Donnell to Croke. Aachen (Germany), Janfi 1891


Permit me to say, as a Catholic proud of his Church, that Your Grace is much, much too long-suffering in face of Mr C. S. Pamell's insolence.

The Bishops say they condemn me in the name of morality, but we know they have done so only for political reasons' . So declared this man at Limerick. That is, the Bishops are liars who say what is notoriously false. And in face of this public outrage, Your Grace

6 No day given.




can only muster the spirit to reply 'if Mr Pamell had been better informed, etc., etc., he would not have said, etc., etc'

But that, my Lord Archbishop, is not the point. The point is that Pamell has openly declared amid the applause of thousands of Irish Catholics that when the Bishops assert they acted for reasons of morals, they are lying, for they acted for reasons of Politics.

Very probably you acted both for reasons of expediency and morality, as you had a right and duty to do. But this insolent freethinker shouts from the topmost room of his fire escape that the Catholic Bishops of Ireland lie in asserting that they condemned him for moral reasons; and Your Grace can only reply in the meek expostulation I read in the papers. Ah, if a German freethinker were to dare to say: 'You lie' to the Catholic Bishops of Germany, it is not Catholic German laymen who would cheer him to the echo.

My Lord, my Lord, you have made your bid all these years of condonation of Pamellism and O'Brienism and Healyism. You have heard without a frown the cynical boast that 'Ireland prefers Pamell to the Pope' , and now you are being taught that there are Irishmen who can cheer when your Parnell cries out: 'Ecce omnis episcopus mendax' .

For God's sake, my Lord, at least do not be meekly expostulatory with this unmasked Jacobin.

O'Donnell. PS. Why has not Your Grace pointed out that it was not only the adultery, but the direct and indirect lying letters, the lying explana- tions, the false promises, the numberless hypocrisies in the Divorce Court, the shrifts, the tricks, the falsehoods, which have made Parnell an outcast and a moral leper in all society?

26 T. Harrington to Father Horgan. London,1 5 Jan. 1891


This Parnell business is terribly sad. I fervently hope the fight won't continue. If it does it will ruin Ireland. I trust the Boulogne Conference will result in some sort of settlement. Of course no settlement will be possible unless Pamell resigns. If he does resign, it must be largely on his own terms. I think he would require Mc- Carthy to retire from the leadership, and would insist on the dis-

7 The Freeman's Journal, London Office' , 211 Strand.




solution of the new directory. O'Brien would probably be the new leader, with a small consultative committee to assist him. If Pamell consents to a compromise of this kind, I think the Irish people ought to accept it. Otherwise the strife will be continued and who knows in what it will end. The great majority of the members opposed to Mr Pamell are honest, but the ring leaders are not. I refer particularly to Davitt and Healy. Davitt is a horribly jealous and vindictive man who has never forgiven Parnell for depriving him (Davitt) of the Irish leadership.

Davitt for years has believed firmly that he and not Pamell should have been chosen to lead the Irish race. The bitterness and jealousy of years are now finding vent. Healy is also an old enemy of Parnell's. He has never been loyal to him. He is, like Davitt an unscrupulous and vindictive man, only more so. Speaking honestly for myself, I should prefer to live in Timbuctoo or in a Siberian mine rather than to live in Ireland under the rule of Healy and Davitt.

Thank God that in a crisis of this kind we have men like Dillon and O'Brien, who whatever their shortcomings may be—and they are not without shortcomings—are honest and unselfish men. I believe the Irish people would act wisely in accepting any settlement of the crisis that Dillon, O'Brien and Pamell agree to. I know Davitt, Healy and Sexton would not tolerate either O'Brien or Dillon as leader. They would prefer an old woman like McCarthy who would not be strong enough to thwart their plans. But I say the loss of Healy and Davitt would not be a national misfortune. On the contrary I believe it would be a good thing for Ireland. There- fore, I say if Parnell consents to retire, the new leader should be accepted loyally even though it should involve the loss of fifty Healys and Davitts.

T. Harrington.

27 Dr T. Kirby to Croke. Rome (Irish college), 7 Jan. 1891


I was much anxious to write to you these days past, but could hardly find a free moment to do so. I was wishing to thank you for your welcome new year's greetings and to tell you how proud we all felt for your most important letter published on this sad affair. It struck me as one of the best which appeared on the subject as it




was clear-cut and full without circumlocutions, fulminating the horrid idea of having" a convicted Adulterer the leader of our Catholic Nation, in their legitimate struggles for their rights.

