DORISEA WORKING PAPER WP 1... · spirits (or ghosts) is equivalent to superstition and should be...

DORISEAWORKING

PAPERISSUE 1, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893

PETER J. BRÄUNLEIN

SPIRITS IN AND OF SOUTHEASTASIA’S MODERNITY

AN OVERVIEW

Competence Network DORISEA – Dynamics of Religion in Southeast Asia 2

DORISEA Working Paper, ISSUE 1, 2013, ISSN: 2196-6893

PETER J. BRÄUNLEIN

SPIRITS IN AND OF SOUTHEAST ASIA’S MODERNITY AN OVERVIEW

Haunting isaconstituentelementofmodern social life. It isneitherpre‐modern superstitionnor individualpsychosis; it isa generalizable socialphenomenon of great import.To study social life onemust confront theghostlyaspectsofit.

AveryF.Gordon,GhostlyMatters,2008,7

No scholar in the contemporary field of the so‐cial sciences or cross‐cultural studies wouldquestion Peter L. Berger's observation that "to‐day'sworldisfuriouslyreligious"(Berger1999,9). The once well accepted 'modern‐ization'theoryof the1960sand1970s,whichassumedthat the introduction of market economies inAsiawould not only institute state‐directed de‐mocracyandneoliberalreforms,butalsotriggerprocesses of secularization that would pushreligionoutofthepublicarenaandintothepri‐vatesphere,hasturnedouttobewrong.Criticalreason, a concept shaped by the "philosophicalenlightenment"ofKantandothers,obviouslydidnotprevailonagrandscale. Instead,"theInter‐nationale of Unreason" ("die Internationale derUnvernunft"; Meyer 1989) and persisting out‐breaksofreligiouslymotivatedviolencenourishscepticism towards such Eurocentric mindsets.This becomes even clearer when seen from apost‐colonialperspective,suchasthatofDipeshChakrabartyinhisambitiousprojectof"Provin‐cializing Europe" (1992, 2000). Chakrabartyarguesagainstscientificnarrativesthatimplicit‐lytakeEuropeasabenchmarkforallofhistory:"’Europe’ remains the sovereign, theoreticalsubjectofallhistories,includingtheoneswecall‘Indian,’ ‘Chinese,’ ‘Kenyan,’ and so on"(Chakrabarty 2000, 27). Western thinkers likeMaxWeber andKarlMarx saw 'Europe' simply

as the framework for all historical discovery:"Thedominanceof ‘Europe’asthesubjectofallhistoriesisapartofamuchmoreprofoundthe‐oretical condition under which historicalknowledge is produced in the third world"(Chakrabarty 2000, 29). The actual paradox ofthird‐world social science, according toChakrabarty, "is that we [intellectuals of thethird‐world countries,PJBr] find these theories,in spiteof their inherent ignoranceof ‘us,’ emi‐nently useful in understanding our societies"(Chakrabarty 2000, 29). In the so‐called post‐colonial "periphery", however, the imaginativepowerofEuropeisslowlyfadingaway,makingitincreasingly less plausible to see one’s own fu‐tureasamere"variation"onEurope'spast(Ka‐viraj 2005, 525). The hypnotic singular form"modernity" is increasingly being replaced byconceptslike"alternativemodernities"(Gaonkar1999),"multiplemodernities"(Eisenstadt2000)"vernacular" or "the other’s modernities"(Knauft2002,2006).

In addition to this new post‐colonial termi‐nology, even in the West itself doubt is beingcastontheuniversalityofsuchapparentconcep‐tualpillarsofsociologicaltheoryas"bourgeois","capitalist", "modern"or "secularization".WhileShmuelN. Eisenstadt (2000) posits a relationallinkbetweenhis"multiplemodernities"andthe"pluralisation" of the lines of development of



"modernity", Frederick Cooper (2005), in hishistory of colonialism, sees "modernity" as acompletely useless analytical category. In con‐trast, Bruce Knauft (2002) prefers to see theapparent dichotomy of the terms 'traditional'and 'modern' as in fact interrelating categories,each reinforcing the other. "Alternativemoder‐nity"isanarticulatoryspaceboundedontheonehand by local cultural and subjective disposi‐tionsandontheotherbythevariousopportuni‐ties and restrictions presented by the globalpoliticaleconomy.

Howevermuchacademics try to revise suchterms as 'modern' or 'modernity', one is stillfacedwith the central andchallengingquestionoflocatingreligioninmodernity.Thattheseem‐inglyinseparabletwinrelationshipofmodernityand secularisation has been proven amyth canbe seen, for example, in the religioushistoryoftheUnited States.Rather than representing therule, then, Europe is now more and more re‐garded as an "exceptional case" (Davie 2000,Lehmann 2004). In other words, it is not theflourishing religious culture of the USA or the"global upsurge of religion in world politics"(Berger 1999) that needs explanation, but thedeclineofthesignificanceofreligioninWesternEurope.

Where this chapterpresentsobservationsofreligious life and practice in Southeast Asia, itdoes so within the above outlined frame of in‐quiry, always including a self‐reflective compo‐nent. The investigation of spirits in Asian mo‐dernity isofespeciallygreatsignificanceinthatcontext.Atfirstsight,thismayseemanoddpair‐ing:What does a belief in spirits andghosts, inmediums and trances etc. have to do withmo‐dernity? From a perspective shaped by thepromises of Western enlightenment, belief inspirits (or ghosts) is equivalent to superstitionand should be fought without reservation, yetwithout superstition as its counterpart, the En‐lightenment would have been unthinkable. AsTheodorW.AdornoandMaxHorkheimer(2002,2)ascertained,"thedisenchantmentoftheworldmeanstheextirpationofanimism".Yetsupersti‐tion, as from the perspective of Enlightenment,doesnotrefertoanobjectivefactuality,buttoaperceptionshapedanddeveloped fromaChris‐tiancontext. In thisperception,reason irresisti‐bly and unstoppably marches forward, againstallsetbacks:asfarasspiritsareconcerned,onlychildren, the mentally disturbed or 'primitive'people would believe in them. Ghosts, spirits,andspectres,Iargue,arewellsuitedtoreflecton"alternative", or "multiple modernities", and

principallyonthe locationofreligion inmoder‐nity. Aspects of European and Southeast Asianmodernityhavetobecomparedforthatpurpose,historically,sociologicallyandanthropologically.

ChristianSpiritsandfaithhealers

AspectacularphenomenonofCatholicisminthePhilippinesisself‐crucifixion.Inasmallnumberof locations,ritualsofthistypetakeplaceeveryEaster Week, attracting thousands of pilgrims,ordinary spectators and journalists. Ritualizedcrucifixion is not a wide‐spread practice, butnevertheless has sensation value and so givesrisetodisproportionatepublicity.

WhenIvisitedseverallocationsinthecourseofmy researchonPhilippinePassionRituals inorder to observe these self‐crucifixion and self‐flagellation procedures, I soon noticed that la‐belslike'pre‐modern'or'relicofancientcustom'werequite inappropriate.Thepeople that havethemselves nailed to the cross – and, for thatmatter, thenumerousspectators–donotcomefromaPhilippinebackwatercutofffromnation‐al and global events. Kapitangan, the researchlocation,isabout50kmfromthecapital,Manila,andhasaMotorwayconnectiontothemetropo‐lis.Itschiefindustriesandsourcesofincomearewetricecultivationandtheproductionofartifi‐cial turf:The latter aremuch indemandby themiddleclassesseekingtogetoutofManila.Thelate 1990s were a dynamic period in whichmega‐malls, vast shopping centres and internetcafesmushroomed,with an increasing ubiquityofattendantmobilephonesandTVsets.Muchofthe local population commutes toManila everyday,andinmostfamilies,atleastonememberisworkingabroad in theUSA,Europeor theMid‐dleEast.

