DISCUSSION OH DRAFT THESIS: THE NATIVE QUSSTIOH.I

With the arguments and above all with the conclusions of the draft

thesis, all genuine Leninists must be in agreement, and discussion

on this thesis can only take the form of further elaboration upon

the main themes, and particularly upon the relationship of the two

races, black and white, exploited in agriculture and mining.

The most striking feature of South African social and economic

1if^ lies in the co-cxistence of, and contradictions between tribal­

ism and bourgeois democracy.

The economy of native life is founded chiefly on the exploit-

ation of women, who perform all the labour in the tribe and so acquire

a market value as beasts of burden (under the lobola system a wife

is bought for so many cows, etc). All disputes that arise out of

infringements of the rights of the tribal patriachs in the ownership

of women, children, cattie,etc, are brought before the chief for

settlement, and the chief keeps order among the tribesmen because

|ie possesses by native custom the right to fine any offender against

the tribal laws. The cattle received as fines become the property of

the chief and are the ssource of his wealth in the tribe. If he does

sometimes give a part of the fine to the injured party, this is an

act of grace; he is not comp elled to do so. The wealthier tribesmen

support the authority of the chief because this is the only means of

preserving"law and order” in the tribe; i.e. the only means of pro­

tecting their property, (women, cattle etc) from the tribal criminal

(seducer, thief etc).

In this way, the chief represents the State power in the tribe

and concentrates in his own person all the functions of the state

apparatus: he is simultaneously law-giver, judge and chief of

police: he is legislature, judicature and administration all

combined in one.

When the native territories in the Gape were annexed to the

British Grown a century ago, the new rulers were faced with the

problem of wresting the power from the chiefs and concentrating

it in their own hands, and this object was peacefully achieved in

a manner consistent with the cunning tactics of the Empire Builders.

The year 1851, a year of drought and famine for the losa tribes,

was chosen as the occasion for making a most enticing offer to the

native chiefs. The British Government was to pay the chief a yearly

income in cattle equal to the average amount he obtained from fines,

and in return for this, the fines were to be paid to the government

whose representative, a magistrate, was to be present in an

"advisory capacity" at all trials.

The guileless chiefs were tempted by this offer, all the more

so because this year's income for them in fines was so small on

account of the drought. And so they accepted. The magistrates were

duly installed in the native courts. It was not long before the

chiefs began to lose interest in the tribal cases, since the fines

went in any case to the government and they received their salaries

whether they attended the court or not. And so gradually they

ceased to attend trials and the magistrate became in all but name

the chief of the tribe, consentrating in his own person the functions

of the state: legislature, judiciary and administration.

In this manner in the succeeding years nearly all the tribes

were brought under the control of the imperialist bourgeoisie

through their magistrates, headed by the Governor General.

The native laws wuEe codified for the guidance of the magistrates,

and the chiefs having sold their birthrightf for a government

salary, were reduced to the mere figureheads which they are

today.

There exists therefore in South Africa today a double system

of government: on the one hand we have the bourgeois democratic

system, with its Parliament elected by European voters, and on ids

the other, the tribal system in which the magistrates have

usurped the power of the chiefs and rule the native tribesmen

by proclamations issued by the Governor Beneral, the Paramount

Chief of the native peoples as well as the constitutional

representative of the king - i.e. of British Imperialism. The

connecting link between the two systems is the Native Affairs

Department.

But sharply divided though the tribal system is from

the bourgeois democracy as far as the political superstructure

is concerned, the two are firmly united on the economic

foundations, because it is fipora the native population in the

territories that the "labour supplies" for both the mines and

the farms are drawn. There is a profound and complex economic

interaction between the two systems, and thus there arises the

fundamental contradiction of South African life - political

division and economic unityof the two systems - which in turn

gives rise to the ten thousand contradictions that render the

South African political and social landscape so bewilderingly

complicated to all save those who have learned to employ the

Marxian method in disentangling these problems.

In order to get a better understanding of the problems

involved, it would be profitable to glance at the history of one

of the conflicts that exist today- the Fingo-Xosa intertribal

antagonism.

When Chaka was building his Zulu empire, the scattered remngjits

of tribes wliich he had broken fled southwards into the Xosa

territory. The Xosas, themselves hard pressed by the european

colonists, slaughtered the refugees as they came, until at last,

when the fugitive tribesmen entered Xosa territory, they flung

down their weapons, crying "Siyamfengusa!" (We come to serve).

The Xosas "took pity" on them, and they became the slaves of the

Xosa patriarchs, and were known as Fingos. (Slaves, servantd)

In the wars that followed between colonists and Xosas, tha

Fingos, who naturally hated their Xosa taskmasters, became the

allies of the white men, and helped them to wrest a huge stretch

tff territory from the Xosas. A portion of this was given to them

to settle on, partly as a reward for their services, but chiefly

to erect a buffer territory between colonists and Xosas. A bitter

feud arose between the two tribes and with the passing of years

the increasingly intense land hunger in the territories has not

only kept the feud alive, but has added fuel to the flames.

Into these territories come the labour recruiting agents,

and both Xosas and Fingos are compelled by hunger and taxation

to contract themselves to slave in the gold mines.Toiling in the

narrow stopes where a man cannot stand upright, harried by kicks,

blows and scjhmbok strokes,fed on a diet calculated to the fraction

of a calorie, robbed by their wage being artificially kept at a

fixed minimum irrespective of labour shortage, robbed again by

fines, illegal deductions and recruiting charges, and robbed yet

again by the concession store keepers, deprived of the society of

hia womenfolk, forced into sodomy and unnatural vice, with

siphilis lying in wait, racked and torn by blasting accidents,

miners* phthisis, entombment and sudden death — this is the

life of the wage slave in the mine.