I availed myself of my first audience with His Holiness to mention it to him, to explain its import and scope to him, and the effect which I was sure it had on the public mind and the glorious Kil- kenny election. I told him also that you had written to W. O'Brien to beware of having anything to do with the Adulterer. His Holiness said: 'Yes, for I remember when he was here, he told me that his reason for receiving O'Brien was to correct him, and to make him promise that he would be guarded henceforward in his language and be duly respectful to the Head of the Church' . This was the tenor of the remark of His Holiness to me on the subject, in my audience at which he evinced the great satisfaction which the information I gave him afforded him. But he added significantly that the trouble was not at all finished, and that he, the Adulterer, would go on deceiving and making proselytes to his infamy. I said: that I had every confidence that through the divine mercy, the high Catholic spirit of our people would not tolerate his audacity, and would consign him to the place he deserves. The Primate and the other Bishops who were with us, were also greatly pleased with your letter. But we feel greatly mortified and humiliated to see the conduct of the present leaders. They talk, discuss, appoint conferences one with another, form projects, etc. etc., without dreaming to consult the feelings and wishes of the Bishops to whom they owe everything; who lifted them up from obscurity, who procured funds for them, taxing themselves and their flocks for that purpose. And now these gentlemen arrogate to themselves the sole right of disposing of the management of the interests of our country, as if there was not a Bishop in the land.

I look upon this as a very grave matter. For Ireland is different from almost all the countries in Europe. As, with us, politics and religion went hand in hand; I mean, that politics was guided and directed by the interests of religion, which through its clergy it looked up to for counsel and protection. Thus when Emancipation was offered on the condition of the pensioning of the clergy, it (emancipation) was rejected on the condition being rejected by the Bishops and clergy generally. Now everything is to be done without even consulting the Bishops. And what are we to think of a Home Rule or any other rule, which politicians who act thus will obtain and afterwards manage and carry out?

I have heard some say who love Ireland al cuore, that they would




far prefer to treat with the English Parliament, and hope for more useful measures from them, by a little tact and perseverance, than from such leaders. But be this as it may, the present is a crisis which demands great attention and diligent action on the part of the Bishops, and above all, much prayer and recourse to God, without whose blessing and that of his Vicar, in vain will be all our efforts.

T. Kirby, Archbishop of Ephesus.

28 Telegram: W. O'Brien to Croke. Boulogne, 12 Jan. 1891


Condon brings letter. All indications favourable. O'Brien.

29 William O'Brien to Croke. Boulogne? 12 Jan. 1891


I avail myself of Tom Condon's visit to let you know what is going on. How I wish I could chat it over by Your Grace's fireside, instead of trying to convey the situation to you in a few stiff and unsatisfactory sentences. I don't complain of our friends taking me for a fool or an eater of my own words. It is a situation of such miserable anxieties all round that everybody must be prepared for misunderstandings. And from Your Grace at all events I know I need never dread any permanent misunderstanding. Parnell so little misunderstood me or my position that he never exchanged a single sentence except on the question of retirement, which he knew was the first condition of any treaty between us. I am not at all sanguine our efforts will be successful—we have to contend with such feverish spirit of no-quarter on both sides—but what is certain is that the terms now available offer to my mind the only possible escape from a loathsome civil war ending in loss of General Election, destruction of evicted tenants and general hell.

First then, you and we want Pamell's retirement. That we can have. Second, you want that his retirement shall be real, not nominal. That is answered for by the fact that he has been brought upon to

8 From the Hotel du Louvre.




accept Dillon as his successor. Will any man living suspect that Dillon is Pamell's creature or even his nominee? It was myself Pamell desired to have, and I had actually to break off communica- tion before he would consent to Dillon. His doing so is an inestim- able gain and a most marvellous conversion. The one piece of personal satisfaction he desires in return is for McCarthy's resigna- tion. That offers to both sides a chance to bury the hatchet wielded in Committee Room 15. It of course involves self-sacrifice on our part, but which of us would not swallow any amount of personal feelings to save the country from the unspeakable abyss that is yawning before us? The only other thing he requires are [sic] that of private and confidential ordinances on two points as to whether every Irish member agrees it would be better to have no Home Rule Bill at all than a Bill so mutilated and unworkable. I mean the Land Question. Pamell's demands in that are reasonable. It is no longer possible for a Liberal Cabinet to shirk making up their minds on the subject. The answer will be confided to me and will never be disclosed unless (i) they are violated by the Liberals or (ii) until after a satisfactory Home Rule Bill has passed into law. Of course the G.O.M. will have certain technical difficulties about giving those assurances while the question of the leadership is still to some extent open, but we have devised a plan by which, with Justin's concurrence, the technical difficulty could be got over and be most acceptable to the G.O.M. as to everybody else in this crisis, and not to stand upon 'punctilio' when there is question of red ruin and destruction for him and for his party and for all of us. I am fairly confident that if the right spirit is shown on our own side, the G.O.M. will not be intractable.