Thenotionthattheself‐crucifixionsthattookplace in the churchyard of the small town ofKapitangan–infullviewofthousandsofspecta‐tors – must have been some archaic relic ofSpanish missionary colonization, turned out tobe quite wrong. In fact, they were 'invented'duringtheextensivepost‐colonizationperiodinthe1960s thatwasdominatedby intensemod‐ernization efforts. In the townofKapitangan, itwas a 16‐year‐old girl, Lucy Reyes, who wasresponsible for this 'invention of tradition' in1977. She had herself crucified every year forthenext13yearsandservedasarolemodelforothers, chiefly young women. Since then, 3‐4persons on average per year have had them‐selvescrucifiedinthechurchyardofKapitangan.



Neithertheactorsonthestagenorthespec‐tators in frontof it canbecategorizedasexclu‐sivelybelongingtotheuneducatedlowerclass.Astudent of computer sciences was among thecrucifiersin1996‐98,andmanyspectatorsweredistinctly well dressed, with their habitus alsoindicatingmiddle‐class origins. No less surpris‐ing was the fact that these self‐crucifixions didnot appear to bepunishment rituals. Instead, itwas "spirit mediumship", and shamanism thatcharacterize the underlying pattern of motiva‐tionandaction.Alltheactorswerehealerswhothemselves had experienced a life‐threateningillnessintheirchildhoodthathadbroughtthemintocontactwith Jesus–either in the formofacross‐carryingJesusofNazarethwithacrownofthorns, or,more often, of theHolyChild (SantoNiño).Beinghealedfromtheirillnessesbroughtwithitthecallingtobecomehealersthemselves.ThehealerispossessedbytheHolyChild,speakswithanalteredvoiceandisafterwardsunabletorememberwhathappened.Thecall tobecruci‐fiedcomesaspartofatranceexperienceorinadream;crucifixionsarerewardedbyanincreasein"healingpower",whiletorefusemeansapos‐sible recurrenceof thechildhood illness.As theactorsunderstandthem,self‐crucifixionsarenotamatterofindividualfreechoice;totheoutsider,they appear to be a shamanistic rite of passagein the course of the healer's career (Bräunlein2009,2010).

Filipinosdonot see self‐crucifixionandself‐flagellation as a manifestation of pathology orfolklore,butratheraspartoftheurgentongoingpost‐colonialidentitydebate."Whoareweactu‐ally?" is a question that journalists, politicians,churchmen and intellectuals like to bring upeveryyearwhenthePassionritualsarereportedup and down the country on television, the in‐ternetandonthefrontpagesofthedailypapers.The phenomenon of spiritual healing, of whichself‐crucifixion isonlyonedramaticexample, iswidespread in the Philippines. It is Catholicsaints,togetherwithMaryandJesus,whichhealthrough mediums. The Spanish colonizersbrought Catholicism with them and 'grafted' itontothePhilippinecosmologywithouthowever'replacing' this. It was not so much a "clash ofcivilizations" as an "clash of spirits" (Aguilar1998). The Catholic saints took on the powersandcharactersofancestralorprotective spiritsandgods (nono, anito, diwata) (Scott1995,77‐93). The numerous local mischievous and be‐nevolent spirits survived this missionary andcolonial "clash" in good health. Theworship ofsaints‐characterizedbyatypical"patron‐client"

pattern–butalsofearofevilspiritsandtheneedtobeprotectedfromthem,permeatesthewholeof society. The traditional trance experts stillfunction today as mediums between the 'here'and the 'other side', between the livingand thedead,usingacombinationof séances, ritualizedprayers,amuletsandsaintworship.Seenagainstthis background, the imitatio Christi is an ex‐tremely effective spiritual technique, and eventhedeadChrististurnedintoapowerfulshaman(Cannell1999,200).Catholicismand the sham‐anismofSoutheastAsiaareindeedinseparable.

The Philippine spiritual healing complex isneitheranexclusivelytribalnoraruralphenom‐enon. Indeed, it was in urban centres that thePhilippine Jesuit and social psychologist JaimeBulatao noticed an increase in the numbers ofspiritual healers after the Second World War,coiningtheterm"NewMystics"todescribethem(Bulatao1992,54–62).This"NewMysticism" isa further facet of the so‐called New ReligiousMovements (NRMs) that have sprung up sincethe1960s.Successfulexamplesof the latterarethewell known charismatic pentecostal groupsin Africa and Asia, whose attraction rests on acombinationofstrictreligiosityplustheaccumu‐lationofwealth.Aclearlystructuredwayoflife,proscriptionofbettingandalcohol,thestrength‐eningoffamilytiesandresponsibilities,andthecreation of networks produce not only socialcapital but also real monetary value and thechancetoriseupthesocialladder.

With an estimated 10–15 million members,ElShaddaiisonesuchcharismaticmovementinthePhilippinesandoneof themostremarkableNRMs in Asia. The founder of this Catholic re‐formistmovement,MikeVellarde, startedoff asan engineer and real estate agent. Inspired byAmerican "prosperity preachers" like KennethHagin and Kenneth Copeland, Vellarde propa‐gatedanout‐and‐outwelfare ideology:belief inGod is rewarded not only by doing well in theafterlife,butalsointhisworld.AllmembersofElShaddai contributepartof theirearnings to themovementasamatterofcourse.Amoneybillisalwaysslippedinwiththeprayerrequest.Oneofitssuccessfulmarketingstrategiesisthepriorityit accords toworkermigration, amatter of im‐menseimportanceinthePhilippines.1Passportsand visa applications are given public blessingandthedecisiontoemigratepraisedasaworth‐

1 Besides Mexico, the Philippines ranks second as theleading nation of labour emigration worldwide. Cf. Martin1996.



ful sacrifice. Through these migrants, the ElShaddai movement is then able to extend itsinfluenceabroad. Itsorganizationmethods, fea‐turing the use of in‐house radio and televisionprograms,arecomparabletothoseofacommer‐cialcorporation.

A rational business approach of this kindwouldseematfirsttohavelittleaffinitytobeliefin spirits. However, the discussion of miraclesand participation in local debates on spirits2form an important part of El Shaddai: It is evilspirits that are responsible for family quarrelsandtheuseofillegaldrugs.TheElShaddairadioprogrammenotonlyconveystopeople'shomesthe blessings of its charismatic founder figureBrother Mike, but will expel nocturnal demonstoo (there is a 24‐hour service). It pays off toinvestmoneyinmiracles(Wiegele2004).

Development experts like to see the Philip‐pinesasaneo‐feudal formofstate, incapableofreformandhopelesslybackward incomparisonwiththeTigerStatesofSoutheastandEastAsia– not least due to the influence of the CatholicChurch. The phenomena that we have men‐tioned above are commonly described as 'pre‐modern' and, in combination with corruption,nepotism and the obligatory 'laziness' seen asobstacles on the road to globalmodernity. ThePhilippines was and is an "anti‐developmentstate"(Bello2005),andthereforepresumably"achangelessland"(Timberman1991).3

VengefulFetusSpirits

However, a look at the industrially and techno‐logically well‐developed societies of East andSoutheast Asia shows that spirits are also ex‐tremelylivelyintheseregions.

