Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco and the Brazilian El Dorado, 1673-1682

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Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco and the Brazilian el Dorado, 1673-1682Author(s): Manoel da Silveira Soares CardozoSource: The Americas, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Oct., 1944), pp. 131-159Published by: Academy of American Franciscan HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/978059.

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DOM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCO AND THEBRAZILIAN EL DORADO, 1673-1682'

W HEN, in the year 1670, Afonso Furtado de Castrodo Rio deMendonga became governor-generalof Brazil, and assumedthe responsibilities f the highestoffice n the colony, the search or ElDorado was already somethingof a recognized pursuit on the partof many government officials and of many enterprisingcolonists.The existence of rich deposits of gold, silver, and precious stoneswithin the confines of Portuguese America was pretty generallytaken for granted; and numerouspeople were periodicallydivertedfrom agriculture,which early formed the basisof much of colonialwealth, to follow the will-o'-the-wisp of hidden treasureinto thewilderness. The appeal of the unknown was, of course, enormous,and the vision of El Dorado had become fixed in many minds,especiallyafter the news of Spain'sgood fortune in Peruand TerraFirmawas spread. With geographicalknowledge as piecemealandas imperfect as it then was, it was no difficultmatter for a credulousage to supposethat by penetratingthe jungle areaswestwardfromthe seathe Portuguese might in someway tap the sourcesof Spain'sAndean mines.

Colonial chroniclershad no proof for their wild assertions,butthey talked of gold and silverwith the unmistakablefervor of cer-tainty. And the colonial mind, not to speak of the home govern-ment, whose needs for ready cash multiplied particularly in theseventeenth century,' was willing to believe that something tangi-ble might be achievedby sending prospectingexpeditions into theland. Simao de Vasconcelos (1597-1671), the Jesuit writer, wasconvinced that America, especially Peru, Mexico, and Brazil, wasthe Ophir of Biblical tradition, whose rivers, he felt, were more

I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to the Instituto Para a Alta Cultura of Lisbon forfinancial assistancewhich made possible the preparationof this subject, and to the Social ScienceResearch Council of New York for a subsequentgrant which partly enabled me, among otherthings, to retrace some of Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco's teps in Brazil. To my colleague,Dr.J. Craig LaDriire, and to Dr. Tempe E. Allison, of the San Bernardino(California) Junior College,my thanks for many favors in connectionwith the writing of this study.2 As late as 1712 the mines of Minas Gerais were consideredto be dangerously near Peru.See the report (consulta) of the OverseasCouncil (Conselho Ultramarino) of Lisbon, June 22,1712, in the Arquivo Hist6rico Colonialof Lisbon,Codex 233, L' 20 das Consultasdo Rio, fo. 35et seq. The Arquivo Hist6rico Colonial will hereafter be indicated with the initials A.H.C.

a These needs grew out of the wars against the Dutch (who occupied areasof North Brazilfrom 1630 to 1654 and who attacked other parts of the PortugueseEmpire in Africa and theOrient) and the long, bitter war against Spain which resulted from the restorationof the Portu-guese monarchy in 1640. It will be remembered hat the sovereignsof Spain were also sovereignsof Portugal during the period 1580-1640.131

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134 DoM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOalone seems to have been more successful. Of it Cubas wrote: "OurLord permitted him to discover it [i.e., gold] as fine as that of theMinaCoastand of the samequality, n six differentplacesat a dis-tance of thirty leagues rom this town"of Santos.' Specimens fthis ore wereofficiallyregisteredon May 11, 1562."

Although helimiteddeposits iscovered t this timein thesouthwerescarcelyprofitableo work,and neverprovidedmorethanafaint trickle of wealthto a restrictedareaof the colony,attemptsto find El Doradoin otherpartsof Brazilprovedevenmore dis-appointing.The recordof the nex~t ne hundred ears s filledwiththeexploitsof men of greatcourage,but thehopes heyentertainedwereneverrealized.ThusVascoRodrigues eCaldasn 1561 fruit-lessly explored the interior of Baia.:14 In 1567 or 1568 Martim deCarvalho searched for emeralds in the captaincy of P6rto Segurowith no greaterluck." SebastiaoFernandesTourinho, alsoof P6rtoSeguro, met with failure in his expedition of 1572." A similar fateawaited Ant6nio Dias Adorno, who left Baia on an ambitious un-dertaking of discovery in 1574." At about the same time SebastiaoAlvaresset out overlandin the direction of the Sao FranciscoRiver,but his efforts were unavailing." After a lapse of several years,during which interest in the El Dorado declined, Gabriel Soares deSousa n 1591 sought to discover treasure n the interior of Baia,and12 "Quis noso Senhor que o achou em seys partes trinta legoas desta Vila tio bom como ho damina e dos mesmos quilates." Cal6geras,op. cit., I, 22. The Mina Coast is, of course, in Africa,where the Portuguesehad for a number of yearsbeengetting gold.13 Ibid.14 Cal6geras,op. cit., I, 23-24.15 Gandavo,op. cit., ch. 9. See Cal6geras,op. cit., I, 24-25. Although his efforts to unearththe coveted green stones were abortive, upon his return Carvalhoreportedthe existenceof certain"rich mines"of gold which he assertedlyfound during the course of his long trek.16 Varnhagen, loc. cit., pp. 60-61; Cal6geras,op. cit., I, 380 et seq. See also J. P. OliveiraMartins, O Brazil e as Colonias Portuguezas (5th ed., Lisboa, 1920), p. 78. Although GabrielSoaresde Sousa, the chronicler of the expedition,does not tell us the purposeof the undertaking,it is reported that Tourinho, upon his return, announced the discovery of emeralds and otherprecious stones. Few details of Tourinho's expedition are known. An excellent account of itscourse is, however,given in an anonymousearly eighteenth century manuscript, "Descriqa6do Mapa

q. comprihendeos Limites do Governo de S. Paulo e Minas,e tamb6. os do Rio de Jan.o", in theAjuda Palace Library of Lisbon. This account is confirmed on the whole by a French map of1749. In it the geographerRobert de Vaugondy places the discovery in a mountainoustriangleformed by the RiversDoce and Aceci, indicated with the legend"Minestrouvies par Seb.Tarinho."This map is reproducedabove.17 Cal6geras,op. cit., I, 388; "Historia de la fundacion del Collegio de la Baya de todos losSanctos, y de sus residencias,"Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro,XIX, 108; Varn-hagen, loc. cit., pp. 66-67; Frei Vicente do Salvador,op. cit., Bk. III, ch. 20; "Descriga6do Mapa,"doc. cit.18 Varnhagen,loc. cit., p. 42. See also Frei Vicente do Salvador,op. cit., Bk. III, ch. 20; andCal6geras,op. cit., I, 390.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 135lost his life in the venture." About the year 1614 Marcos de Azeredosearched in vain for the Emerald Mountain of Espirito Santo.20A good many years later, in 1665, Agostinho Barbalho Bezerra, in-trigued by stories of the fabulous Emerald Mountain, left on an im-portant, though tragic, expedition to find it.2

In this work of discovery the crown was nearly always vitallyinterested, and on several occasions spared neither pains nor moneyto find some foundation of fact for the gilded legend. In 1591, withthe arrival in Brazil of Dom Francisco de Sousa, the new governor-general, an intensive period of search was begun which continuedalmost uninterruptedly until the man's death in 1611.22 Duringthis time ambitious attempts were made not only to push discoveriesin Sio Paulo but also to give some form, in accordance with thelaws of Portugal, to the administration of the few placer goldfields then being worked.23 Not everyone was convinced of the con-venience or desirability of finding the bruited El Dorado. "Believeme, Your Majesty," Diogo de Meneses, the governor of Baia wroteto the king at the beginning of the seventeenth century, "the truemines are sugar and brazilwood, which yield a good profit withoutcosting Your Majesty's exchequer a single farthing." 24 Events of hisown day were almost proof enough that he was right, but his re-marks were never heeded. Indeed, Salvador Correia de Si, who wasappointed governor of the three southern captaincies of EspiritoSanto, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Paulo in 1614,25 actively pursued the