The right spirit, I am sorry to say, is not shown by Tim Healy and his friends. Their methods have revolted Nationalist instinct and made Irish-America (the working part) solid against us. Securing Parnell's disappearance is one thing—hacking him to pieces and hunting him down like a wild beast and pelting him with-all sorts of filth is quite another thing, and is an absolutely detestable thought to hundreds of thousands of Nationalists who are just as convinced as we that wisdom demands Parnell's withdrawal. Where Tim and his wicked English meddlers make their fatal mistake is in supposing that the war against Parnell is over. We are only in the beginning of a conflict which Parnell calmly contemplates carrying on over a long series of years if he is driven to it.

Believe me, I know every fibre and element of the National movement, when I tell Your Grace it is as certain as anything can




be that, although he will no doubt be beaten at the polls in a majority of the constituencies, he will not only rally the hotheaded youth, but hundreds of thousands of the lesser men in the country if his offer to give way to John Dillon on McCarthy's assurances, which everybody admits to be indispensable is flinging Cork (?) with insult in his face.

My dear Lord Archbishop, let me entreat you to use your com- manding influence in this most solemn hour for peace. Dillon himself still objects, but I am sure we can conquer his objection. He once elected, the country would rally to him with relief and joy—the great bulk of the Party (except a herd of cranks and personal enemies) would be cemented more solid than ever for the taste they have just had of the horrors of disunion. America (where Dillon could not collect a pound while the conflict in Ireland continues) would pour in any amount of money required.

Dillon and I (as soon as our sentences are completed) could sweep the country. While if the row is to go on, nothing is more certain than utter crash, panic, defeat and villainous defamation all round which will render life intolerable. For heaven's sake, my dear Lord Archbishop, exert all your powerful influence to save us all from this unspeakable fate. If Parnell is acting in bad faith, Redmond, Harrington, Clancy and Kenny have given me a promise to withdraw from him and so end the conflict. We have everything to gain and nothing to lose from making every possible honest effort at peace. I believe we have obtained terms which give us all that anybody could possibly demand, if McCarthy and Healy are willing to make the corresponding sacrifices of personal feeling and if the G.O.M. is willing to risk something to save himself and all of us from utter shipwreck. Your Grace has it in your power, not now for the first time, to save the Irish cause by an opportune word in the right quarters. Believe me there will be no act of your life that you will afterwards look back upon with so much pride and thanksgiving.

William O'Brien.

30 Rev. M. Horgan to Croke. Tralee, 14 Jan. 18919


I think it is evident to every thoughtful man after Mr Pamell's Speech in Limerick that he now intends to lead an anti-Catholic Party. He has thrown off the mask in Limerick and repudiates

9 He inadvertently wrote '1890' .




the claim of the Church as the divinely appointed guardians of morality. 'You cannot' , says Cardinal Manning, 'divorce religion from polities' . This great Catholic principle is publicly repudiated by Mr Parnell and his hireling band, who pose as the representatives of our brave and Catholic people whom they have been seducing from their allegiance to the Church. He scarcely cares to lead the Parliamentary Party 'in its present composition' . This is his second avowal at Limerick and its meaning is obvious. He is pursuing his present propaganda in order to wipe out of political life in Ireland every independent member who voted against his retention of the Chair and to elect in their place at the General Election his own nominees, creatures after his own heart.

It is now evident that there will be men hostile to faith as well as to the interests of the country which any party led by him is now powerless to serve. The League is to be reorganised so as to exclude the priests from any controlling influence over the branches. These branches must not of course in future dare question the policy or the morality of Mr Parnell. They must sing his praises like any tuneful lark. In face of such a grave peril to the religious interests of our race, is it not the duty of the whole Irish Church to move together in one united phalanx against the tyrannical pretences of this arch-enemy of religion and before he carries the country, instruct our misguided people and show them clearly whither Pamell is leading them. He must be fully unmasked from every altar in Ireland or he will undoubtedly seduce the people.