HelenHardacre(1997)andMarkMoskowitz(2001)pointtothesignificanceofaritualcom‐plex in Japan and Taiwan connected with thereturnofaborted fetuses in the formof terrify‐ingspirits.Theattacksofthesefetusspirits(ta‐

2 The"ElShaddaiSchoolofExorcism",aninternetpublica‐tion of a Malayan branch of El Shaddai, gives vivid infor‐mationonthedangersofevilspiritsandhowtowardthemoff. The author is Brother Ivan Kennedy, who describeshimselfasChiefExorcistandwarnsagainst the influenceoftraditional healers. Cf. www.elshaddai24hrs.org/NewsLetter.htm[26.08.07].3 With a view to the political history in the PhilippinesbetweenthesixtiesandeightiesDavidG.Timberman(1991,xii) comments: "There is a sad constancy to the poverty,inequity, and injustice that characterize Philippine society,particularlyinthecountryside.”

tari)bringsickness,accidentsandunhappiness.WhileabortionislegalinJapan,themizukokuyoritualisofferedneverthelessbyBuddhists,Shin‐toists,Shugendoascetics,representativesofNewReligions and independent specialists like og‐amiya (healers) and uranaishi (soothsayers).Ritualservicestoappeasefetusspiritshavebeeningreatandincreasingdemandsincethe1970s,the applicants being chiefly young unmarriedwomen,andpersonalshrineshavebeenerected.These remembrance rituals have been carriedout infullviewofthepublic,andresultedinanopen debate on values, taking in questions ofBuddhist ethics, abortion, the position of thefamily and the changing role of women. Thecommercializationoftheritualserviceshasalsobeen criticized (Harrison 1995, 1999; Green1999). JaneHardacre disagreeswithWilliam leFleur (1992), who states that themizukokuyoritual is related historically to Bodhisattva Jizoworship, thus giving it recognizable historicalcontinuity.

Sheshowsthatthereactiontoabortionisnotmainly derived from Buddhism; instead shereferstoaparticularfeatureofthemorerecent'feto‐centric'debate,wheremotherandfetusareseparated in termsbothofmedical science andof society, this discussion having been initiatedbytheinventionofultrasonicvisualtechnology.

Taiwan'sreligiouslandscapeischaracterizedby an anarchic mixture of "Gods, Ghosts, andAncestors" (Jordan1999).Awe,and inanycaserespect for these entities, is wide‐spread in allwalks of society and appropriate temple cultsthat are growing pari passu with the nationaleconomyhelp to define both local and regionalidentity(Katz2003).Abortedormisshapenstill‐bornfetusesturnintovengefulspirits(yingling)bringing bad luck or death. Fetus 'demons'(xiaogui)formanevenmoreterrifyingcategory,reputed to be conceived and manipulated byblackmagic.Women obviously feel the need tobe protected from them. Damage limitation indealingswithreturningfetusspiritsisofferedbyDaoist and Buddhist experts and institutions.The Taiwanese fetus spirit cult was taken over(orrevived)fromJapaninthemid‐1970s.Justasin Japan, behind the fetus spirit appeasementritualstherelieawholerowofsocialproblems:pressureonwomentoproduceamaleheir, theostracismofsinglemothers,theConfucianidealof filial piety, and the Buddhist doctrine of thesinfulnessofabortion.Andagain,justasinJapan,criticism has arisen against the creation of anatmosphere of fear by religious leaders and



against thecommercialexploitationofwomen'sbadconsciences.

Spiritsofresistance

In the 1970s and 1980s electronic componentsbegan to be mass‐produced in the free tradezones of Malaysia in factories, a success storythatfacilitatedthecountry'sentryintotheglobaleconomy.However,thefemaleworkersinthesefactoriesrapidlydevelopedsymptomsincompat‐iblewiththegeneralboomeuphoria.Thesetooktheformofvarietiesofindividualandcollectiveobsession that manifested themselves in out‐breaksofviolence.Underthenameoflatah,thisbundleofsymptoms,whichincludedlossofself‐control,manicmockery of authoritarian behav‐iour, the use of obscene language and destruc‐tiveurges,hasbeenknownsincecolonialtimes.Together with amok, latah has been seen as aculture‐related pathological syndrome with acertain biological element ‐ by outsiders: thenative population connect it to spirits and pos‐session, an interpretation that fits in well withcurrent academic orientalist debate in whichspirits, trance and violent outburst stand forirrationalityandpre‐moderntradition(William‐son2007;Winzeler1995).

Theseperiodicepisodesof'possession'inthehigh‐tech firms of Malaysia have been recon‐structed and interpreted by Aihwa Ong (Ong1987). Following the loss of 8,000 productionhoursthroughthedestructionofmachineryandfailure to complywithwork regulations on thepartofpossessedfemaleworkers,themanagersdecided to act and, after initial hesitation, puttraditional experts – bomoh – to work. Theslaughter of chickens and goats proved ineffec‐tivehowever.Therampantspiritsdidnotallowthemselves to be contained in this way. Themanagers felt obliged therefore to resort tomore drastic measures: women who had beenpossessed more than twice were summarilydismissed – for "security reasons" (Ong 1987,204, 209). In the new proletariat composed offormerpeasantwomenwhowereurgedtofunc‐tion as factory workers Aihwa Ong discerns"spirits of resistance" facilitating "a mode ofunconscious retaliation against male authority"(Ong1987,207).The femaleworkershadbeenputinapositionofdependenceonnewauthori‐tyfigures.TraditionalIslamicreligionandfamilyrelationships had lost their value as identity‐giving attachment supports for these youngwomenwhohadbeenforcedtogiveuporpost‐ponemarriageandplansforafamilyinfavourof

factorywork. Factorydiscipline tookover theirbodies, leadingtoapainfulmergingof the localwiththeglobal.Itisthe"spiritofcapitalism"thatdrivespeoplemad,andasubversiverebelliontobring about humane working conditions turnsintoasurvivalstrategy.

Spiritcultsand"prosperityreligion"

Rates of economic growth are of course highlyskewed inAsian countries.But in placeswherean economic dynamic gets underway, the localreligionsdonotremainunaffected. InThailand,for example, in the 1980s and 1990s, the eco‐nomicboomwasaccompaniedbyaremarkablereligious creativity. The connection between abooming market economy and a booming reli‐giousmarketwasnotedbyRichardH.Robertsin1995.ThecollapseofthecommunistSovietem‐pire,thestimulusthatthisgavetotheexpansionof trans‐national capitalist systems, and reli‐gious dynamism in the countries affected aredirectly connected. Roberts speaks of a "resur‐gent capitalism" having "assimilative and crea‐tivepowerwithregardtoreligionandreligiosityin the new synergies of various forms of 'pros‐perity religion' which may lend substance toclaims to speak of a 'new spirit of capitalism'"(1995, 1). Different forms of this "prosperityreligion"were examined by Peter A. Jackson inThailand during the boom years (1999a,b)."Prosperity religion" spawns "popular move‐ments that emphasize wealth acquisition asmuch as salvation" (Jackson 1999b, 246). Con‐sumerattitudesandbehaviourarebothimbuedwithreligioussignificance.

