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Transcript of Department networks and distributed leadership in schools
This article was downloaded by: [Universitat Politècnica de València]On: 17 October 2014, At: 01:44Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK
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Department networks and distributedleadership in schoolsJorge Ávila de Lima aa University of Azores , PortugalPublished online: 17 Apr 2008.
To cite this article: Jorge Ávila de Lima (2008) Department networks and distributed leadershipin schools, School Leadership & Management: Formerly School Organisation, 28:2, 159-187, DOI:10.1080/13632430801969864
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Department networks and distributed
leadership in schools
Jorge Avila de Lima*University of Azores, Portugal
Many schools are organised into departments which function as contexts that frame teachers’
professional experiences in important ways. Some educational systems have adopted distributed
forms of leadership within schools that rely strongly on the departmental structure and on the role
of the department coordinator as teacher leader. This paper reports a study of department
networks and distributed leadership in two schools. The study collected two types of data on
teacher networks in the schools: attributions of the influence of colleagues on one another’s
professional development and joint professional practice. Measures included actor centrality and
network density. The study identified distinct leadership configurations in different departments.
The implications for the study of distributed leadership and for the distribution of leadership roles
in educational organisations are discussed.
Keywords: social networks; distributed leadership; department heads
Introduction
Many teachers’ professional experiences are framed in important ways by the
departments in which they work in their schools. These organisational units often
serve as critical points of reference for teacher identity, interaction and professional
development (Siskin 1994; Siskin and Little 1995). Teacher learning and develop-
ment can be promoted or inhibited by the particular cultures of these organisational
units (McLaughlin and Talbert 2001).
Leadership is a key aspect of departmental culture. Department leaders may
function as critical interpreters of state-imposed reform legislation for their
colleagues (Ball and Bowe 1992). They may help create vital climates for change
in their departments and propagate a clear and shared sense of vision among their
colleagues, namely by stimulating ‘a constant interchange of professional informa-
tion at both a formal and an informal level’, and by acting as ‘lead professionals’ that
use their own mode of practice as a model to follow in teaching (Harris et al. 1995,
287). Department heads can also play a critical role in enabling their departments to
become more effective in the promotion of student achievement (Sammons et al.
1997) and they may perform an important mentoring or supervisory leadership role
* Email: [email protected]
ISSN 1363-2434 (print)/ISSN 1364-2626 (online)/08/020159-29
# 2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13632430801969864
School Leadership and Management,
Vol. 28, No. 2, April 2008, pp. 159�187
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in supporting the professional development of their colleagues (Glover et al. 1999).
Finally, these leaders may develop a leadership style that strongly shapes the
direction and cohesiveness of their department (Busher and Harris 1999) �/ in short,
they may have a significant influence on the quality of teaching and learning within
the curriculum areas under their responsibility (Harris 2000).
There has been growing recognition that the role of heads of department is of
major importance for a school’s effectiveness and improvement (Busher and Harris,
1999). Some authors even hold that ‘the leadership of the head of department is the
key to developing successful schools’ and that ‘it is the head of department who
should be the focus for supporting the classroom teachers who actually have the
frontline responsibility for the enhancement of teaching, learning and achievement in
classrooms’ (Brown et al. 2000, 239). This widespread belief in the department
head’s potential for educational change may be overstated, but it clearly illustrates
the prominence that is given to the role in current writing on educational
organisations and educational change.
This paper looks at the roles of department coordinators and other teacher leaders
within a system of formally distributed teacher leadership in 12 departments of two
Portuguese schools. It starts by presenting and discussing the distributed perspective
on leadership in organisations, and illustrates how this is connected to calls for more
teacher leadership in schools. It then focuses specifically on the role of the head of
department and discusses its potential for professional leadership. Subsequently, the
paper makes a case for a network approach to the study of distributed leadership in
schools and departments. This is followed by the presentation of an empirical study
that utilised this approach. The paper closes with a discussion of the implications of
the study for research on and distribution of leadership roles in educational
organisations.
The distributed perspective on leadership in schools
In recent years, the idea of leadership has enjoyed a truly ‘iconic status’ in the
educational literature (Storey 2004, 251). A variety of forms of leadership have
emerged as an alternative to the more traditional hierarchical model of school
organisation. From the 1980s onwards, especially, school leadership research
abandoned its traditional focus on strong principal leadership. Leadership ceased
to focus almost exclusively on the actions of strong leaders with exceptional powers
and vision �/ the ‘heroic leaders’ referred to by Yukl (1999) �/ and gradually began to
be described in terms of ‘activities and interactions that are distributed across
multiple people and situations’ (Timperley 2005, 395). Current discourses on school
improvement downplay the traditional notion of the single strong leader and
emphasise the collective responsibility and collegial activity of wider groups of
teachers (Frost and Harris 2003). The main innovation of these alternative
conceptions is the introduction of the notion of ‘distributed leadership’ �/ a
conception of leadership as enacted in multiple roles and multiple role incumbents.