At present he has the Secret Societies won over both by bribery and promises of preferment to its chiefs. Davitt and a few others who aspire to supersede him are however against him and this has happily caused a split.

William O'Brien, I have heard on pretty reliable authority, is Head Centre for Munster. And if, as would appear from the letter I enclose from Mr Harrington,10 who in his former letters so clearly states Parnell's desperate and dangerous designs, Mr O'Brien has gone over to Parnell and entered into a secret-treaty with him to bring about the destruction of the Party led by McCarthy at the next Election, when Parnell would be permitted to nominate the members for the constituencies, the situation is one of extreme gravity. Parnell retiring during the interval would then again be elected Chairman by his own nominees. Thus is the liberty, the

10 See letter no. 26 above.




cherished right of the people, to select their own representatives deprived them and they are virtually disfranchised by this political knave. Let the cry for freedom of election and constitutional rights be raised and our Christian liberties will yet be saved.

M. Horgan.

31 William O'Brien to Croke. Paris, 20 Jan. 1891

CD.A., Croke Papers 1891, item 10,

Need I tell you what joy Your Grace's good news gave Dillon and myself? The difficulties are still terrific, but every day difficulties are disappearing, and if only a certain big Sir William would get his burly form out of the path, all else would be smooth sailing. I dare not say more in an open letter, except that we wholly agree with Your Grace that an instant decision one way or the other is now the first consideration we are pressing upon everybody. This week must finally conclude matters for good or ill. However it be, God bless Your Grace with ten thousand best blessings, and God send we may all yet have the chance of recalling cheerfully around Your Grace's fireside the torturing anxieties of these last frightful months.

William O'Brien. PS. John Dillon says Ditto to every word of gratitude and affection.

32 F. H. O'Donnell to Croke. Aachen, 21 Jan. 1891


You see that Parnell proves himself with every day a more thoroughly desperate scoundrel. In every paper of the Continent his descriptions of the bulk of his former 'asseclae' , as the Holy See called them, are quoted with amusement and contempt directed at the whole Irish Race. 'Gutter Sparrows' , 'Scum' , 'Renegade Cads' , etc., etc., go the round of the world's press. 'Die Irische Lumper-Abgorducten' , the 'Irish blackguard-deputies' , so appear in a thousand newspapers the titles of the Irish Representation Body. 'Breeches O'Brien' , 'Plan-of-Campaign Dillon' , 'Healy the political mudlark' , so figure the remaining hopes and ornaments of the party.

Now what is Your Grace going to do? The burlesque conferences at Boulogne have turned out entirely in Parnell's favour. Those




gushingly affectionate interviews between the leaders of the 'Bishops Party' and the 'moral leper' whom the Bishops condemn, only deepen the conviction that political party expediency alone has caused the opposition to the 'moral leper' .

It is ten years since I had the honour of making Your Grace's acquaintance for the first time, on the same occasion that Parnell did, one evening in the London editorial office of the Freeman. But Your Grace preferred the Protestant Freethinker who despised you to the Irish Catholic who so often warned you. Cardinal Cullen and Cardinal McCabe were my friends. Your Grace has lived to be the rejected patron of Pamell. I speak freely as a Catholic should do without public scandal, and I warn you that still worse is in store for you and Ireland, if Pamellism is not better dealt with than by the Founders of 'New Tipperary' .

I think that Parnell's exposure of Gladstone's sham Home Rule —though motivated by personal spite alone—gives you the clear intimation of what you must do, and do quickly. It is not the revolt of the 'Asseclae' can help Ireland alone.

O'Donnell.

33 Croke to Kirby. Thurles, 21 Jan. 1891


Pamell is a trickster and greatly, I fear, an overmatch for O'Brien and Dillon. He appears to be only gaining time. There is said to be a truce, and Dr Walsh has written a letter asking to have it faithfully observed. But a truce means cessation of hostilities on both sides. Whereas in the present instance Pamell is blazing away as fast as he can, influencing the public mind, and stirring up everything that is dirty and discreditable in the lowest stratum of Irish life.

I have had a wire from O'Brien, this morning, from Paris, to the effect that 'the negotiations are still going on, and that they are likely to end satisfactorily' .

But the issue to be solved is so simple, that one cannot imagine why there is such delay about it. The issue is: Pamell, or no Parnell.