It was not only the official state religion ofTheravada Buddhism that was affected (anddenouncedforitscommercialism);Chinesegodsalso came to beworshipped, and a cult of KingRamaVwasencouragedwiththeaimofincreas‐ingearthlyhappinessthroughfinancialwindfalls.Spirit mediums have enjoyed an unparalleledboom – in 1995 alone, according to one well‐knownnewspaper,thepeopleofThailandspent800milliondollarsontheservicesofsuchmedi‐ums.All strataof society, including thepoliticalandacademicelite,havesoughttoincreasetheirknowledge, level of protection and chances ofhappinessthroughcontactswithspirits.Thishasat the same time been accompanied (for over150 years) by a Western Enlightenment‐stylecriticism of belief in spirits traditionallypreachedby theRoyalFamilyand theBuddhistorganizations, and later joined by the media,television and newspapers. Belief in spirits has



beensubjectedtotheharsh"realitycheck",andfraudulent mediums exposed – with mixed re‐sults. One popular saying is: "You may not be‐lieve, but never offend the spirits" (Kitiarsa2002). The discourse about spirits has definiteformative effects on this society and challengesscientific categorization. The current socio‐economicandculturalchangessuggestthat it isnolongerparticularlyhelpfultomakeadistinc‐tionbetweenacomplex,state‐propagatedTher‐avada Buddhism (with its 'practical' tinge) onthe one hand and a pre‐Buddhistmagical 'Thaisupernaturalism'on theother,whichhave con‐sequentlybeenmergedundertheheading'tradi‐tional Thai syncretism'. 'Hybridization' is per‐haps a better concept, used by PattanaKitiarsaas a borrowing from post‐colonial theory, bywhichheseeksnotonlytodescribethevariantsofThaireligiositytoday,butalsotoshowthatapurely Buddhism‐focused perspective,which ofcourse goes hand in hand with the doctrine ofsyncretism,isnecessarilyobscurantist.TheThai'spiritmedium cult' is amultifarious phenome‐non involvingmanifestations, invaryinghierar‐chiesandcombinations,ofagalaxyof spiritsofdeparted Buddhist masters and kings, Indianand Chinese gods, and local helper and protec‐tive spirits. It is not monasteries and templesthat mirror the rapid change occurring in therealmof religion but "department stores, shop‐pingmallsandmarketplaces[...]wherepopularThaireligioniscommodified,packaged,market‐ed and consumed" (Jackson 1999a, 50). Themost effective catalyzers of religious hybridiza‐tionprocesses"inthedirectionofmoreprosper‐ity oriented religion" are, according to Kitiarsa(2005,486),themassmediawiththeircommer‐cial advertising spots for the services of trancemediums. In spite of the contradictions thrownup by economic crises and the criticism ex‐pressed by high‐ranking representatives ofTheravada Buddhism, it is just this notion ofreligionseenasacommoditythatPeterA.Jack‐soninterprets,notasasymptomofacapitalism‐induced"crisisofmodernity"(TanabeandKeyes2002)butas"theproductivecoreofnewhighlypopularexpressionofreligio‐culturalsymbolismand ritual" (Jackson 1999b, 248). Kitiarsa alsoseesevidenceofopenratherthanclosedarticu‐latoryspacesintheurbanspiritcultsthataroseduringand following theboom.Efforts tobringthese under control reflect both cosmopolitancapitalistpolicyandnationalsensitivities.Inthisview,religioushybridism,whichfindsacommonexpression in the "cosmopolitan life‐style andirresistible desires corresponding to the resur‐

gent spirit of global capitalism" in spirit cults,should be seen as "appropriately relevant andmeaningful incontemporaryThailand"(Kitiarsa2005,487).

PossessionbySpiritsandtheTraumaofWar

Vietnamhasbeenforsomedecadesnowoneofthe most economically successful countries inSoutheast Asia. The opening‐up of the countryinitiatedbytheSixthPartyCongressin1986setin motion rapid economic and social change.These reforms, marked by the catch‐word Đổimới (Renovation), led to the lifting of the USeconomicembargoin1993,boostedtourismandgaveforeignfirmsanincentivetoinvestandsetupproduction inVietnam. Since then the coun‐tryhasshownthehighestrateofgrowth in thewholeofSoutheastAsia.Vietnam'sentryintotheglobalcapitalistnetworkwasaccompaniedbyageneralcultural liberalization,whichinturnledto thepartial relaxationofpreviously rigid reli‐gious laws. Religious practices are no longerstigmatizedas 'superstition'orasocialevil,butare,uptoapoint,exploitedforpoliticalpurpos‐es. The renovation of traditional places ofwor‐ship, the renewed popularity of pilgrimages,participation in public and private rituals, thesale of religious objects, even the founding ofnew religions are all no longer forbidden. It isnotonlytheeconomy,butalsoreligiouslifethatis booming in Vietnam in multifarious forms(Taylor2007).PhilipTaylorhasdevotedawholestudytoapilgrimageinhonourofBàChúaXú,agoddess whose monument in South Vietnamattractsmore than onemillion pilgrims a year.ForTaylor(2004,vii)thisshowsa"phenomenalgrowthininterestinrecentyearsinfemalespir‐its".'Phenomenal'isinadditiontheonlypossibleword todescribe the revival of rituals inwhichspiritscanbecontactedthroughtrancemediums.Possessionandtheworkofmediumswerebothstrictly forbidden before the Đổi mới reform,beingvilifiedassuperstitionsand'sociallyharm‐ful'byCommunistsandConfuciansalike.Beforethereformera,spiritmediumswereonlyabletopracticetheirbeliefatnightorinsecret(NguyenKhacKham1983;Norton2002).

One of the recently revived trance rituals inVietnam is the lendong ritual that is connectedwith the cult of mother goddesses4. Len dong

4 Noreligioushistoryof lendonghasyetbeenwrittenforthe whole of Vietnam. While it appears to be lively in theSouth, albeit mainly practiced by Northerners, it is in the



believersworship the female rulers of the fourdomains ("palaces") of the Universe (Earth,Heaven,Water,Mountains). These Four‐Palace‐Goddessesare in turn linked toahierarchicallyorganizedroyalcourtcomposedofprinces,prin‐cesses,mandarinsandsoon.Inthecourseofa4‐hour lendong ritual,members of this court areincarnated in themedium, whose performativeactionsareaccompaniedbymusicandsong.Tosponsoroneoftheseritualscostsalotofmoney.In return for their aid and favours, the spiritsdemandvotiveofferings,clothing, jewelleryandvarious accessories. The spirits' appetite forconsumer and luxury goods is immense, but alendongritualincludesaredistributiveelement:in return for offerings and devotion, the spiritshandout"blessedgifts"totheparticipantsintheform of money and other material goods. Lendong rituals have high performative qualitiesand seem to be of therapeutic value (Endres2007).Thegood luck thatpeoplearehoping tofind there is not only in love, partnership andfamily harmony, but also has a material side –sponsoringa lendong is supposed toguaranteefinancial success and promotion at work. Themediums themselves get the chance to use thecentre stage "for ritually acting out personalvanities and striving for social status" (Endres2006,93).Inaddition,theritualscanbeseenascreative strategies "for addressing a variety ofpersonal concerns ranging from bodily illnessandemotionaldistresstoexistentialfearandthequestforthemeaningoflife"(Endres2006,93).