19 Frei Vicente do Salvador, op. cit., Bk. IV, ch. 24. The extensive powers and privileges forthe expedition that Gabriel Soares de Sousa secured from the crown are listed in A.H.C., Codex112, LO 10 de oficios, 1597-1602, fo. 42 et seq.20 From a study of various sources Cal6geras, op. cit., I, 394, placed the expedition betweenthe years 1592-1612, but this is not true. The report of the Overseas Council of November 15,1644, in A.H.C., Codex 13, Lo 10 de Consultas Mixtas, fo. 144 verso, makes it clear that theexpedition left about the year 1614.21 Cal6geras, op. cit., I, 395 et seq. Important documentary material will be found in thereport of the Overseas Council of June 22, 1712, in A.H.C., Codex 233, Lo 20 das Consultas doRio, fo. 35 et seq.22 Dom Francisco's commission of office (carta Patente) of December 1, 1590, is given inA.H.C., Codex 112, LO 10 de Oficios, 1597-1602, fo. 50. See also Ant6nio Pais de Sande, gov-ernor of Rio, to the Overseas Council, 1693 (?), in A.H.C., Doc. of Rio, NO 1837; and FreiVicente do Salvador, op. cit., Bk. IV, ch. 23.23 It will be remembered that the crown was entitled to the quint on gold. See Manoel S.Cardozo, "The collection of the fifths in Brazil, 1695-1709," in The Hispanic American HistoricalReview, XX, No. 3 (August, 1940).24 "Creia-me V. M. que as verdadeiras minas, sio aqicar e pau brasil, de que V. M. tira tantoproveito sem lhe custar da sua fazenda um s6 vintim." Joio Li6cio de Azevedo, Ppocas de PortugalEcondmico (Lisboa, 1929), p. 306. See Varnhagen, Historia do Brazil (2nd ed.), I, 437.25 Report of his grandson, Salvador Correia de Sa e Benevides to the Overseas Council, May3, 1677, in A.H.C., Codex 253, Lo 10 das Consultas da Bala, fo. 43 et seq.



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136 DoM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOwork of discovery, especially in and about Sao Paulo, where hereported considerable mining activity as early as 1616. The minesof that area, he wrote, "have gold and there are many of them, andnew ones are being discovered every day." 26 There was a measureof exaggeration in what he said, as probably befitted a civil servantwho was anxious to please his superiors, but the report was encour-aging enough to many people. For the next few decades members ofthe Correia de Sai amily, who virtually monopolized the governmentof southern Brazil during a large part of the seventeenth century,vigorously pushed forward the quest for El Dorado. They hadto put up with the difficulties created by the invasion and conquestof the Dutch of North Brazil (1630-1654), and by the long warwith Spain that grew out of the restoration of Portuguese independ-ence in 1640; but the remarkable family, particularly Salvador Cor-reia de Saie Benevides,27 carried on the search at a time when themother country was in dire need of a ready source of wealth.

IIClearly the history of the search for mines in Brazil, as we havetraced it, is a record of great activity on the part of many people,and a testimony to the continuing interest in El Dorado. Yet theinterest of the crown and of the colonists in mineral wealth wasnever at a higher pitch, before the discovery of the bonanza placergold deposits of Minas Gerais became a reality on the very thresholdof the eighteenth century, than during the administration of AfonsoFurtado de Castro do Rio de Mendonca.When in 1670 Mendonca was appointed to the highest office inthe colony, he was granted special authority over mining matterswhich no previous governor-general had possessed.28 At the sametime, from both sides of the Atlantic, from Lisbon and from Baia,

26,, . . as minas teem ouro e sio muitas, e cada dia de novo se descobrem mais." A.H.C.,Doc. of Rio, No 2.27 His checkered career in Brazil came to an end in 1662, when, as the result of his removalfrom the office of governor of Rio de Janeiro, he sailed for Portugal. Upon his return to themother country, Salvador eventually found his way to the Overseas Council, where he sat as acouncilman for a number of years. In 1688 death closed the career of one of the most colorfulfigures in Brazilian seventeenth-century history. See Albino Forjaz de Sampaio, Salvador Correia deSd e Benevides, o restaurador de Angola (Lisboa, 1937), p. 8. Jaboatio, in his "Catalogo gene-alogico das principaes familias que procederam de Albuquerques e Cavalcantes em Pernambuco, eCaramurus na Bahia," Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro, LII, 360, says thatSalvador died in 1685.28 This authority in part permitted him to appoint the director or proveedor of the Paranaguimines, and thus gave him a measure of control over a section of the country which heretoforehad depended, in questions of mining administration, on the administrator of the Sio Paulo minesand, in his absence, on the chancellor of the Rio exchequer. Mendonga's commission of office(carta patente) is dated July 16, 1670. A.H.C., Codex 118, Lo 50 de Oficios, fo. 39 verso.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRA SOARES CARDOZO 137the Brazilian colonists were repeatedly urged to discover mineralwealth. The mother country was now determined, after manydecades of fruitless effort, that no expense or encouragement shouldbe spared to sound out definitely the truth or falsehood of theBrazilian El Dorado which several generations of men had vainlysought to discover.

Corresponding to the crown's concern in the matter, the resi-dents of Sao Paulo, who had already made a name for themselvesas pathfinders of the wilderness,29 stimulated by promises of liberalrewards, quickly offered their services. In 1671 Fernio Dias Pais, awealthy Paulista whose subsequent exploits were destined to makehim the outstanding bandeirante of his time, offered to take part inthe quest.3 In 1672 the Sao Paulo Town Council wrote to Lisbonthat various Paulistas were ready to leave for the interior of thecaptaincy to look for gold, silver, and emeralds."3 This renewedinterest in the discovery of mineral wealth was ostensibly motivatedby the misadventure of Agostinho Barbalho Bezerra; the latter'stragic failure confessedly fired the Paulistas in their determinationto be of assistance to the crown.32The home government naturally fostered the surge of privateinitiative. In 1674 the council's letter was courteously acknowl-edged, and individual letters of encouragement were sent by theprince regent to a number of prominent Paulistas." These and Men-

29 From Sio Paulo set out the celebrated bandeiras or expeditions that seriously interfered withthe expansion of the Jesuit missions of Paraguay, especially during the first half of the seventeenthcentury. Consult Afonso d'Escragnolle Taunay, Historia Geral das Bandeiras Paulistas escriptad vista de avultada documentardo inedita dos Archivos brasileiros, hespanhoes e portuguezes (7 vols.,Slo Paulo, 1924-1936); Carvalho Franco, Bandeiras e bandeirantes de Sio Paulo (Sio Paulo, 1940).30 On October 20, 1671, Afonso Furtado de Castro do Rio de Mendonca thanked Pais forhis offer and promised him honors and rewards in the regent's name. The governor's letteris enclosed in the petition of Garcia Rodrigues Pais, A.H.C., Doc. of Baia, 1679. See Pais's letterto the regent, August 12, 1672, cited in A.H.C., Codex 223, Lo 10 das Cartas do Rio, fo. 2 versoet seq.; and in the regent's reply published by Capistrano de Abreu in Revista do Arquivo PublicoMineiro, XIX, 38-39. In this connection see also Actas da Camara da villa de S. Paulo 1653-1678,VI (Sio Paulo, 1915), 283-284. (Hereafter cited as Actas.) The best life of Pais is by Afonsod'Escragnolle Taunay, A Grande Vida de Ferndo Dias Paes (Sio Paulo, 1931).a31 Pedro Taques de Almeida Pais Leme, "Copia de informagio sobre as minas de S. Paulo e dosSertSes da sua capitania desde o anno de 1597 ate o presente 1772," Revista do Instituto Histdricoe Geogrdfico Brasileiro, LXIV, Parte 1a, 28. (Hereafter cited as Taques, "Copia de informagio.")32 Taques, "Copia de informagio," p. 28. Many of those who offered to lead expeditions wereprobably more interested in capturing Indians for their plantations or to sell in the Sio Paulo slavemarket than to prospect for mineral wealth.33 To Pascual Pires da Costa on March 23; to Dom Francisco de Lemos, Estevio FernandesP6rto, and Mateus Nunes de Siqueira on February 23; to Fernio Dias Pais, acknowledging his letterof August 12, 1672, on February 25; and to Joio Leite da Silva and Lourengo Castanho Taques onFebruary 28. A.H.C., Codex 223, LO 10 das Cartas do Rio, fo. 2 verso et seq. In addition to theabove, Taques "Copia de informagio," p. 28 also gives the following names: Paulo Rodrigues daCosta, Manuel de Brito Nogueira, Francisco Dias Velho, Cornelio de Arzio, and Manuel Rodriguesde Arzio.