There can be no compromise. We can never have him for a leader. He must retire. There is no medium course possible. If negotiations, or conferences, go on much longer, I will have to express my views publicly on the matter, a thing which I am most unwilling to do so long as there is any real prospect of peace.

T. W. Croke.




34 Same to same. Thurles, 29 Jan. 1891


I got your letter of 25 Inst, and it afforded me the greatest possible pleasure, especially as an indication of the feeling in Rome in reference to the Irish political crisis.

I am keeping up the steam as well as I can; but, indeed, I must say, that, as usual, I am comparatively alone in the fray. However, the fight must go on.

The enclosed may have escaped your notice. So far, at all events, as I am concerned, no truce, no compromise,

shall be entered into. Parnell must retire. The Boulogne Conferences are doing a vast deal of injury.

Apart from anything else, they are leaving the field open to Parnell, and to give him his due, he is traversing it at a rapid pace, and with satisfactory result, so far as he is concerned.

The lower stratum of society in Ireland is almost entirely for him. Cornerboys, blackguards of every hue, discontented labourers, lazy and drunken artisans, aspiring politicians, Fenians, and in a word, all irreligious and anticlerical scoundrels in the country are at his back. But on the other hand, every thoughtful, intelligent, industrious and Christian man, is strenuously opposed to him.

There are, in fact, two camps now in Ireland, arranged in hostility against each other. It is dreadful—it is dispiriting. But Magna est Veritas.

There is no other news. The papers tell you everything. But, beware of the Freeman. It is a tissue of lies. The Cork papers: 'Examiner' or 'Herald' have stood well^and are doing good service. Indeed—all the provincial press, I must say, is sound.

T. W. Croke.

35 Archbishop Logue to Kirby. Armagh, 5 Feb. 1891


My dear Lord Archbishop, There is no outward change in the political situation except that

the stumping of the country has ceased. Today one of my priests sent me a letter he had from John Dillon. Though there is nothing definitive said in it, there is the general assurance that the settlement is on the point of being completed, and that it is such as will

satisfy the bishops and priests.




The North, priests and people, is solid against Pamell. A small clique in Belfast and Newry are trying to make a noise, but nobody heeds them.

I am hammering away at the subject on every available occasion. I fear the people will think in the end that I am becoming a pro- fessional politician. I am afraid sometimes I am going beyond the limits of charity. I have a paragraph on the subject in the Lenten Pastoral which is likely to bring the Freeman and United Ireland down on me. I do not spare the former. I will send Your Grace a copy, if the printer in town here brings it out in any presentable form, which I doubt very much.

I am, etc., Michael Logue, Archbishop of Armagh.

36 Bishop O'Dwyer to same. Limerick, 13 Feb. 1891


My dear Lord Archbishop, I beg to thank Your Grace for both your letters which came in

due course, with dispensation, while I was from home making my annual visitation of the convents in the county.

As for Mr Parnell, I do not think that he need be a cause of anxiety. He may give trouble, for a while, but that is all. He is so discredited that he can never recover again. The meeting here was a regular fiasco, and of those who attended it, the greater part were drawn by curiosity. How strange that people do not recall the singular fact that Parnell is the one Irish Politician who—if I recollect rightly—has ever been condemned by name by the Holy Father; and hold true that on whosoever that falls it pounds him to powder.

I remain, etc., E. O'D., Bishop of Limerick.

37 Archbishop Logue to Kirby. Armagh, 21 Feb. 1891


There is nothing here but war and rumours of war. Both sides are preparing for the conflict, which I fear will be a tough and a long




one. Lord knows how it may end. I think it is likely to take the form of an anti-clerical campaign. I am inclined to believe that, if it takes this form at once, it will be so much the better for us, as it will open the eyes of the people to the real character of our opponents.

Pamell has on his side all the Conservative Press, and every Conservative speaker who opens his mouth. Of course, he has all the Orange Press and all the Orangemen and Protestants generally. They are all glad to get a slap at the influence of the priests. I hope it will be a lesson to some of their former friends in Rome.

I believe the great body of the Catholic people are still sound, especially in the North; and it is hard for them to be so. They are naturally led by the papers, and almost every paper they get into their hands is Parnellite. The Freeman has done immense mischief, but I trust its days are nearly run. The New National Journal is to appear on the 7th March. The Bishops have got a written guarantee from its directors which will secure its soundness; but of course, this is private, as the knowledge of it might be made a handle to ruin the influence of the new paper.