Theappealofthe"ReligionoftheFourPalac‐es"–asitisnowcalled(NguyenThiHien2002)is quite remarkable. A first scientific overviewcan be found in the collection Mediumship inContemporary Vietnamese Communities (2006)edited by Karen Fjelstad and Nguyen Thi Hien,according towhich the lendongcult iswell onthe way to going global: in Silicon Valley, Cali‐fornia,forexample,wheretheritualizedposses‐sion ofmediums can be found among the Viet‐nameseexpatriatecommunity(Fjelstad/Maiffret2006).TheethnomusicologistBarleyNortonhasrecentlypublishedthefirstin‐depthmonographon len dong and Vietnamese mediumship (cf.Norton2009).

As in Thailand, elements of 'prosperity reli‐gion' are also present in the Vietnamese spiritcult.Thechancetogetrichfromonedaytothe

Norththatdemandisgreatest.InCentralVietnamitremainsbannedbytheauthorities(with theexceptionofHue). IamgratefultoKirstenEndresfortheseobservations.

next – so near, yet so hard to capture – needswell‐disposed spirits to make it possible. In‐vestments in money and in spirits go hand inhand.

Theliberalizationofthemarketinreligionisbynomeanslefttochance.TheCommunistpar‐tyattemptstoimposeregulatorymeasures,crit‐icizes spirit beliefs as outdated customs or su‐perstition, while at the same time propagatingthe cult of national heroes, in particular of HoChiMinh. The fact that the latter turns up as agod in templesandspeaks topeople inséancesthrough spirit mediums is neither intentionalnor'politicallycorrect'–butseemstobealogi‐cal consequence of the incorporation of Ho ChiMinh in the pantheon of spiritual beings (seeLauser2008).Theancestorcultthatkeptfamilyandsocietytogetherhascontinueduninterrupt‐edallthroughtheCommunistera.'Contactwiththe spirits of the ancestors' is not just a prettyfigure of speech, but signifies an actual processof communication.The cultureof remembranceis accorded great political significance, particu‐larlynowthatthecollectiveidentityofVietnamhas been largely moulded by two major wars.The selfless spirit of sacrifice for the commongoodinthefaceofoverwhelmingoddscontinuesto be called up and celebrated.Wars, however,also destroy families and threaten ancestralcontinuity, and the 'bad deaths' that occur im‐personally and in huge numbers on battlefieldsgive birth to restless, dangerous spirits. Theanthropologist Heonik Kwon (2006) illustratesthiswiththeafter‐effectsoftheMyLaimassacre,where the civilian victims received neither na‐tionalrecognitionaswarheroesnorthedignityof reburialafter thewar.Thedeadoccupiedanuneasy middle ground somewhere betweenharmfulrevenantandancestorspirits.Theneedtogettoknowtheplaceofdeathandthewhere‐abouts of the body has in recent timesbroughtgood business to 'ghost seekers' who serve anurgent demand of many people.. Talented ex‐pertsinthisareaareaskedtolocatethebonesofthedeadontheformerkillingfieldsandtofacili‐tatecommunicationwith thedeceased.The late1980sand1990switnessedaveritable'reburialmovement'.Appeasingtherestlessspiritsofthedead is not only difficult but also an existentialnecessity.Peaceforbothsides,thelivingandthedead, can only be brought through successful



ritual contact.5The traditional form of commu‐nication,as in thewholeof theChineseculturalsphere,isthegivingofghostmoneytothedead(Gates1987,McCreery1990)."HellMoney",soitis said, allows the restless ancestor spirits totaketheirproperplaceinthesocialhierarchyonthe other side, freeing them from the painfulburdenofthepast.Theritualburningofthishellmoney as a family activity is on the increase.HeonikKwon(2007)evennotestheremarkablephenomenon of a "dollarization of Vietnameseghost money" and explains how "the dollariza‐tionofvirtualritualeconomyandthedollariza‐tion of actual political economy" are related(Kwon 2007, 87). The expression of social andculturallifeinactualmoneytermshereandnowhasaneffectoncurrencydealings 'ontheotherside':itseemsthattheancestors,godsandspir‐itshaveapredilectionforthedollar.

GhostsintheCinema

The above examples serve to make clear thatspirits play amajor role in the religious life ofAsia,notinspiteof,butbecauseoftheprocessofmodernization. So far we have talked of faithhealers, the aborted fetus cult, forms of "pros‐perity religions" and of ancestor worship andremembrance of the dead – all phenomena ofexplicit religion. We now turn to a non‐institutionalized andnon‐ritualized type of 'im‐plicit religion' in the form of popular culture.Here,itisthemasscinema‐goingcultureinAsiathat seems to be of most interest, indeed thebarometeroffeltculture.

WhenthefilmAChineseGhostStoryappearedon the big screen in Taiwan in 1987 it had thesameeffectonyoungpeopleasStarWarshadonAmericans, in the view of Marc L. Moskowitz(2004).EveryTaiwaneseknowsthisfilm,whichadaptsthe literaryghoststoriesofthe18thcen‐tury The Remarkable Tales of Liaozhai by PuSongling (1640‐1715). Virtuoso sword fights,frightful demons and the tragic fate of unre‐deemedspirits–thisisthestuffthefilmismadeof.SetinancientChina,occupyingaplacesome‐

5 Sasanka Perera (2001) reports on war, terror and theappearanceofspiritsinSriLanka,whereadirectconnectioncanbeseenbetweenpoliticalviolenceandspiritpossession.The combinationofpossession and thememoryofpoliticalterroristobefoundprimarilyinzonesthatarelackinginallforms of institutional justice or medical provision. Pererasees in the appearance of spirits a compensation for and areflection of sufferings caused by injustice, powerlessnessandterroristforce.

wherebetween"Eastern"and"Fantasy",thefilmstands in the thousand‐year‐old tradition ofWuxialiteraturecombiningknight‐errantadven‐tures,martialartsandghostlyhorror.6Thegold‐eneraofWuxiafilms,apartfromsomeforerun‐ners in the 1920s, coincidedwith that of HongKong cinema in the 1960s and 1970s (Rehling2005).7AlongwithWuxiafilms,wherecontacttospirits, ghosts and the Kingdom of the Dead isobligatory, and which have been serialized formassTVconsumption inSouthandEastAsia,anewsub‐genreofspiritfilmhasbecomepopularsincethe1990s.This isatypeof filmthatcom‐bines elements of thriller, horror and mystery,achieving considerable box‐office success notonly in Asia, but increasingly also in Australia,the USA and Europe. The action in such filmsoften takes place in the middle‐class, white‐collarworldofthecontemporarybigcity.