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138 DolM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOdonga's efforts to stimulate the search for precious stones and metalswere well received in Sao Paulo. As early as 1672 Manuel Pais deLinhares had sought and obtained the authorization of the towncouncil to head an expedition to the interior. At about the sametime Manuel Pereira Sardinha, in command of a numerous levy,penetrated the regions in the vicinity of Paranagui and Iguape. In1674 Fernao Dias Pais set out on his now famous expedition in thedirection of Minas Gerais; and shortly thereafter Lourengo CastanhoTaques left for the Cataguazes area.

Equally encouraging news, in the meantime, was received fromParanaguai, long the scene of limited mining activity. As early asJune 16, 1674, the aldermen of the Sao Vicente and Sao Paulo TownCouncil wrote to the prince regent that Captain Agostinho deFigueiredo, at the head of an expedition authorized by them, hadfound silver in the area. Specimens of the ore collected by the ex-plorer, they added, had earlier been sent to the governor-generalof Baia, together with the full details of the discoveries made."'In his letter of July 24 of the same year, written several monthsafter the receipt of information from the south, the governor spokeof the work of Figueiredo and of Frei Jolo de Granica, who hadserved as the explorer's assay-master, in Paranagui, and pointed outthe necessity of fortifying the port of Laguna but three leagues re-moved from the mining area.35The governor considered the reputedsilver mines not only worthy of military defense against possibleinvaders, but also of sufficient importance to instruct his son, JoaoFurtado, who was then making ready to leave for Lisbon, person-ally to acquaint the home government with the state of affairs inParanaguai.The departure of the younger Furtado for Europe was motivatedby certain mineral discoveries reported in North Brazil. These dis-coveries represent another quixotic occurrence in the history ofBrazilian mining. Fired by rumors, which had grown inordinatelyin recent years, of the existence of silver in the Baia hinterland,36Afonso Furtado de Mendonqa had earlier authorized Colonel Bel-chior da Fonseca Saraiva Dias Moreia to search for the mines thathis great grandfather, Belchior Dias, had reputedly found. The

3 The letter is cited in the report of the OverseasCouncil, December 7, 1674, in A.H.C.,Codex232, LO10 dasConsultasdo Rio.35 The letter is cited in the report of the OverseasCouncil, November 22, 1674, in A.H.C.,Codex 252, LO10 das Consultasda Baia, fo. 18 verso.36 See the reportof the OverseasCouncil, January 8, 1693, in A.H.C., Codex 232, cit., fo. 84verso.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRA SOARES CARDOZO 139expedition eventually reached the headwaters of the Real River and,from there, those of the Jabibiri, its tributary. During the courseof his wanderingsColonel Moreiacollected a few samplesof an ore,probablymispickel, which he mistook for silver. With these speci-mens he mixed a portion of silver nuggets which had belonged toBelchior Dias, firm in the belief that the precious metal had comefrom the latter's assertedmines; and he sent the adulteratedmix-ture to be melted in Baia. The results of the assay impressedthegovernor, who was ignorant of the subterfuge employed, and hequickly despatchedhis son to Lisbon as the bearerof the meltedproceeds. Lost in the storm which wrecked Furtado's vesseloff thecoast of Peniche, north of Lisbon, the specimens never reachedtheir destination; but Furtado, nevertheless,escapedwith his life,and his subsequentoralrepresentations f the discoveryfound readylisteners n court circles."

What effect Furtado's representations had in Lisbon is unfor-tunately not known; but it is true that the home government,verylikely influencedby ColonelMoreia'searlierefforts,"now laid plansfor a well-organized expedition, financed by the royal exchequer,to examine the reputed silver mines of the ItabaianaMountainsinthe interior of Bala. On June 28, 1673, the new undertaking wasentrustedto the SpaniardDom Rodrigode Castel-Blanco,one of theregent's gentlemen-in-waiting (fidalgo da sua casa) who had spentsome time in the mining fieldsof Potosi." Shortly thereafterDomRodrigo left Portugal to comply with his instructions and to be-come, without knowing it, the central figure in what turned outto be the most ambitious attempt ever made to discover mineralwealth in colonial Brazil.

IIIIn his commission f officeof June28, 1673,Dom RodrigodeCastel-Blancowasorderedby the princeregentof Portugal o sailimmediatelyromLisbon o Baiato conferwithAfonsoFurtadodeCastrodo Rio de Mendon


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140 DOM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOexpedition. The purpose of the undertaking was limited to theexamining of the asserted silver mines of the Itabaiana Mountains.Dom Rodrigo was assured of the assistance not only of the Braziliangovernor, but also of all crown officials in the area of the proposeddiscoveries, and, if need be, of the heads of the other captaincies.He was authorized to request as many Indians as he required, fromprivate individuals as well as from the several reservations underroyal control. He was further authorized to capture and enslaveas many non-domesticated Indians as he should see fit. Finally, hewas appointed administrator of the Itabaiana mines, with fullpowers and jurisdiction over all matters pertaining to that region.'?The court was determined that money should never be a draw-back in carrying out the work as outlined. For his initial expenses,while still in Portugal, Dom Rodrigo was granted an allowance offour hundred milrdis and, as part of his supplies, five hundredpounds of quicksilver." The total cost on the exchequer of thepreparations made in Europe for the expedition, including the trans-portation of the party and necessary equipment, reached the appre-ciable sum of 1,795 $660 rdis.42 Subsequent charges in Brazil, to theextent of eight thousand cruzados, were to be paid partly by theroyal exchequer of Baia and partly with the income from the whal-ing contract or monopoly received in that city.4

Dom Rodrigo arrived in Baia toward the end of the year 1673 "and at once began the final preparations for his expedition. Accom-panied among others by Francisco Joao da Cunha as director ofpersonnel or apontador; Joao da Maia as secretary; Jorge Soares deMacedo, who had come with him from Portugal, as controller;Manuel Vieira da Silva as assay-master; Jolo Alves Coutinho, aresident of Baia who had had experience in the silver foundries ofSpanish America, as expert miner; and by Jolo Peixoto Viegas,41Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco reached his destination at the begin-

4o Registo geral, p. 254 et seq.41 Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen (Visconde de P6rto Seguro), Historia Geral do Brazil (3rded., Slo Paulo, n.d.), IV, 145 n.42 Report of the Overseas Council, January 29, 1674, doc. cit.43 Varnhagen, op. cit., IV, 145 n.44 This may be inferred from a letter written by the Count of 6bidos on January 2, 1674.Varnhagen, op. cit., IV, 145-146.45 See Taques, "Copia de informagio," p. 38; Varnhagen, op. cit., IV, 146; and the report ofthe Overseas Council, May 3, 1677, "Sobre a Jornada de Dom Rodrigo de castelBranco as minasdo Brasil com os papeis do que nellas se tem obrado e do que se deve faser," in A.H.C., Codex 252,1.0 10 das Consultas da Baia, fo. 43 et seq.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRA SOARESCARDOZO 141ning of July 1674; he commenced the work before him on theeleventh of the same month."6

During the next two years Dom Rodrigo and his chief assistants,Jorge Soares de Macedo and Joao Peixoto Viegas, roamed over alarge area of the Bala hinterland in search of silver mines; but alltheir efforts were in vain. Even the celebrated area of the ItabaianaMountains, on which the crown had placed such high hopes, failedthem. Realizing the futility of the expedition and not wishingfurther to jeopardize the finances of the venture, Dom Rodrigogave up the undertaking altogether, and retraced his steps to Baia,where he arrived on July 10, 1676."Meanwhile, in Lisbon, court circles were weighing oral reportson the Paranaguwimining area of southern Brazil which JosoFurtado, son of the governor-general, had made. At a period whenthe crown was so intent on discovering the mineral wealth of itsAmerican colony, it is hardly conceivable that it should have turneda deaf ear on the encouraging news which young Furtado pre-sented. On November 8, 1674, the prince regent ordered that sup-plies and materials to the extent of four thousand cruzados in value,destined for the Paranaguaimining development project, should beimmediately sent to Afonso Furtado de Mendonga in Baia, fromwhere they were to be forwarded to Sao Paulo. These purchasesincluded one hundred and two quintals, two arrobas, and fourteenpounds of iron; sixty-two quintals, three arrobas, and eighteenpounds of steel; four iron implements (jogos de ferro); four wiresieves; a portion of quicksilver; and other miscellaneous items."The crown also determined that Afonso Furtado de Mendongashould appoint a competent person to witness the assays to be madein Paranaguai by Frei Joao de Graniga so that, on the basis of hisinformation, it might be possible to judge the comparative value ofthe Sao Paulo and Itabaiana mining fields. By virtue of this com-parison the home government wished to devote its attention, forthe time being, to the richer of the two.The problem of military defense, which the governor-generalhad previously focused, was likewise considered by the crown; andit was decided that Mendonqa should send Antonio Correia Pinto,

4 Taques,"Copiade informagio," p. 38; Varnhagen,op. cit., IV, 146.4 Reportof the OverseasCouncil, May 3, 1677, doc. cit.48 Report of the OverseasCouncil, November 13-14, 1674, "Sobreas Minasde pratado distritode Pernegui e vio os papeis,e cons.ta que se acusa6 que vay registadaneste L.o fl 16," in A.H.C.,Codex 252, LO 10 das Consultasda Baia, fo. 16 verso et seq. See alsoreportof the OverseasCouncil,November 22, 1674, "Sobreos Jogos de ferros Pineiros de Arame e outras cousas que se devemremeterao Brasil para as minas de Perneg&,"n A.H.C., Codex 252, cit., fo. 18.