Pamell is going to hold a meeting in Newry on 8th March. There is a clique there, some of whom are pretty much on a par with himself in point of morals; and they have invited him. The Bishop has published a letter in which he states plainly that they are in- viting Parnell to keep their own evil deeds in countenance. I think it will make them rather ashamed of themselves.

Many of the Catholic Unionists are strong supporters of Parnell. I suppose they see in it their opportunity of breaking up the Irish Party. It is strange how matters are developing. As a rule, the attorneys and dispensing doctors are Pamellite. Then if there be any character in a parish who has a pique at the priests or is jealous of their influence,^he is sure to go Parnellite. Thank God, the priests are almost as one man on the right side. I heard a rumour that there are some of the Regular clergy in Dublin strong Parnel- lites. If so, their superiors should look to them. It would be a regular scandal to tolerate them.

^ Michael Logue.

38 Bishop E. O'Dwyer oj Limerick to Kirby. 27 Feb. 1891


I am sorry to have to inform Your Grace that there is no decided improvement in the state of our political affairs in which the




followers of Mr Parnell are showing a daily increasing hostility to ecclesiastical authority, and so defiantly that one must thank God that they have not the power which Home Rule would give them of more effectually prosecuting their designs.

I am sorry to have to say that our poor Irish Church is now like many others before us, feeling the retribution of disloyalty to Rome.

^ E. O'Dwyer.

39 Same to same. Limerick, 4 March 1891


Your Grace will have seen from the newspapers the progress of the wretched movement in favour of Pamell. The support which he is getting, small as it is, shows the fruits of the demoralization of the last ten years: and in my humble opinion the disruption of the Irish Party, before Home Rule was granted, is a great mercy from God.

A serious evil, too, is the excessive devotion of the clergy, young and old, to politics. In this respect a wonderful change has come over them, particularly the younger, who are as a body much more extreme in their views and excited than the people.

^ E. O'Dwyer.

40 Confidential Circular to the Clergy of Cashel and Emly and to

them alone. Thurles (The Palace), 2 March 1891 CD.A., Croke Papers 1891, item 23.

There is no need to tell you that we are passing through a perilous and painful crisis. It is fraught with trouble and anxiety on the part of every good and thoughtful man in the land; but it is of special significance as regards Ecclesiastics. An assault, all along the line, is being made on us. So we must be up and active, and ready not only to receive, but to repel it. In a word, we are called upon to fight 'pro aris et focis' , and, thank God, we, priests of Cashel and Emly, are fully equipped and prepared to do so.

I ask you then, in presence of those grave passing events, to organise your parish as soon and as effectively as possible.

With that view, call your people together after last Mass, on Sunday the 8th of March, or on some other convenient day. Lay before them, in plain terms, the actual state of things in our midst




as regards the continued leadership of Mr Parnell. Tell them in what and how shamefully he has sinned against the Christian code, without having ever uttered a word of repentance; how he has broken up the great Parliamentary Party, and imperilled, if he has not actually wrecked the cause of Home Rule. Put them on their guard against the teaching of ignorant and ill-conditioned men, and the wiles of unscrupulous politicians. Remind them of the ne'er-to-be-forgotten fact, that Bishops and Priests have ever proved themselves their best and staunchest friends. Check the circulation of dangerous publications amongst them, and turn their attention to what is sound and good. Reconstruct the League in your Parish, if need be, but on the lines and principles on which it was originally started, so as to be under legitimate control. Gather the heads of your parishioners around you, to cheer you by their presence and aid you by their advice. Keep the young men free from secret as- sociations, while insuring their devotion to the cause of Ireland, and to the interests of their Church. Avoid, however, as far as possible, any and everything of a factious or irritating character that may beget unseemly strife, or dangerous antagonisms, amongst the members of your flock.

Finally, prepare your people for an aggregate Meeting, or Con- vention, in Thurles, should we find it necessary, or be forced to hold it. Thus shall we prove," beyond all manner of doubt, that Cashel and Emly are fully in line with the other Dioceses of Ireland, desirous of upholding the social purity of our race, and of con- demning evil doers. We shall prove also, that we have a heart to feel, and a head to guide us in this matter—aye, and an arm to strike as well, if necessary, in defence of truth, honour, religion and country.

* T. W. Croke.