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Definitions of distributed leadership vary widely. Some equate it with the creation
of highly participative and flexible ‘bossless teams’ in work settings where differences
in formal authority between actors either do not exist, or are intentionally down-
played (Barry 1991). Other efforts to redefine leadership attempt to locate it in the
processes that occur among actors, rather than on any particular actor. For example,
Spillane et al. (2001) argue that ‘by taking leadership practice in a school as the unit
of analysis, rather than an individual leader, [a] distributed theory of leadership
focuses on how leadership practice is distributed among both positional and informal
leaders’ (24). Similarly, Gronn (2003a) grounds his conception of distributed
leadership in an analysis of the actual division of labour in the workplace. As Spillane
(2006) warns, ‘moving beyond the principal or head teacher to include other
potential leaders [what the author calls a ‘‘leader-plus’’ approach] is just the tip of the
iceberg, from a distributed perspective’ (p. 3).
In Spillane’s (2006) conception of leadership practice, a distributed view implies
focusing on actors’ (both leaders’ and followers’) webs of relations, as well as on their
‘situations’, conceived as complex sets of work routines, tools, structures and
elements of organisational culture. As the author stresses, situations are not simply
contexts within which leadership occurs; they are defining elements of leadership
practice (Spillane 2006, 22, 74�/83). While the present paper acknowledges this view
of leadership practice and discusses data on particular aspects of the web of teachers’
work interactions, it does not present qualitative evidence on the full spectrum of
leadership situations. It can thus be taken as lying somewhere between a leader-plus
perspective and a more comprehensive perspective that focuses on leadership
practice, defined in Spillane’s terms.
In this paper, distributed professional teacher leadership is conceived as a process
whereby teachers, individually or collectively, influence their colleagues in order to
improve their professional practice (York-Barr and Duke 2004, 287�/288), either in
the classroom or outside it. Influence over colleagues is thus regarded as a key
component of leadership practice. Therefore, teachers’ perceptions of being
influenced by colleagues in professional matters are taken as indicators of the
presence of leadership processes. The more dispersed these perceptions are within a
network of teachers, the more distributed leadership is. However, as I will show
below, we also need to identify distributed leadership patterns beyond teachers’
perceptions of the phenomenon.
Several researchers and commentators suggest that a widely distributed and
redundant pattern of leadership within a school promotes successful instructional
improvement (Camburn et al. 2003; Day and Harris 2002; Wallace 2002). Some
even adopt a normative position towards this form of leadership and argue that the
more it is distributed among teachers and the less it is contained within formally
specified roles, the better. These views are seldom based on solid research evidence,
but rather on mere belief in the virtues of the distributed model.
An increasing number of researchers, teacher trainers, policy-makers and
administrators who call for new forms of leadership in education stress the notion
of ‘teacher leadership’. Most of the forms of teacher leadership that are proposed are
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grounded, either implicitly or explicitly, on a conception of distributed leadership
(Harris 2003). In fact, distributing leadership in schools implies involving more
teachers in leadership functions and roles than has traditionally been the case. One
form of teacher leadership that has received considerable attention in the literature is
instructional leadership (Glickman et al. 2001; Blase and Blase 2004). This is often
defined as teacher leaders’ ability to involve their colleagues collaboratively in mutual
learning and development, with the main purpose of improving teaching and
learning. Discussions of the roles of subject leaders and heads of department often
emphasise this ‘leading professional’ dimension (Bennett 1995; Aubrey-Hopkins and
James 2002).
The concept of instructional leadership was developed during the effective schools
movement of the 1980s (Burlingame 1987). However, the term ‘instruction’ (which
is used by many North American authors as a synonym for teaching or pedagogy) may
convey a restrictive interpretation of pedagogical work; it can be interpreted as
narrowing it down to only one part of the teaching and learning process (MacNeill
et al. 2003), and therefore exclude other key aspects of teachers’ professional lives,
such as staff development, curriculum development, the planning and assessment of
learning, and educational and institutional evaluation, among other relevant aspects
of teachers’ professional lives. Also, in the effective schools literature, the term
instructional leadership has often tended to be identified with ‘strong, directive
leadership focused on curriculum and instruction from the principal’ (Hallinger
2003). While this conventional version of the instructional leadership concept
focuses on the role of the principal/headteacher as the centre of expertise and
authority in a school, a distributed conception of professional leadership in teaching
implies a focus on teachers as leaders. Within this framework, an important task for
researchers is to determine whether or not (and to what extent) teachers develop
leadership practices that relate to crucial dimensions of their colleagues’ professional
lives, including classroom practice, but extending beyond it.