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142 DoM RODRIGODE CASTEL-BLANCOan engineer henlivingin Baia,to thesouthernminingarea or thepurpose f suggesting ossibleortificationsn thatpartof thecoun-try. The governor,n the interim,wasto reporton thestate of theexistingmilitaryestablishmentsn Brazil. Suchprecautionss theseweredeemednecessaryn order hat theAmerican olony"mightbepreparedor any invasion heenemymightwish to make,not onlybecauseof the news of the mines,but alsobecauseof the otherarticlest produces."

Whilethedevelopmentf theParanaguimineswasthusmappedout, newsreachedLisbonof the failureof Dom Rodrigo's xpedi-tion to the ItabaianaMountains.Thisunwelcomenformationwascontained n two long reportsaddressed y the Spaniard o theprince regent and presented o the home governmentby JorgeSoaresde Macedo,who arrived n Portugal rom Baiaduringthefirsthalf of the month of January1677,at the latest. The firstwasan accountof the journey o Itabaiana,whilethe secondofferedanumberof suggestions, rawnup by DomRodrigo,on thedevelop-ment of the otherminingareas n Brazil. Both eventually oundtheirway to the OverseasCouncil,andformedthe subject-matterof theimportant ouncilmeetingof May3, 1677.50The councilagreed hat the attemptto discovermineralwealthin Brazil,oncesoearnestlybegun,shouldnot beabandoned ithoutfurthertrial. Forthispurpose, nd in viewof the deficientknowl-edgeof conditionsn Brazil, t suggestedhe advisabilityf securingIndiansfrom Peru,eitherthroughtradersor throughPortuguese

living in that Spanish olony,to assist n the proposeddiscoveries.Broughtupin aminingcountry, heIndians, s t wasthought,weresupposedo possess special ntuitiveknowledge f geologywhichmightprove o advantagenBrazil.With referenceo thefortification f Montevideo ndtheRiverPlate,whichDomRodrigoapparently uggested sameansof secur-ing Peruvian ndiansandpossiblyof otherinformationon miningfrom the residents f SpanishAmerica, he councilurgedthat themilitarymeasures lreadyplannedshould be carriedout with alldue rapidity. Dom GabrielGarcese Gralhahad earlierbeensent

49 ,,... que o estado do Brasil, esteja prevenido para qualqueremvasa6 que os Inimigos nellequeira6faser, na6 por so terem as noticias das minas, mas dos maisgenerosque produs." Report ofthe Overseas Council, November 13-14, 1674, doc. cit. The council's recommendationswereapprovedby the prince regenton November 17, 1674.50 A.H.C., Codex252, LO10 dasConsultas da Bala, fo. 43 et seq.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 143to thePlateestuary,but the needsof themomentdemandedreaterdespatch."

ThecouncilfurtherrecommendedhatDomRodrigode Castel-Blancoand JorgeSoaresde Macedo houldbe ordered o examinethe reputedgold and silverminesof Paranagut.The resultsof theactivitiesundertaken ometime beforeby Agostinhode Figueiredoand othershad not beenentirelysatisfactory, ndit washoped hatthe presenceof the two men wouldleadto moredefiniteachieve-ments.Thecouncildecidedhat asmallbodyof infantrymen, nderthe commandof Macedo, houldaccompany he new expedition.Thesemen wereto be used ater n workingout themilitarydefenseof the area f the successof the ventureshouldjustify it.52 Failingtofind the coveted metals in Paranaguai,Dom Rodrigo and his chiefaide were to be instructed to leave at once for Sabarabuqfi,n thatpart of Brazil which later becameknown asMinasGerais,to searchfor the silver mines which FernaoDias Pais,at that time prospect-ing for mineral wealth in the Brazilianinterior,was convinced ex-isted there." As to the problemof labor,an importantactor n anundertaking f thisnature, he councilsuggestedhat domesticatedIndians houldbesuppliedby the provincial f theBrazilian esuits,bytherectorof theJesuitCollegenRio,by thegovernor-generalfBrazil,andby thegovernor f Rio.Approvedby the regenton May 12, 1677,"the decisions f theOverseasCouncilwerequicklyexecuted. By a royalordinance fNovember 29, 1677-T"bearingn mind the information.., received

51 The importance of the Plate River to contemporaries must not be under-estimated. Manywere convinced that it was the dividing line between Brazil and the semi-mythical country of Peru.The thought that the discovery of mines might be, as a consequence, more probable from that endof Brazil may not have been foreign to the council's reasoning. For the importance of the RiverPlate in this connection see Fernao Guerreiro, S.J., Relardo anual das coisas que fizeram os Padresda Companhia de Jesus nas suas missdes Do Japdo, China, Cataio, Tidore, Ternate, Ambdina,Malaca, Pegu, Bengala, Bisnagd, Madure, Costa da Pescaria, Manar, Ceildo, Travancor, Malabar,Sodomala, Goa, Salcete, Lahor, Diu, Etiopia a alta ou Preste Jodo, Monomotapa, Angola, Guind, SerraLeoa, Cabo Verde e Brasil nos annos de 1600 a 1609 e do processo da conversdo e cristandadedaquelas partes: tirada das cartas que os missiondrios de Id escreveram (2 vols., Coimbra, 1930), I,Bk. IV, ch. 1.52 Similar instructions had been given him for the Itabaiana mines.53 "Pellas Cartas 4 me escrevestes, fiquey entendendo o zello 4 tendes do meu servo, e comotrataveis o descobrim.to da Serra de Sabara busi, e outras Minas desse Certa6, de 4 enviastes asamostras de christais, e outras pedras ...

" Letter of the prince regent to Fernio Dias Pais,December 4, 1677, in A.H.C., Doc. of Rio, NO 2434, published in Revista do Arquivo PuiblicoMineiro (Belo Horizonte), XIX, 39, and in Pedro Taques de Almeida Pais Leme, "Nobiliarchiapaulistana genealogia das principaes familias de S. Paulo Colligidas pelas infatigaveis diligencias dodistincto paulista," Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro, XXXV, 104-105. (Here-after cited as Taques, "'Nobiliarchia paulistana.") See also Basilio de Magalhies, "A lenda de Saba-rabug'," Congresso do Mundo Portugues publicaf6es, X (Mem6rias e comunicag6es apresentadas aoCongresso Luso-Brasileiro de Hist6ria, Tomo 2.0, Lisboa, 1940), 57-66.54 A.H.C., Codex 252, cit., fo. 43 et seq.; Registo Geral, p. 185.



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144 DOM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOon the work that has been done in the hills of Paranaguwin the Cap-taincies of the Southern Division, and in the Serra de Sabarabucii,in both of which silver and gold mines are said to exist," as the pre-amble reads 5-Dom Rodrigo was ordered to leave Baia, wherehe was then staying, for Sao Paulo. He was again given the powersand privileges he had enjoyed in the past on his unsuccessful expedi-tion to Itabaiana and, in addition, was appointed chancellor of theroyal exchequer and administrator of the mines of the new miningfields. Both offices were made hereditary in his line. He was con-ceded a monthly salary of forty milris beginning on the day of hisdeparture from Bala. He was also promised a monthly stipend ofsixty milrdis for life and an annual inheritable grant of seven hun-dred milrdis if the net income of the Paranaguai and Sabarabuciimines to the royal treasury should amount to at least forty thou-sand cruzados the first year of development. On October 30 of thesame year, the regent had already appointed Jorge Soares de Macedoas commander ad-honorem of the body of fifty infantrymen whichwas to accompany Dom Rodrigo on his tour of inspection of theParanagui area.5" Several weeks later, on December 19, 1677, theregent instructed Macedo to organize an expedition of his own if,for reasons of health, Dom Rodrigo could not explore the interiorhimself."