41 Croke to Kirby. Thurles, 6 March 1891


Your letter is to hand, as are also the documents for suffragan Bishops. They shall be dispatched at once, to distribution.

I want now to lay a case before you and ask your advice. We bishops and archbishops here are struggling against Parnell's

leadership and striving to keep our people right as regards his un- repented crimes. We are hard-pressed in the fight by bad men. That is what might have been expected. But who could have thought




that a Bishop would go practically against us? Yet, it has appeared in the public papers that Dr O'Dwyer of Limerick has absolutely ordered his priests not to mix themselves up in the struggle, or at all events, has expressed a wish that they would not do so.

Now, the question is, what should be done in the case? Could you ascertain at the Propaganda what is thought there of such conduct, of such a line of action? If it is approved, I certainly will lay down my arms. Indeed, if not condemned, I fancy I must do the same.

I ask your advice in strictest confidence. Do not mention him by name.

T. W. Croke.

42 Same to same. Thurles, 7 March 1891


Father Roman, Head of the Jesuits in Limerick, has just been here. He told me that Dr O'Dwyer has forbidden his priests to take any part in the agitation against Parnell. This is dreadful.

See enclosed scrip11 also, from a Limerick paper. I have just written a letter to the new Catholic Paper which I will forward to you on Monday next.

T. W. Croke.

43 Kirby to Croke. Rome (Irish college), 9 March 1891


I have just received yours of the 6th Inst. With regard to the case you mention I will do what I can to get

some sure advice for you. I went there after receiving your letter, but I found them so overpowered with business of every kind that I could not venture even to hint at anything of the kind. But as I can succeed in getting a favourable opportunity, you may rely that I will do my best to obtain their views. In the meantime we know enough to be sure that all the authorities here are decidedly with the manifesto of the bishops, viz. that whoever is to be the leader of the Irish people in their just struggles for their country, that leader can never be a man publicly convicted of such a heinous

11 Enclosed newspaper cutting states that there were no clergy present at a political meeting held in Rathkeale, because 'the Catholic Bishop of the diocese, Dr O'Dwyer, has ordered his clergy to take no part whatever in the contest now going on over the Irish leadership' .




crime against the law of God; such a leadership could not fail to draw down the malediction of heaven on the cause and on all who would be the abetters of such a man.

So the course of action for a true pastor of souls under the circumstances seems clear, viz. to do his own duty, and not mind if any other individual bishop should fail in any part of such a duty. Each must answer for himself at the proper time to the supreme Pastor of souls, for his fidelity or infidelity in defending the sheep of his own fold from the wolf, who is prowling about for their destruction. For the rest, my dear Lord, we have nothing to fear. The cause is that of God Himself, and if He be with us quis contra nosl Besides, He only requires of each of us to do our own part well and with vigour; to fight with ardour and perseverance, with the promise that He will do the rest—that is, give us the victory at the proper time. You know well the promise: You are not to conquer in fighting for God. No, you are only to fight like a man: and God will conquer for you. AH, what a happiness to serve so good a Master, to fight for Him, and above all to die fighting for His honour, for His Church, for His Vicar upon earth, for the preservation of the souls He loves so much. Coraggio and fear nothing and pray for your always affectionate

T. Kirby, Archbishop of Ephesus.

44 Croke to Kirby. Thurles, 13 March 1891


I was glad to get yours of the 9th Inst. The more the Roman authorities reflect on our difficult position,

placed literally, as we are, between two fires, the more disposed will they be to take a favourable view of our sayings and doings.

I enclose a bunch of shamrock for yourself, and one also for Cardinal Simeoni, to whom I shall write next week.

T. W. Croke.

45 Dr E. O'Dwyer to Kirby. Limerick, 18 March 1891


Allow me to thank Your Grace most heartily for the frank and paternal manner in which you have given me your views upon my action or rather inaction in the present political crisis. It is of great




importance for one placed so near to events as I am to learn the impartial and deliberate opinion of one whose very remoteness from the scene enables him to study it with more calmness and accuracy. And I am sure that I need not say that I shall study Your Grace's views with the utmost care, and give them the full consideration which they deserve.

As to Mr Parnell, there can be no room for doubt or hesitation as to his utter unfitness for the position of leader of a Catholic Nation, and you need not have the least apprehension that at any time one word will be spoken in his favour by any priest in Limerick or any countenance given to his supporters. But there are counten- ances of a local character in which perhaps Your Grace may be able to give us some assistance that would simplify matters.