HideoNakata'sRingu–TheRing (1998), thebiggestJapanesehitofalltime,setthetrendforthis kindof film. It tells the story of the femalejournalist Reiko Asakawa, who investigates aseries of teenage murders. There are variouscluesandrumours.Itissaidthatacertainvideocassettebringsdeathwithinsevendays toany‐onewhopossesses it. The reportermanages toget hold of the video, on which a mysteriouswomanistobeseen.Asakawadiscoversamur‐derous family drama and realizes that it is in‐deedthecasethatthevideo isburdenedwithacurse. Time is short. Both the reporter and herex‐husband,whocomestoheraid,aswellasherson have seen the video and come under itsdeadlyspell…

Ringu, unlike the usual type of horror film,hasnoexplicitscenesofviolence.Itwasasensa‐tionalsuccessnotonlyinJapan,butalsobecamean internationalhit inaKoreandubbedversion

6 When the first StarWars film was shown in Taiwan,spectatorsthere'decoded'itasaWuxiafilmanditispossiblethatLucas'inspirationdidinfactcomefromHongKongfilms.Wuxia is the original generic term for chivalry' novels. Themain characters are solitary heroes or heroines who usetheir swordsmanship and supernatural powers to restoreorder and justice, in the course of which they come intoconflictwithexistingauthority.The14thcenturywasfamousforWuxianovels.Tales likeTheMarshesofMountLiang arecommon knowledge and continue to be retold in popularcultureandthemedia.OntheWuxiagenreinChineselitera‐ture, see Liu 1967, Portmann 1994, and also the website:wuxiapedia.com7 Wuxia films are now being produced in the People'sRepublic of China, and have also proved hits in theWest –like Ang Lee's Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000) orZhangYimou'sHero(China2002).



andasanAmerican remake.8ShimizuTakashi'sJu‐On‐TheCurse(2000)alsodealswiththecon‐sequencesofabloodyfamilydrama. InaTokyosuburb, the primary school teacher Kobayashigoeslookingforapupilwhohasbeentruantingfora long time.He finds theboy (Toshio) lyinginjured in a wrecked apartment. ReadingToshio'smother'sdiary,hegathersthatshehadsecretlyfallenin lovewithhim.Discoveringherdeadbody inacupboard,hepanicsandtriestoleave the apartment with the boy, but is inter‐ruptedbyatelephonecall fromToshio's father,whoadmitsthathehasmurderedhiswifeinafitof jealousy, and also confesses that he has justmurdered the teacher's own (pregnant) wife.WhileKobayashiisstill listeninginhorrortoallofthis,Toshiochangesshapeinthebackground,and the story continues on its terrible course.Years lateranother familymoves in. Itbecomesclear that some unspeakable Evil drives every‐one who comes in contact with it to madnessanddeath.There isnohappyend, and thehor‐rorscontinue…

Ju‐OnwassosuccessfulinAsiathatSamRai‐mi,thedirectorofSpiderman,madeanoteoftheplotandlaterboughttherightsfortheAmericanand European market. In 2004 he remade thefilmas 'TheGrudge'withastarAmericancast.9ChenKuo‐Fu'sShuanTong–DoubleVision(2002)gave theTaiwanesepublic thesamerecipe thatRinguhadgiventhe Japanese.Thismostexpen‐sive Taiwanese film production of all time ischaracterizedbyaseriesofmysteriousmurders.Acompanydirectorisfounddeadinhisofficeon

8 TheliterarymodelforthefilmwasanovelbyKojiSuzu‐ki,writtenin1991andadaptedfortelevisionin1995.Oddlyenough, it was a Hollywood horror film Poltergeist (1982)that inspired him. Ringu2 followed in 1999, and in 2000NorioTsurutadirectedRingu0:Basudei,whichnarrates theprologue. The first foreign country to show the film wasKorea,where a home‐made perennial,RingVirus, has beenproduced. A US remake, The Ring, was directed by GoreVerbinski (Pirates of the Caribbean) in 2002, with NaomiWatts (MullhollandDrive, KingKong) in the lead part, fol‐lowedbyTheRingTwoin2005.9 In the US remake (which was incidentally directed byShimizu Takashi) it was an American exchange student,Karen (played by Buffy the Vampire Slayer Sarah MichelleGellar),whoishiredtolookafterasenileAmericanladyandsofindsherwayintothehauntedhouse.IntheUSAthefirsteightweeks grossed 140million, four timesmore than theproduction costs. The Grudge 2 followed in 2006. Todaythereare sixdifferentversionsof Ju‐Onworldwide.For thesymbolism a and socio‐cultural contextualization of TheGrudge, Ringu and other Japanese horror films see Kalat2007andMcRoy2008.KnowledgeableindividualanalysesofJapanesehorrorfilmscanbefoundinareaderbyJayMcRoy(2006).

a hot summer's day ‐ well wrapped up and, asturnsout,drowned.Apolitician'smistressringsthe firebrigade to tell themthather room is inflames.Shedies,butnotraceoffirecanbefound.The third victim is a Catholic priest, who hasbeen disembowelled and sewn up again. TheMurderSquadinTaipehdon'tknowwhattodoand ask the FBI for help. KevinRichter (playedbyDavidMorse)anexpertonserialkilling,fliesin fromAmerica and goes on the huntwith hisTaiwanese colleague Huo‐Tu (Tony Leung Ka‐Fai). The track leads to an apocalyptic‐daoisticsectthatbelievesithasdiscoveredthesecretofimmortality. The contrast between Westernscientific rationality and Eastern mysticism isplayed out in the pairing of the two policemenRichter and Huo‐Tu: this theme becomesmoreand more important as the film goes on andformsarunningobbligatotothequestion'whatis real and what is imaginary?'. The success ofthistypeoffilminJapanandTaiwanencouragedother Asian countries to follow suit. The Thai‐land‐Hong‐Kong‐Singapore co‐production Jian‐Gui–TheEye(2002)tellsthestoryofablindgirlMun who receives a retina transplant that re‐stores her sight. However, the retina has beentaken from a successful woman medium, andMun isnowable to see frighteningscenes fromtheworldoftheDead.Sheseesnotonlythewayinwhichsoulsare 'snatched' fromdeadbodies,but also the torment undergone by those whohavedieda'baddeath'–suicides,andvictimsofaccidentsandmurder.

In the Thai filmDekhor–Dorm (2006) the12‐year‐old Chatree is exiled to a depressingprivateboardingschoolfollowingaquarrelwithhisfather.Theboyisjeeredatbyhisfollowpu‐pils and ostracized; he lives an unhappy out‐sider'slifemadeworsebypanicattacksatnightwhenhehearsthattheschoolishaunted–thereare rumours of a boy that was drowned and agirl who was hanged. Chatree makes friendswith Vichien, another outsider, and they trytogether to fight against fear, malevolence andmobbing – until Chatree becomes aware of Vi‐chien'sdarksecret.

InYeedohungGaan–Innersenses (Honkong2002),Yan, ayoungwoman, seesghosts and indesperationseeksthehelpofapsychiatrist.Thisman,thehighlyregardedDr. JimLawplayedbyLeslie Cheung Kwok‐wing, does not believe inghosts. As he falls in love with his patient, hehimselfbeginstohaveterriblevisionsofghosts.Tormented by visions and depression, the psy‐chiatristjumpstohisdeathoffahigh‐risebuild‐ing. This film became really notorious when



Leslie Cheung, a well‐known star all over Asia,threwhimselfofftheroofoftheMandarinOrien‐talHotelleavingasuicidenoteinwhichhemen‐tionedunbearabledepression.

Thereisalonglistofghostfilmsofthiskindthatmakeupaconsiderablepartoffilmproduc‐tioninAsiatoday,particularlyinJapan,Taiwan,Thailand, Hong Kong, and South Korea.10Theseblockbustermoviesattractamainlyyoungaudi‐encethatiseducatedandupwardlymobile,andtheaspirationsandworldviewsoftheexpandingmiddle‐classarereflected in theplots.Thekindof content thathasbeendescribedaboveoughtnot, according to classic modernization theory,toappealtobankers,teachers,economists,mar‐keting experts, computer people and designers.These,afterall,liveinarationalworldandshareits values. Yet it is the 'other side' – hauntedhouses, the revengeof theundeadetc. – thatatthe beginning of the 21st century is one of thecorner‐stones of the entertainment industry ofAsia. Ghosts and their grip on the living, evenHell(Jordan2004),arenotthesubjectofcome‐dy but are paraded before the viewer's eyes infullfactualcinematicdetail.