The crown was determined to ascertain the truth of the rumorsconcerning the existence of precious metals in southern Brazil.Once and for all, it wished either to find the elusive El Dorado ordefinitely give it up. Such was the tenor of the opening paragraphof the regent's letter to the Sao Paulo Town Council written onNovember 29, 1677.58 Dom Rodrigo, he declared, had been orderedto visit Sabarabugi in the event of the failure of the proposed Para-nagui expedition. Unwilling to burden the royal exchequer,already severely taxed by the high costs of the futile search for minesin Itabaiana, the regent instructed the council to pay the expenses

55 ,... tendo consideraio ao que se me representoupelas experienciasque se fizeram nos cerrosde Pernagui, nas capitaniasda Repartigio do Sul, e serra de Sabarabuqiem que em uma e outraparte se diz haver minas de prata, e ouro ... " Registo geral, pp. 246-247. See also Taques,"Copia de informagao,"p. 37 et seq. On the same day several other ordinances were passed inDom Rodrigo'sfavor. Registo geral, pp. 183-188, 246-251.56 Registo geral, pp. 188-191. See also Taques, "Copiade informago," p. 30 et seq. Comparethe report of the OverseasCouncil, October 29, 1677, "Sobre se formar em comp.a os 50 infantes4 ha6 de passar c6 D Rodr.0 de Castelbranco,e Jorge soares de Macedo ao descobrimentodasminas de Pernaguay,e forma em 4 os officiaesdella deve ser pagos," in A.H.C., Codex 252, LO10das Consultas da Baia, fo. 46 verso.

5" Taques,"Copiade informacio," p. 41 et seq. See also Registo geral, pp. 191-192.58 Taques,"Copiade informago," pp. 38-39. SeeVarnhagen,op. cit., IV, 147.



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146 DOM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCOSoaresde Macedo was to lead to southern Brazil. The purpose of theventure seems to have been twofold: to discover mines in an un-named region located in or about the Plate estuary," and to providefor the military security of the unsettled southern frontier of thecolony.66

The expedition was prepared with a great deal of care. In theearly spring of 1678, while still in Rio, Dom Rodrigo offered pardonto prisoners who should volunteer to accompany Macedo, excludingonly those guilty of treason, and he promised honors and rewardsto others. At the same time the Sao Paulo hinterland was declaredclosed to all expeditions until after the departure of Macedo andhis party.67 Shortly after his arrival in Santos on November 25,1678, Dom Rodrigo conferred with Macedo, who had come fromSao Paulo to meet him, whither he had gone apparently to gathersupport for the Plate undertaking. Macedo presented him with alist of the things most needed for the venture, including seven smallvessels, munitions, and provisions; and although Dom Rodrigo ex-perienced considerable difficulty in fulfilling his demands, nothingwas omitted. Even the necessary Indians were secured through DomRodrigo's personal efforts in Sao Paulo.68

The Sao Paulo Town Council contributed 5,000 cruzados inmoney and large quantities of flour, pork, beans, and cloth, paidout of the income of the royal donation.69 The residents of thecaptaincy in general codperated willingly, furnishing not onlymoney and supplies but also men. When the expedition finally set65 After the departure of the expedition Dom Rodrigo wrote to the home government on Febru-ary 16, 1679, cit., ". . . e partira [i.e., Jorge Soares de Macedo] p.a o Rio de Buenos ayres, e 's llhasde Sa6 Gabriel e daly penetrar oerta6 daquellas bandas da Coroa de V.A. ta6 perto as do Periique achava por impossivel na6 haver nellas minas ...

" This is a paraphrase of Dom Rodrigo'sletter. The proclamation of November 29, 1678, signed by the aldermen of the Sio Paulo TownCouncil and Macedo, says in part that the latter had been entrusted by the regent with "o cuidado ediligencia do descobrimento das minas de prata que houver neste sertio ate o rio de Buenos Aires.."Registo geral, p. 197. J6natas da Costa R~go Monteiro, in his A Col6nia do Sacramento1680-1777 (2 vols., P6rto Alegre, 1937), I, 62, adds that Macedo had been "mandado a estudar orio da Prata e escolher ponto para uma povoaio. ...

" In his declaration to Don Jose de Garro,governor of Buenos Aires, May 28, 1680, Macedo made it clear that the purpose of the expedition hadbeen to find a "puerto fasil p.ra desembarcar La gentte en las ttierras del brasil de dhos. mineralesG. ." Correa Luna, op. cit., I, 186. But he may not have been willing to tell the whole truth tothe Spaniard, whose prisoner he then was.66 Instructions (regimento) of Dom Manuel Lobo, November 18, 1678, published in Monteiro,op. cit., II, 5-6. A good account of Macedo's expedition will be found in Aurelio P6rto, Histdria dasmissdes orientais do Uruguai (Rio, 1943), p. 256 et seq. It varies in some particulars from theresults of my own investigations.67The prohibitive order was signed on September 30, 1678. Taques, "Copia de informagio,"p. 42. See also Registo geral, pp. 183-186, 196-199.68 Letter of Dom Rodrigo to the regent, February 16, 1679, cit. Macedo was also providedwith quicksilver and iron implements. Correa Luna, op. cit., p. 186.69 See note 59.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRA SOARES CARDOZO 147sail from Santos a short time before February 16, 1679,70 JorgeSoaresde Macedo could count on a numerous following: Braz Rodri-gues Arzao as captain major (capitdo-m6r), Ant6nio Afonso Vidalas sergeant major (sargento-m6r), Manuel da Costa Duarte as in-spector (vidor), Ant6nio Ferreira as controller, Frei Lourenqo daTrindade, O.F.M., as chaplain, numerous Paulista explorers, a black-smith, a carpenter, a body of soldiers under the command of Mauri-cio Pacheco Tavares, and two hundred Indians."

The immediate goal of the expedition seems to have been SantaCatarina Island, whence an attempt would be made to find a safeport on the continent for debarkation; and the seven vessels underMacedo's command sailed in the direction of that island. But theweather was so bad that Santa Catarina could not be reached; theexpedition therefore sailed south to the S o Francisco River " andbeyond. The weather, however, still impeded their progress to suchan extent that Macedo resolved to return to Santos. Upon hisarrival at his home port, no later than the first week in May 1679,Macedo received word from the regent of Portugal which com-pletely altered his plans. Macedo was ordered to take no "passoadelantte" without first consulting Dom Manuel Lobo," and toaccompany Dom Manuel on the latter's expedition to the RiverPlate.71

Dorn Manuel's expedition had nothing to do with the discov-ery of mines; but part of its story must now be briefly told. Por-tugal was at that time engaged in another ambitious project, whichinvolved the establishment of a base on the Plate estuary, the futureNova ColOnia do Sacramento; 7 and, doubtless because of the im-portance of the venture and of the limited resources then available,priority over Dom Rodrigo's plans seems to have been granted bythe regent to Dom Manuel Lobo whose job it was, even in the faceof inevitable Spanish hostility, to extend Portuguese dominion too70Taques,"Copiade informaio," p. 45, is in error when he says the expeditionleft on March10, 1679. Jorge Soaresde Macedo, in his declarationto Don Jose Garro of May 28, 1680, -cit.,eposedthat he left Santos in Februaryof the previous year. When Dom Rodrigo wrote to theregenton February16, 1679, cit., the expeditionhad alreadyleft.71 Taques, "Copia de informaqio," p. 45. Friar Lourenqo ater deposedthat there were about300 Indianson the expedition. Declaration to Don Jos' de Garro,governorof BuenosAires,May 281680, in CorreaLuna, op. cit., p. 183.e72 Not to be confusedwith the river of the samenamein North Brazil.7 CorreaLuna,op. cit., p. 183.74 Letter of Jorge Soaresde Macedoto the regent, BuenosAires, December 15, 1682, in Anaisda BibliotecaNacional do Rio de Janeiro,XXXIX, 162.