The anti-Parnellite member for this city surpassed all bounds of decency last year in his attacks upon Mgr Persico, and the Holy See, and in his personal insults to me. So bad was his conduct that we never can support him unless he withdraws these outrages and apologises for them.

One of our county members, Mr William Abraham, is even worse. He is one of the worst libertines whom I have ever known, and it is a matter of common rumour, and I believe true, that he returned himself an atheist in the last Census paper. Surely such a man is not the fit representative for so Catholic a Constituency as ours, and it is rather an excessive demand on the cooperation of a Bishop and his priests to ask them in the name of morality to take an active part in supporting such a fellow. Yet that is the position in which I am placed; and if unsatisfactory consequences follow, Mr McCarthy and his friends have only themselves to blame.

It is not too much to require as the condition of our support that we get as our candidates men of good moral character, whom Catholics may trust.

It is very painful to find also in the National Press and other anti-Parnellite organs constant references to the Plan of Campaign, as if the Pope had never condemned it. Parnell's crime is bad enough, but in my opinion this continuous sapping of the people's faith in the Holy See is worse, and the present resistance to the authority of the Bishops is the fruit that it is bearing already.

If Your Grace could bring your great personal influence to bear on those who have the direction of Irish affairs so as to have these things remedied, you would, I presume to think, render a great service to our country and its people.

A E. O'Dwyer.




46 Archbishop Logue to Croke. Armagh, 14 March 1891


The only reason I am anxious for an early meeting is that I fear, later on, things will have gone too far to apply a remedy. Though the public speakers observe a politic moderation, the Freeman has gone pretty near as far as it can go in raising the anti-clerical cry. It occurred to me, though I may be mistaken, that it would have been better for our cause, had the Freeman and the Parnellites broken out into the full undisguised anti-clerical cry at once, instead of mildly whimpering as they are now doing. In that case, the people would be shocked and their eyes opened; now they are educated into hatred of Church authority by degrees. The poison is being administered in mild doses so that, the constitution being habituated to it, large quantities will hereafter be swallowed without revulsion or resistance.

However I would be sorry to set up my opinion against those of far greater experience.

I had a letter from the Archbishop of Tuam. His Grace seems to be a good deal bothered and uncertain. He winds up in favour of a meeting; but I fear such a meeting as he proposes would do no good. He proposes to have all bound to secrecy and have a kind of private deliberation. My idea is that we should speak out boldly and let the people hear out voice. Our people are being corrupted and their faith and obedience to the Church gradually undermined, and hence, if we speak at all, we should speak in such a way as to make ourselves heard.

Again, I fear, though I don't know, that there are several faithless priests working silently, and two or three at least have publicly declared themselves. Now I think there should be some general regulation made to check these gentlemen in their secret career of perversion. I fear Your Grace will hardly agree with me in this; but I see no difference, except one of degree, between a priest engaged in a scandalous course himself and backing up scandal in others. Of course, they may make a distinction between the libertine and the politician, but it is hardly a distinction that would practically justify a guardian of morals in shocking the feelings of decency in his flock.

As to what Your Grace suggests about Dr O'Donnell, I fear it would be an awkward position to put a Bishop in; 1st, I don't see how he could undertake such a mission without the permission




of the Holy See which would not likely be granted; 2ndly, not being deputed by the body of Bishops, he could speak only for himself; 3rdly, he would require extreme caution to avoid being caught by some political faction in America; 4thly, how would the American Bishops take the matter? In addition to these I doubt whether he is robust.

My idea was that the Bishops should have met long since and sent a Manifesto to the American Hierarchy, putting things on their right footing. I fear opinion is becoming very confused in America. Even the Catholic American papers I receive seem to lose sight of the religious aspect, and regard the matter as a wrangle between rival political factions.

A Michael Logue.

47 Dr E. O'Dwyer to Kirby. Limerick, 21 April 1891


Your Grace will hear, I am sure, with great pleasure that everything goes wonderfully well at present in my diocese. A few days ago, I saw the end of the only case of the Plan of Campaign and got all the poor people of Gleasaroe (?) re-instated in their holdings. We have perfect peace now, and with God's blessing I hope it will last for many a day.

*f* E. O'Dwyer.



Dr. Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell, Crisis 18 November 1890-21 April 1891

Documents

Transcript of Dr. Croke, the Irish Bishops and the Parnell, Crisis 18 November 1890-21 April 1891