TherecanbenoquestionthattheAsianfilmworldishereinsomewayreactingtothe"Amer‐ican semiotic empire" as Wimal Dissanayake(1996)callsit.Ghosts,theSupernaturalandEvilare big business in Hollywood too. Films likeGhost, Se7en, TheBlairWitch Project, The SixthSense,MothmanProphecies or revivals like thehighly praised The Exorcist (1973, revived in2001) have become box‐office hits in theWestand served as inspiration for producers, script‐writers and directors in Southeast and EastAsia.11Itwouldhoweverbeagrossoversimplifi‐cation to see such films simply as peripheral'responses'tothenerve‐centreofpopcultureinHollywood. In Asia, the various social and cul‐tural interfaces are a good deal more complexthan in America: the precursors of trans‐

10 AgoodoverviewoftheAsianfilmindustryinthevariouscountries mentioned can be found in the reader edited byAnneTereskaCiecko(Ciecko2006).Furthertopicsof inter‐estarecontainedinthecollectionsofAndrewJackson(2006)and Eleftheriotis & Needham (2006). Details of individualfilmsaregivenonavarietyofwebsites,suchasasianmovies[www.molodezhnaja.ch/asian.htm], asiancineweb[www.asiancineweb.de], or asianfilmweb [asianfilmweb.de]etc.11 The reasonable question why western postmodernmovie and TV productions do such good business withghosts, mediums, vampires etc. (Blade, Ghost‐Whisperer,Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Angel, Medium, X‐Faktor, X‐Filesandothers)isbeyondthescopeofthepresentpaper.

nationalization were neither one‐way streets,nor obvious homogenization procedures. "Highcapitalistpoetics"(Wilson1991)areincreasing‐ly expressed in original Asian linguistic termsthat themselves give aesthetic impulses to theWest. "Newer culturalpostmodernities anddis‐crepant cosmopolitanisms" (Dissanayake 1996,110)areproduced.12

Even when popular cinema is "only enter‐tainment"itstillwithoutanydoubtconstitutesaproductiveresourceofculturalidentity(Jackson2006).Thepassions, longingsandfears thatwesee on the screen do not merely reflect theshortcomings of reality – or try to compensatefor them – but also providemodels for reality.Identity in thepostmodernworld isnot formedby a search for solid, over‐arching rational es‐sence, but by exercising options: "identity aschoice"asLash/Friedmanputit(1992,7).'Life‐style' and consumerorientationare in thiswayturnedintomajorareasofsocialself‐placement.Seenfromthepointofviewofmediaanthropol‐ogy and 'cultural studies' it becomes clear thathumans do not only take upon themselves anactiveroleintheproductionofgoods,butalsointheir consumption. Consumption is the activegeneration of meanings (Hepp 1999, 70): andthisinsightthrowslightonthedemandforghostmotifsinbestseller‐books,comics,andfilms.

SPIRITS IN THE MODERNITY OF ASIA

ClosingRemarks:TheCaseforResearch

Therearemanygoodreasonswhyspirits,ghostsand specters in Asia’smodernity deserve to begivenmoreattentionandresearchspace. Inthefollowing, I shall outline some promising areasforfutureresearch.

Whatdoesitmean'tobelieveinspirits'?

Thestudyofpublicspiritritualsinvariablyrais‐es one fundamental question:which concept ofreligion is used by the scientific observer? AfamousminimaldefinitionofreligionwasgivenbyEdwardBurnettTylorin1871:"beliefinspir‐itual beings".Belief inGod has been the centralidentifyingtenetofChristianitysincetheCouncil

12 ThehistoryoftheJapanesefilmisagoodexampleofthis.AccordingtoDissanayakeitwasearlyoncapableofstylisti‐cally reflectingbackonHollywoodand subversivelyunder‐miningthe"semioticimperialism"oftheUSA.



of Nicaea in 325 and given permanent form intheCreed.UnderProtestantism,a'we‐hold‐this‐to‐be‐true' attitude has given belief an evensharper definition. Scholars coming from thistraditionsee'beliefin'somethingasanessentialfeature of every religion. Tylor's seemingly in‐nocuousdefinitionhasledtothetwinnotionsof'spiritual beings' and 'belief' becoming con‐structs of religious theory that are practicallyaxiomatic. Religious theory, moreover, has adefiniteChristiantouchandinadditionsuggestsanevolutionfromprimitivebelief inspiritsintoahighlydevelopedbeliefinGod.Inotherwords:without 'real' belief there can be no 'real' reli‐gion. Essentialism of this sortwas criticized byRodneyNeedhamasearlyas1972.Morerecent‐ly, Catherine M. Bell (2002) pointed out theproblematic nature of this perspective in con‐nectionwith 'belief in spirits' in China, arguingthat 'religion' is not just a mental process orcognition, but that it can have an equally firmbase in everyday, pragmatic concerns. The so‐called paradox that we have described in thispaperwherebypeopledeclare,ontheonehand,thattheydon'tbelieveinspiritsbut,ontheother,that theymust pay tribute to them in order toavoid damage, can bemore readily understoodagainstthisbackground.

Spirits,Religions,Rationalities:

Scientific research intospiritshasbeenmarkedby omissions and theological prejudice. For ex‐ample, European religious history has nevertakenspirits(alwaysplural!)tobe'good',but,atanyratesince theFallof theAngels (Auffarth/Stuckenbruck2004) to be agentsof Evil,whichis seen as a singular institutionwhose destruc‐tivemachinationscanonlybewardedoffbythe'true religion', namely institutionalized Christi‐anity.Themagicalmanipulationof spirits –notto mention demoniacal pacts – is a matter fordamnation: witness the persecution of witches,demonological tracts or even Goethe's Faust.Frazer's separationof religion andmagic in his"Golden Bough" (1890) has had major conse‐quences here with its systematic divorce of'popular'from'high'religionandanaccompany‐ingevolutionary ranking in thehistoryof civili‐zation. 'Real' religion is the humble worship ofGod and gives amoral base to the community.Magic on the other hand involves the self‐seekinginstrumentalisationofspiritsand,intheevolutionary terms just mentioned, has to berelegated to the pre‐civilized state of peasantsand primitives. A conflict of principles is the

logical result:magic and belief in spirits are ir‐reconcilable with 'real' religion (based on self‐reflective theology)andareboundtodisappearwhen confronted by modernity.13 Magic andspiritsperishinthehardlightofscience:religionreceivesitsraisond'êtreinthelifeoftheprivateindividualandalsobecomesa fundamental fac‐torofcommunalmoralcohesion.Seenthisway,spiritssimplydon'tfitintothemodernityofAsia.ConceptsofreligionareessentiallyinfluencedbymonotheisticChristianandespeciallyProtestantChristianthought.This in turnmakesclear thatmodelsof institutionalizedormonotheisticreli‐gion arequiteunsuitable aspointofdeparture.Instead, there are "coexisting informal – or dif‐ferentlyorganized–patternsoforientationandinterpretation"(translatedfromGladigow1995,25)thathavetobetakenintoaccount.Asamat‐terofprinciple,culturaltheorieshaveaswellas"sociologicalconceptionsofsecularitybeentoahighdegreeinterwovenwithself‐descriptionsofpost‐ChristianEuropeanmodernity" (translatedfromKönig2007:92).Theconsequencesofsuchimpregnations by Christian theology, Europeanenlightenment and ideology of progress andmodernityhavetobetakenintoseriousconsid‐erationwhenspiritsandAsians’modernitiesarescrutinized. A further essential subject of re‐search will be the sources (western or Asian)thatprovidematerialforthecritiqueofthespiritcult – bothwithin and outside institutionalizedreligionsinSoutheastAsia.