75 The checkeredhistory of Nova Col6nia do Sacramentohas been treated very well by Mon-teiro, op. cit. Seealso the excellent work by CorreaLuna,op. cit.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 149channel that separates Santa Catarina Island from the mainland.82 Itis no longer necessary to follow the fortunes of Macedo or of DomManuel; enough has been said to explain the diversion to anotherend of the efforts Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco had made in prep-aration for the furtherance of his own plans to discover El Doradoin the regions of southern Brazil.8"

IVWith Macedo's first departure from Santos in February 1679,if not before, Dom Rodrigo began to prepare his own expedition toParanaguai and Curitiba." He expected to visit the mines then inoperation in the former area and from there go to Curitiba, where,according to information he had received from Dr. Joso da RochaPita on the latter's return from Paranaguwi,considerable workingsof placer gold had previously been discovered." The search forsilver, though not his primary concern, was also included in theSpaniard's plans. Writing from Santos to the Sao Paulo TownCouncil on February 22, 1679, Dom Rodrigo ordered the aldermento prohibit the departure of anyone to the Curitiba mining fieldbefore his arrival in Paranagui.86 He hoped to restore a measure oforder out of the chaos then reigning in the awarding of minerallands; and, before his projected visit to Paranagui, he did not wishoutsiders to aggravate an already serious situation. This letter wasa confirmation of his public proclamation of the seventeenth of thesame month, which he had affixed in the towns of Sao Paulo, Santos,Iguape, Cananeia, and Paranaguai."Completely ignorant as yet of the course of Macedo's expedi-tion, Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco left Santos for Paranaguaidur-

82 CorreaLuna, op. cit., p. 183.83 Was Nova Col6nia do Sacramento founded, perchance, partly as a base of supplies forPortugueseexplorationsin that area? It is true that no mention of these plans is made in DomManuel'sregimentofor the office of governor of Rio; the twenty-seventh clause of the documentinstructs the governor to assist all those who should volunteer to discover mines, but this aloneis insufficientto connect the founding of Nova Colonia with the widespreadsearch for mineralwealth. Yet such a conjecturedoes not seem to be entirely unfounded. Years later, on January 8,1693, the OverseasCouncil, voicing the opinion of the procuradorof the exchequer,wrote "that

when the hope was lost of finding mines in our colony, it had seemed advisable to make waythrough Nova Col6nia in orderto profit from those of Castile . " (". . . perdidaa esperanqade achar Minas em nossa Conquistapareqerabem fazer caminho p.la Nova Collonia a aproveitar-monos das de Castella . " A.H.C., Codex 232, LO10 das Consultasdo Rio, fo. 84 verso.)4 Seep. 146 above.85 Letter of Dom Rodrigo to the regent, February 16, 1679, cit. These were probably themines of Nossa Senhorada Graqado Itaibe, Ribeiro de Nossa Senhorada Conceiqao,and Peruna,among others, discoveredby Paulistas toward the end of the year 1678. Taques, "Copia de in-formaqio," p. 52.86 Registo geral, pp. 207-208.87 Taques,"Copiade informagio,"p. 52.



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150 DOM RODRIGO E CASTEL-BLANCOing the last days of February 1679.88 Following the highway whichskirted the eastern slopes of the Maritime Cordillera (Serra do Mar),he made his first important stop at Iguape, where, however, hismain concern does not seem to have been the discovery of preciousmetals but the regularization of the collection of the quint on theproduction of the placer mines then in operation.

Reaching Paranagui at the very end of March or during the firstweek in April 1679, Dom Rodrigo threw himself immediately intothe work he had planned to do. On April 6 he appointed Ant6niode Lemos Conde captain major of an expedition to search for thesilver said to exist on the Guaianazes plains.8" As the latter's chieflieutenant (Capitadoda gente desta leva), Dom Rodrigo namedFrancisco Jicome Bajarte on May 4 of the same year. Expenses forthe undertaking were borne by the same Antfnio de Lemos Conde,and it was outfitted on a scale which provided for the necessary men,slaves, supplies, and ammunition. Yet the attempt was destined tobe one in a series of disappointments.Dom Rodrigo at this time did not remain many months in Para-nagui, for as early as August 13, 1679, we find him on the plainsof Curitiba. On that day he authorized two separate expeditionsto leave for the Curitiba hinterland in a futile search for placer goldmines. One party included Luiz de G6is, Antonio Dias, and Agos-tinho de Figueiredo; the other, Father Antfnio de Alvarenga, Luizda Costa, and Jolo de Arraiolos.9?Dom Rodrigo returned to Paranaguaibefore the month was quiteup and quickly laid plans to visit the silver mines which had assert-edly been discovered in that area. On August 28, 1679 he entrustedthe outfitting of the expedition to Joso Alvares Coutinho; Manuelde Lemos Conde, master of the Paranagu-i Smelting House; " RoqueDias Ferreira, treasurer; Manuel Veloso da Costa, secretary of thesame establishment; and Frei Joao de Granica.92 Two weeks later,on September 10, 1679, Dom Rodrigo left in the company of thesemen and of the Paranagui aldermen for the scene of the reported

88,.0.. e que elle Dom R.0 sahiadentro de tres dias a Pernagua..." Report of the OverseasCouncil, October 5, 1679, paraphrasingDom Rodrigo'sletter of February 16, 1679, cit.89 Taques,"Copiade informagio," p. 48.0oIbid., p. 58.91 Minerswere obliged by law to bring their gold to this establishment,where their ore wasmelted into bars and where the tax on gold (quint or quinto) was paid to the crown. TheParanagui Smelting House was establishedto take care of the needsof the surroundingarea.92 Taques, "Copiade informagio," pp. 58-59.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 151mines." This was a particularly rocky section of the country,through which ran a number of small streams. A certain amount ofexcavating was done at the indicated site, but only worthless rockwas found." On February 14, 1680, several months after his re-turn to Paranagui, Dom Rodrigo wrote to the regent that he con-sidered the existence either of silver or of gold lode mines in theParanaguaiarea as extremely unlikely." The unsuccessful expeditionto the highly publicized silver mines was to cause quite an upheavalin the mining circles of Paranagua. Dom Rodrigo summarily ban-ished Frei Joao de Granica from that section of Brazil. The officersof the Paranaguai Smelting House, who had resigned in a body, wereheld in their homes pending an investigation on the charge of de-frauding the royal exchequer in the collection of the quint." DomRodrigo was determined that no other false rumor should lead tothe outfitting of costly and uselessundertakings.

Yet Dom Rodrigo, even after so many blasted expectations-not one of the several attempts made to discover mineral wealth hadbeen successful-was willing to try his luck again, if only to ex-haust all possibilities of finding the coveted treasures. Hoping lateron to explore the Furnas area of Itaemb6, he sent an advance partyto ascertain if a supply of pifiones sufficient to provide food for acompanyof one hundredandtwenty persons ouldbe collected."9'Adequatefood storeswere alwaysa constantsourceof worry ontheseprospecting xpeditions, nd the moreambitious he under-taking, the farther its destination, the greater were its difficulties.The year, however,provedto be a particularly terileone; foodsupplies n Paranagu'itself werenot plentiful,and it had beenapoor season for wild fruits. As a consequence,the thought of theexpeditionwas givenup entirely;and at leastas earlyasFebruary1680,"his work in Paranaguiat an end, Dom Rodrigomadeuphis mindto leave for SaoPauloandfromtherefor the SabarabugiUMountains. The much-vauntedminesof ParanaguaindCuritiba,

9 Ibid., p. 59. See also report of the Overseas Council, October 7, 1680, "Sobre o que escreveo administrador g.al das Minas, Dom R.0 de castel Branco agerca do que tern obrado, e de comodetrimina partir para a Serra de Sabarabusii," in A.H.C., Codex 252, L0 10 das Consultas da Baia, fo.62 verso.4 Report of the Overseas Council, October 7, 1680, doc. cit.5 Ibid.96 Ibid.9' An order to this effect was signed by Dom Rodrigo on November 13, 1679. Taques, "Copiade informagio," pp. 59-60.98 On February 20, 1680, Dom Rodrigo ordered Manuel Vieira da Silva to send all materials onhand by water to Santos. Taques, "Copia de informagio," p. 60.



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152 Doml RODRIGODE CASTEL-BLANCOhe had found, were a fiction of the imagination. Silver did notexist at all, while the tenuous trickle of gold that reached the smelt-ing house was of the placer variety, panned principally along thestreams.