Against this background intertribal -hatred grows a

thousandfold more intense. And in spite of the mine officials

keeping the two tribes in separate compounds miles apart, in

spite of constant mine police watchfulness, there occasionally

flares up a faction fight of incredible savagery. Home-made

hand grenades are manufactured by filling jam tins with metal

punchings and stolen dynamite and fuses, and these bombs explode

with devastating effect amongst the enemy. Knives, assegais,

bicycle chains and occasionally bullets.are used. It is princip

ally for fear fo faction fights that such heavy penalties have

been inflicted in the past for illicit liquor selling to natives

This same story, with variations, must be repeated for

hundreds of tribal conflicts. "Old unhappy far-off things

and battles long ago" find their echo in heavy industry,

ancient tribal grudges are wiped out with modern dynamite bombs.

In these contradictions we see , in fact, the core of the

"native problem".

The imperialist bourgeoisie is compelled in this country

as elsewhere to preserve the most archaic systems — in this

case tribalism — in order to perpetuate its rule. The pious

phrases of the bourgeois, with their "liberal" ambitions to

"preserve native culture", to shield the "child races" from the

baneful effects of civilisation, to shoulder "the white marls

burden", all this hypocritical talk means simply that the bour-

geoisie is compelled through its insatiable greed for profits to

hold the native peoples, deliberately and artificially, in a state

of backwardness, because it is this very backwardness that enables

the bourgeoisie to wring its super-profits from the toil of the

native peoples. The bourgeoisie exerts the tyrannical powers of the

native chiefs throuigh its magistrates; it maintains tne pre-ieudal

system of production for use, and prevents the development of any

kind of commodity production amongst the nativeSj for instance by

refusing even to issue to natives a licence to trade; the result is

that the only way for them to raise the money to pay taxes is to

sell their labour power to the owners of the mines and farms. But

while the bourgeoisie strives to jaaii keep the territories intact

and to hold back the progress of the tribesmen,at the same time

it is drawing on these very territories for its labour. In this

way it telescopes the development of the native people; it imports

tribal problems into industry; it imports the agrarian problem into

the mines, for land hunger is the root source of both recruiting

and faction fights, and in thesame way social problems are carried

from the cities to the territories on the tide of returning labour.

Strive as the bourgeois will he cannot both have his cake and it

eat it , he cannot both preserve the tribal system and still use

it as a reservoir of cheap labour. And yet in order to work the

mines he is compelled to consolidate tribalism. Capitalism has no

way out of this dilfcoma — only the victorious workers' revolution

can solve the "native problem"; only the workers' revolution can

appease the land hunger of the fcribes and destroy jshe basis of

tribalism by destroying its economic roots --- the primitive prod­

uctive methods which the bourgeoisie deliberately fosters.

Because Russia was a backward country, because capitalism

entered Russia so late, the development of Russia was telescoped

Russian capitalism began where European capitalism left off; the

latest developments of mass production machinery were imported,

and as a result of this, the Russian proletariat was more con­

centrated and a greater percentage of it was employed in large

scale industry than in the more-advanced countries. Thus the

very backwardness of Russia was responsible for its achieving a

proletariat ahead of the proletariat of other countries in con- ,

centration and in class consciousness.

In South Africa too, bacprardness has occasioned a greater

concentration of a larger percentage of the proletariat in heavy

industry than even in czarist Russia, well over half being em­

ployed in mining.

Bourgeois university professors in South Africa are fond ;

of bringing new proofs that the native peoples are a child-race

with many stages to pass through before they reach the level of<

the whites. They forget to take into consideration the fact thati

this “belated child race" grows up under the influence of capit­

alism, that its growth is forced, that it telescopes some stages ̂

and leaps over others and so it aciieves by combined development

in a single generation a stage which the pioneer races took many

generations to accomplish. 3SkE xxms

The same mechanical notion is put forth by the G.P.S.A.inin its slogan of a "S.A. native republic as a stage towards the

workers and peasants republic'*. The idea common to both is the

scholastic notion that there is a kind of logical ladder of

development which must be mounted step by step, and various nations

.are at different rungs, but the same intervening rungs must be

crossed by each in turn to reach the top.

The falseness of this unrealistic and undialectical way of

thinking is demonstrated daily in the development of the native

proletariat. In the recent strike of the laundry workers we

witnessed the spectacle of bare-footed workers, most of them from

the territories, and saving money in order to purchase wives when

they went home, standing together in firm solidarity and striking

for what must have been for them, despite much explanation, a

largely abstract demand: union recognition. In any similar group

of workers in secondary industry taken at random, the same telescoped

development is likely to be found.

While the bourgeoisie cannot hold back the development of

the inhabitants while they recruit labour from among them, the

nigrophlle liberals cannot on the other hand clear a path for dev­

elopment within the framework of capitalism. Only under the slogan

of "the dictatorship of the proletariat, leading the oppressed of

the countryside” can there be ultimately solved the racial, the

agrarian and the social problems of South Africa, and in our parti­

cipation in the daily struggles of the workers and oppressed

peoples, our practical partial demands must be for the abolition

of the tyranny of the chiefs and magistrates, for democratic rights

for Africans in the territories as well as in the rest of the Union,

for equal rights for all races.

JOHANNESBURG. 19th Dec.,1934. R.Lee.

Collection Number: AG2722

WORKER’S PARTY OF SOUTH AFRICA, 1933-1935

PUBLISHER: Publisher:- Historical Papers Research Archive

Location:- Johannesburg

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