Spirits, theSalvationEconomyand theUpwardlyMobileMiddleClass:

Theeffectofthe'spiritofcapitalism'onspiritsisa distinctively favourable one – as can be seenfrom the phenomenon of 'prosperity religion'.The examples we have cited show that spiritsadaptwithgreat resilience toeconomicchange.Thecustomerbaseofspiritmediums is toare‐markableextentmadeupofmiddle‐classpeople.TheincreasingroleofmoneyintheworldofthisclassinAsiaisreflected(interalia)inamoneta‐rization of spirit cults. Spirits, money and reli‐giouspractice are bynomeansmutually exclu‐sive.Researchworkonspirits in themodernityof Asia is therefore by definition research intovalue‐orientation, search for identity and eco‐nomicfactorsinthemiddleclasses.Communica‐

13 Reflectedinthetitleofaninfluentialstudyofreligioninearly modern times: Religion and the Decline of Magic(Thomas1971).



tion with spirits and ancestors does not onlyshowtheusualpatternofexchangeofgiftsandaccumulationofmerit,butalsothelogicofcapi‐talismandoftradingrelations.14Thehistoriesofreligionandofeconomyareinterwoven.Togainan insight into interfaces of this kind it is wellworth making a study of the emerging sub‐discipline of the Economy of Religion (e.g.Iannacone 1998; Bourdieu 2000; Kippenberg2002;Koch2007). It shouldbenotedhere thatresearch intomiddle‐classworldviewsandval‐uesystemsneednotberestrictedtothefieldsofwork, economy and education, but that leisureandconsumptionpatternscanbeequallyreveal‐ing. Ethnologically based media studies – oncinema, television,videoandcomputergames–can make a valuable contribution to researchintothemiddle‐classworldview.

Agency,Genderandthe'AutonomousIndividual':

Anyanthropologicalresearchintothephenome‐non of possession is obliged to look into thequestion of "agency". Otherwise it gets boggeddowninproblemsofpathology.Whoexactlyisitwhoistalking/actingthroughamedium?Withinwhat fields of power are mediums operating?Whatsubjectconceptsarethere?Inwhatgenderrole do spirits appear, and what sex‐specificneedsareservedbyspiritcults?Inherbook'TheHammerand theFlute' (2002),MaryKellerde‐veloped the concept of instrumental agency.Insteadofasking"Whoisacting–thepossessedone,thespiritoftheancestorsorGod?"sheasks:"What is aimed at, andwith whatmeans?" Ac‐cordingtothistheorythesubjectisused,eitheras a hammer or as a musical instrument to be'played', and it is from this apparent passivitythatthepossessionmediumderivesthespecificritualauthorityaccordedhimbythecommunity.The'autonomousindividual'seemstobemoreaEuropean invention (Koepping et al. 2002); atany rate it is of only limited application in thecaseunderdiscussion.'Instrumentalagency'hasbecome a useful cross‐cultural concept aswell,because‘agency’isnotonlyamatteroffreewill,as Marilyn Strathern (1988) has shown in heranthropological critique of western notions ofindividuality, inwhichsheput forwardthecon‐

14 MichaelJ.Walsh(2007)isworkingoutatheoryofsalva‐tion economy in Chinese Buddhism. Although Walsh's ap‐proachisareligio‐historicalone–inwhichhelooksatmon‐asteries,laypeople,donationsandnotionsofmeritaccumu‐lation–hisideascanjustaswellbeappliedtothepresent.

cept of the "di‐vidual". Here, the singularity ofindividual existence is played down, and therelationalaspect–adominantoneinmanynon‐westernsocieties–isemphasized.

TheAnthropologyofPossession:

Spirits,toachieveasocialeffect,aretiedtome‐diums,shamansandpriests.Thusitisthetaskoftheanthropologistnotonlytolookattheinstitu‐tional side of spirit cults, but also the purelyritualside–theirrealizationthroughperforma‐tive and theatrical techniques. Themimetic po‐tential of possession, through which art andtherapy come together to form a meta‐commentary on perceived reality has been de‐scribedbyFritzKramerasakindof indigenousethnography (Kramer 1987). 'The Other' ismi‐meticallydepictedandrepresentedinmasquer‐ades and possession cults. Kramer reaches thisconclusion following the investigation of suchseemingly disparate areas of African culture asancestor worship, pop culture, secular dance,behaviour towards foreigners, and possessionphenomena. The incorporationof spirits allowsexperiencesofalienationandpowertobeactedout.

ImpertinentModernity:

Processesofchangeandmodernizationaredealtwithandcommentedoninspiritandpossessioncults.These commentariesareon theonehandexpressed in thevoicesof 'gods,ghostsandan‐cestors'thatspeakthroughtrancemediumsandtellpeoplewhattodoinmoney,familyandotherpersonalmatters.Ontheotherhand,thereisanongoing meta‐commentary from the rationalistcamp – made up of politicians, scientists, jour‐nalists or representatives of the establishedreligions–thatcriticizestheboomingspiritcultsand their adherents. Ethical questions and therelationship between tradition and change aredealt with at both levels. Spirit and possessioncultsarealwaysinadditionreflectionsoftheSelfandbringupthequestion,awkwardforboththeindividual and for society: "Who are we andwhatdowewanttobe?"Spiritcults,possessionphenomena and ghosts in films all throw astrong light on the relationship of religion andmodernity of traditions inAsia. Questions arisenotonlyaboutthemeaningof'religion'–wheth‐er in itscommonor in its scholarly sense–butalsoabouttheconceptofmodernityitself.Secu‐larityandmodernitycanbeseen inavarietyofways. The foundation and consolidation of an



ethicalcodebasedonthespiritsoftheancestorscannolongerbetreatedmerelyasthemarkofa'pre‐modern' society and relegated to the out‐moded traditions of 'the other' – but shouldforce 'us' to ask questions about 'our' attitudesto our ancestors, and about 'our' late modersecularityand itscultural roots.Weneed to re‐flect on the Self and theOther, on tradition, onmodernity, and on the place of religion in thelatemodernglobalvillage–andwhatcouldbeamore suitable fieldof inquiry than theanarchicandubiquitousspiritsinthemodernityofAsia?

Peter J. Bräunlein is an anthropologist and reli‐gionist. Between 1986–1988 and 1996–1998 hehas conducted extensive fieldwork in the Philip‐pines (on cosmology and shamanism of theAlangan‐MangyanonMindoro island;onthecultofthesaintsandpassionritualsintheProvinceofBulacan).Hiscurrentresearchprojecton"Spiritsin and ofModernity" is part of the area studiesnetwork"DynamicsofReligioninSoutheastAsia"(DORISEA).

Contact pbraeun@uni‐goettingen.de

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