VThe news of Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco's unsuccessful ven-ture in Paranaguaiand Curitiba was received in Lisbon with naturaldisappointment, but the search for mineral wealth was not consid-ered hopeless. Thus far the ambitious enterprises, first in Bala andlater in the south, had been complete financial failures. The crownhad expected the discovery of rich mines; Dom Rodrigo, despite hissincere efforts, had found none. On October 10, 1680, shortlyafter the receipt of the Spaniard's letter of February 14 of thesame year, written from Paranaguai, the regent again authorizedthe indefatigable explorer to visit the Sabarabuqu area of Sao Pauloand to exhaust all other possibilities of finding precious metals inBrazil before returning to Portugal. Extreme care in budgeting ex-

penses was the only condition imposed in Dom Rodrigo's new in-structions.99Leaving Paranagui at the very end of April or the beginning ofMay 1680, Dom Rodrigo was back in Santos on May 20 of the sameyear,'00 and arrived shortly thereafter in Sao Paulo, where helaunched the groundwork for the projected expedition to Sabara-

buqii. Appearing before the Sao Paulo Town Council on June 20,Dom Rodrigo asked the aldermen to invite the councils of Par-naiba, Mogi, and Taubate to send representatives to Sao Paulo fora joint meeting with the local council and a number of prominenttownspeople to decide on what might best be done to insure thesuccess of the Sabarabug1i undertaking.-" The projected meetingwas held on the following July 3, with the presence, however, ofonly the local aldermen and the invited homens bons or good menof the town. It was at that time agreed that inasmuch as the cropsearlier planted by Matias Cardoso de Almeida, to serve as a source offood for the contemplated expedition,'02 had been ruined, it wouldnow be necessary to plant more crops at once in order that DomRodrigo might be able to leave for the interior in February 1681.

99 Report of the Overseas Council, October 7, 1680, doc. cit.100 Taques, "Copia de informagio," p. 60.101 Actas, pp. 61-62; and Registo geral, pp. 266-267.102 Taques, in his "Copia de informagio," p. 47, writes that Dom Rodrigo had ordered Anttnioda Cunha Gago, Simio da Cunha Miranda, Bartolomeu da Cunha Gago, and Manuel Cardoso deAlmeida to plant corn and beans in the Sabarabugi and Caet6 areas the year before, during theSpaniard's first stay in S1o Paulo, before his departure for Paranagui.



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154 DoM RODRIGODE CASTEL-BLANCOloss of Nova Colbnia to the Spaniards on the previous August 7 109and the imprisonment of Dom Manuel Lobo and Macedo. In viewof the unexpected course of events he naturally desisted from hisintention, and ordered the refugees in Santa Catarina to return toSantos.

Dom Rodrigo returned once more to his search for mines. Hav-ing been informed of the supposed existence of silver in Itfi, in theregent's name he offered two habits in the Orders of Christ and St.James with pensions of forty milrdis, and two thousand cruzados outof his own pocket to the discoverer of the reputed mineral de-posits."x This offer of January 13, 1681, spurred a number ofPaulistas in the quest, but attempts to find the precious metal wereunavailing.With the co-peration of the Sao Paulo Town Council," DomRodrigo, in the meantime, was collecting men and supplies for hisexpedition to Sabarabucii, where he hoped to continue the workalready begun, though subsequently abandoned, by Fernao Dias

Pais. On January 28, 1681, he appointed Matias Cardoso de Almeida,Pais's erstwhile assistant, as his chief aide.12 Ant6nio Afonso Vidaland Estvavo Sanches de Pontes were named sergeant majors. BrazRodrigues Arzao received the appointment of captain major; 11Andre Furtado that of captain."'Dom Rodrigo counted heavily on the co-peration which hehoped Fernao Dias Pais would give him on the new undertaking, forthe Paulista, who was then in the interior on his long search for

emeralds, had already spent several years in sounding out theasserted silver mines of Sabarabuci. Dom Rodrigo naturally wishedto capitalize on the older man's experience. Ever since his arrival insouthern Brazil Dom Rodrigo had addressed a number of letters tothe explorer with this end in view, but they were never answered.'5It is difficult to say whether Fernao Dias Pais actually received them;o109 Monteiro, op. cit., I, 78-86, Passim.110 Taques, "Copia de informagio," p. 61.111 Dom Rodrigo's affidavit of December 31, 1680, passed in favor of the council, praised thealdermen for their help. Registo geral, p. 282.112 Registo geral, pp. 297-298.*s Taques, "Nobiliarchia paulistana," pp. 126-127; Registo geral, pp. 386-387.114 On February 20, 1681. Registo geral, pp. 299-300.115 "Snor. meu. Em todas as occazi6es que se tern offerecido de tres annos a esta parte (que heo tempo em que passei a estas bandas do Sul) tenho escrito a V.Sa" e de nenhuma tive a fortuna deter resposta ...

" Dom Rodrigo to Fernio Dias Pais, Paraopeba, June 4, 1681, in A.H.C., Doc. ofRio, NO 2434, published in Revista do Arquivo Piblico Mineiro, XIX, 50.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 155through the regent's letter of December 4, 1677,"'6 the Paulista was,however, fully aware of the plans then being made to search forsilverin the Sabarabugiarea.As the months went by the problem of securing an adequatenumber of Indians for the expeditionbecame acute. The SaoPauloTown Council was obliging enough, and at various times passeddrasticmeasures o see that the necessaryIndianswere collected; 1'yet very little headway was made. In his letter of March 1, 1681,Dom Rodrigo complained to the council that the residentsof SaoPaulo and nearby towns were unwilling to surrender heir Indians,although it was clear that without Indiansthe Sabarabuuiexpedi-tion, which the regent had so much at heart, could not be carriedout."' It must indeed have been a great disappointmentto DomRodrigowhen Manuelda CostaDuarte, who had left SantaCatarinaat the head of a company of about three hundred Indians,arrivedin Sao Paulo on the eve of the expedition's departurewith onlythree. All the others had managedto escapeen route."9Whether the relationsbetween Dom Rodrigo and the Paulistasbecameembittered at this time or not, the fact remainsthat a lackof harmony early developed between the Spaniard on the one handand the people who could most help him on the other. Taques calledDom Rodrigo a worthlessfellow who idled his time by taking ad-vantage of the many privileges he enjoyed and by spending alto-gether too much from the public treasury.120Even Dom Rodrigo'sprincipal lieutenant, MatiasCardosode Almeida, was on one occa-sion to complain to the regent of the Spaniard's upposedlyuselessspendingof royal funds.121

The residents of Sao Paulo generally seem to have considered thepresence of Dom Rodrigo as an intrusion in their own pursuits; andit was painful for many of them to have to give up their Indians foran adventure in the wilderness. It was irksome to have their "silver"and "gold" mines classed as valueless. Quite ignorant of such mat-ters, many thought that he thus passed upon them for his own116 See note 53.117 On January25, 1681, the council prohibitedthe residentsof Sio Paulo from taking Indianswith them to the hinterland on the pretext that such Indianswere neededby Dom Rodrigo.Registogeral, pp. 288-287. On February 5, 1681, the council, by proclamation,prohibitedthe hiring outor use of Indians until after the departureof Dom Rodrigo for Sabarabuqii.bid., pp. 287-288.118 Registo geral, pp. 290-291.119 Actas, pp. 113-114.120 . . . o tal D. Rodrigo foi um patarataque s6 entreteu o tempo aproveitando-sedas honrasque desfructou e dos dinheirosque com liberalidade onsumiu.""Nobiliarchiapaulistana,"p. 128.121 Taques, "Nobiliarchiapaulistana,"p. 128.



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156 DOM RODRIGO DE CASTEL-BLANCObenefit. Accustomed as they were to paying their own expenses onprospecting expeditions, it was equally irritating to know that hereceived a regular salary from the royal exchequer. Furthermore,the Paulistas may have been offended by the Spaniard's haughtycomportment.122 Dom Rodrigo's task was certainly no easy one.He had to contend with the inhospitable character both of men andnature.

Dom Rodrigo left Sao Paulo for Sabarabui'i on March 19,1681123 in the company of several prominent residents of the cap-taincy, among them Matias Cardoso de Almeida, and of a numerousbody of retainers. At least some of the Paulistas headed small partiesof their own which had been organized at their own expense.124 Wefind Dom Rodrigo at Atibaia as early as the twenty-fourth of thesame month.125 In the course of his journey inland he stopped atSapucai; he reached Paraopeba or Arraial de Sao Pedro on or beforeJune 4. On that day he wrote to Fernao Dias Pais to express hispleasure at the prospect of meeting him. ". . . I am sure," he added,"that with your assistance we shall find what we are lookingfor. .. ." 126 But the two men never met. The death of the ex-plorer at about that time on his return journey from Itamirindibawas a great blow to Dom Rodrigo, and it seriously jeopardized thesuccess of the undertaking.127

Garcia Rodrigues Pais, the explorer's eldest son and constantcompanion, arrived in Paraopeba on June 26, 1681, to register anumber of rock specimens his deceased father had collected.128122 See Cal6geras, op. cit., I, 48.123 Actas, p. 117. For the course of the expedition see Capistrano de Abreu, Caminhos antigos e

povoamento do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1930), pp. 69-70.124 Taques, "Copia de informagio," pp. 63-64. The same author, in his "Nobiliarchia paulis-tana," pp. 125-126, mentions the names of Matias Cardoso de Almeida, Ant6nio Afonso Vidal,and Andre Furtado. See also Actas, p. 114.125 On this day he signed a receipt in favor of Captain Jolo Pais Rodrigues in return for aNegro slave which the former had in keeping for Dr. Joio da Rocha Pita, a circuit judge(desembargadorindicante). Registo geral,pp. 293'-294.126 ,. .. fio, que com a asistencia de V.S.a hemos de achar o que se pretende. . " Letter ofJune 4, 1681, doc. cit. It is very likely that Pais, having been informed, either through DomRodrigo's letters or through other sources, of the Spaniard's stop-over in Paraopeba, sent a mes-senger to inform him that he (Pais) was returning from the interior with specimens of"emeralds."

127 Death occurred approximately seven years after his departure from Sao Paulo on themost ambitious single prospecting expedition ever undertaken in Brazil, some time after March 27,and before June 26, 1681. The approximate time of his death may be deduced from two sources:letter of Fernio Dias Pais of March 27, 1681, in A.H.C., Doc. of Rio, NO 2434, published inRevista do Arquivo P'blico Mineiro, XIX, 52-53; and Registo geral, pp. 307-308.128 See Registo geral, pp. 307-308, and affidavit signed by Dom Rodrigo, Sumidouro, October 8,1681, in A.H.C., Doc. of Rio, NO 2434 (enclosures), published in Revista do Arquivo P'blicoMineiro, XX, 161-162.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRASOARESCARDOZO 157This was duly done by Dom Rodrigo in his capacity as administra-tor of the Sao Paulo mines, and the stones were subsequentlyfor-warded to Lisbon.129 Garcia Rodrigues Pais was then on his wayto the town of Slo Paulo to arrangethe interment of his father'sremainsandthe settlementof the latter'sestate;and he was not able,therefore, to assist Dom Rodrigo in the search for silver. Beforeleaving Paraopeba,the young Pais voluntarily surrenderedto thecrown in. the person of Dom Rodrigo all title and claim to themineralregion where the stones had been found and to the variouscamps en route which had been previouslyestablishedby his father,together with the foodstuffs and provisions therein contained.Dom Rodrigo arrived in Sumidouro as early as October 8,1681,130 to begin the quest for silver in the nearby Sabarabuci'Mountains. Difficulties of various sorts arose almost immediately.Some of the Indians,on whom he relied for the physicalwork thathad to be done, ran away.1"'Those who remained mportunedDomRodrigo o sendfor theirwomenfolk.132 Equallydishearteningeresquabbles ith thePaisfamily. Replying o theprotest odgedwiththe SaoPauloTown Councilon September , 1681,by FernioDiasPais'sbrother,FatherJolo Leite da Silva,who was fearful that"emeralds"rom the quarriesof Marcosde Azeredomight bestolen,133 omRodrigowrote o thatbody romSumidouronJanu-ary6, 1682,that heconsideredheprocedurextremelynopportune.Insofaras he knew, the priesthad not beenempoweredo act intheplaceof GarciaRodrigues ais;consequentlye (DomRodrigo)deemed he complaintwithout legalfoundation.YoungPaishad,moreover,ceded all property,rights,and claimsto the regentofPortugal n the personof Dom Rodrigowhowastherefore espon-siblefor the securityof Garcia's ift. Thewholematterwasclearlydistasteful o him. As he confessed n his letter,Dom Rodrigo eltthat the regentshouldsend a substitute o relievehim; he (DomRodrigo)couldnolonger upport hetrialsof thejourney.34It wasobvious hat all wasnot well with the expedition.Withseriousdiscordbrewing n its verymidst, ittleprogressn fulfilling

129 The stones were sent in two separate parcels, one through the Guaratingueta TownCouncil and the other through the Sio Paulo Town Council. Affidavitof October 8, 1681, doc.cit. Seealso Registo geral,pp. 309-310, and Actas, pp. 136-137.1"0 See affidavitof October 8, 1681, doc. cit..3 Registo geral, pp. 311-312.132 Ibid., pp. 310-311.33 Actas, pp. 134-136.134 Registo geral, pp. 331-332.



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158 DoM RODRIGODE CASTEL-BLANCOits purposescould be expected; yet the expenseskept mounting upas the undertaking draggedout for months in the wildernessof theSao Paulo hinterland. On December 23, 1682, avowing the futileexpenditure of money on the part of the royal exchequer as thereason for his action, the regent orderedDom Rodrigo to returnat once to Portugal.'5 The letter, however,neverreachedthe Span-iard. The envenomed relationsbetween Dom Rodrigo and his fol-lowers had in the meantimereacheda crisis. On August 28, 1682,while marching on an unidentified road in the Sumidouro area,Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco was shot to death by unknownassailants."' After almost ten years of effort, the most serious at-tempts ever made to discovermineralwealth in colonial Brazil hadcome to a tragic and futile end.

VIFor the next decadethe mother country, more chastened n herexpectations and pretty well disillusionedover the whole business

of the mines, paid lessattention to an El Dorado that so stubbornlyescaped detection. Yet those who had, even after the apparentfailure of Dom Rodrigo,held on to slim hopeswere at length to berewardedbefore the seventeenth century was quite up, with thediscoveryof the incrediblyrich placergold depositsof MinasGerais.Dom Rodrigowas not fated to have the good fortune of discoveringthem; an achievementwhich he, in a sense, so well deserved. Buthis varied activities between the years 1673 and 1682, though theywere abortive through no fault of his own, made it clear thatprecious stones and metals were not to be found in places wheresomelessexpert peoplehad mistakenlyexpected to find them. And

135 A.H.C., Codex 223, LO 10 das Cartas do Rio, 1673-1700, fo. 35 verso.136 Letter of Duarte Teixeira Chaves to the regent, November 25, 1682, cited in the report ofthe Overseas Council, April 29, 1683, in A.H.C., Codex 232, LO 10 das Consultas do Rio, fo. 38verso. The report is published in Varnhagen, op. cit., IV, 150. Few details are known of DomRodrigo's untimely death. Pedro Taques de Almeida Pais Leme, whose aversion to the Spaniard isgenerally admitted, wrote that Manuel de Borba Gato, Fernio Dias Pais's son-in-law, criticizedDom Rodrigo for the latter's asserted lack of interest in the proposed discoveries, accusing him ofconcerning himself only with hunting parties for the provisioning of his table. Out of the mis-understanding, Taques says, developed a charged atmosphere which led Borba Gato to such an excessof anger that he pushed the ill-fated Spaniard over a precipice. "Nobiliarchia paulistana," pp.162-163. The manner in which Dom Rodrigo met death, as described by Taques, is at variancewith the information contained in the letter of Duarte Teixeira Chaves, doc. cit. According tothe latter, Dom Rodrigo was shot to death by a man or men hidden in the brush. Chaves wrotethat three shots were fired. Be that as it may, there seems to be no doubt th:t Dom Rodrigo'sviolent death may be directly or indirectly laid to Manuel de Borba Gato. The latter, too, seemsto have been conscious of his guilt, for he sought to avoid possible criminal prosecution by hidingin the then unexplored areas of the interior. A few years later he was to discover important golddeposits in Minas Gerais.



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MANOEL DA SILVEIRA SOARES CARDOZO 159particularly through his Sabarabugi expedition, which death cutshort, he contributed in a measure to the focusing of attention ona part of Brazil where gold did in fact exist. The amazing figure ofDom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco has been more than once malignedby historians and chroniclers for reasons that need not be repeatedhere. But his contribution to the scientific search for El Doradomakes him eminently worthy of being remembered.

MANOEL DASILVEIRA OARESCARDOZO.The Catholic University of America.

Facsimileof the signatureof Dom Rodrigode Castel-Blanco(Courtesy of the Arquivo Hist6rico Colonialof Lisbon)



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MAP OF BRAZILBy

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THE OLIVEIRA LIMA LIBRARYTHE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA

Dom Rodrigo de Castel-Blanco and the Brazilian El Dorado, 1673-1682

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