It is reasonable to assume that teachers who act as professional leaders are active in
respect of the technical core of their colleagues’ work: that they learn with and help
them learn together in collaborative communities of practice. A key distinguishing
feature of this professional conception of leadership is that leaders strongly invest in
building relationships among staff and in developing the capacity for learning within
their schools, not only among pupils, but also among their colleagues (Sergiovanni
1998; Webb 2005). In short, professional leadership places a strong emphasis on
schools becoming professional learning organisations and does not assume that top
leaders alone will provide the leadership that creates the conditions for teacher
learning and development; leadership is regarded mainly as an organisational quality
(Ogawa and Bossert 1995), a pattern that cuts across an entire school. Moreover, in
this paper, instructional leadership is understood as a component or dimension of
professional leadership, with the latter being taken as a broader concept which
embraces dimensions of professional life that extend beyond the classroom level.
There are several possible interpretations of how to actually distribute leadership
among teachers (Frost and Harris 2003). For some, what is at stake is the need to
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select certain teachers to undertake designated leadership roles (Katzenmeyer and
Moller 1996). An example would be to appoint experienced teachers (e.g. ‘lead
teachers’, ‘master teachers’, ‘teaching and learning consultants’) to posts designed
for the purpose of improving their colleagues’ performance. Often, these teachers
intervene as outside agents contracted by districts to improve the performance of
some schools. At other times, they act as inside agents who are designated to roles
such as mentors, action-research facilitators, in-service training coordinators, or
coordinators of special education programmes within the school.
A second version is based on the expectation that teachers who already occupy
some formal positions (for example, middle management roles, such as department
headships, or subject area coordination roles) should be the ones who exercise this
kind of leadership. Calls for the development of these teachers are sometimes
grounded on research results that underline the contribution which middle managers
can make to school improvement (Busher et al. 2001).
A third and final interpretation holds that leadership will be exercised by teachers,
regardless of their formal position or official designation for a given role. The
distinctiveness of this latter approach lies in its underlying, albeit controversial, belief
that potentially all teachers have the capacity to engage in leadership activity in their
school. Clearly, not all teachers can or will be professional leaders in their schools.
However, it is clearly possible that several of them can act as professional leaders
besides (and even in spite of) formally appointed colleagues. In short, while the
notion that all teachers can (and need to) be leaders is certainly questionable, this
interpretation builds on the important idea that studies of leadership in schools
should not focus only on principals and formal leaders (Ogawa and Bossert 1995).
This is consistent with fruitful suggestions (for example, those made by Gronn 2000,
commenting on Gibbs’s work) that observers of leadership need to avoid making a
priori assumptions with regard to the distribution of leadership functions among
group members; they should concentrate on leadership practices, rather than on
official leader designations.
The role of the head of department as professional leader
As mentioned above, one way to approach the study of distributed leadership in
schools is to focus on perceptions and practices associated with formally designated
leadership positions, such as curriculum area coordinators. Schools implementing
these kinds of leadership structures provide fruitful territory for the study of
distributed leadership. As Little (1995) notes, the position of department head is the
most common form of teacher leadership at the school level. It is, therefore, in most
systems, the most immediately available and visible case for judging the possibilities
for distributed teacher leadership in educational organisations.
In Portugal, the introduction of the departmental structure and the creation of
‘curriculum department coordinator’ positions in the late 1990s reconfigured the
formal structure of leadership positions within schools, by formally instituting a
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distributed leadership model that invested the incumbents of these new roles with
wide-ranging professional leadership functions. Subject departments were formally
introduced in 1998. According to this legislation, the curriculum department
coordinator must fulfil several important professional functions. Among many
others, he or she must:
. ensure curriculum integration through the promotion of cooperation among
department members and between the department and other organisational units
of the school;
. ensure the coordination of department members’ pedagogy and student assess-
ment practices;
. identify department members’ training needs and promote their adequate school-
based in-service training.
This legislation places a complex set of responsibilities on the department
coordinator. The demand for a deep and broad level of professional leadership is
stated explicitly, and the pedagogical areas where it is to be exercised are detailed.
The new structure does not assume that the coordinator is or should be the primary
source of professional knowledge in the department, or that he or she should impose
a top-down approach to leadership; rather, in a more collegial tone, it calls for his or
her action as a key facilitator of teacher interaction and growth. In other words, the
department formal leader is not conceived as an expert or as a hierarchical superior,
but rather as a coordinator of professionals and a facilitator of colleagues’
professional learning and development.
The extent to which heads of department or department coordinators actually
exercise strong professional leadership in their schools and departments is unclear.
To date, no research on this specific matter has been conducted in Portuguese
schools. Research in the USA has shown that the role of the department head is
constructed differently in different schools and in different departments (Little
1995): in some, serving this function is regarded as merely taking one’s turn in the
rotation of the function among colleagues; in others, the department head is granted
considerable power and exerts substantial influence in the shaping of a professional
community among the staff under her/his responsibility. In the former cases,
department heads fulfil mainly an administrative role; in the latter ones, they are
strong curriculum and instructional leaders. In general, the research literature points
to a scarcity of teacher leadership targeted directly at teaching and learning (Little
2003). Recent research conducted in Britain (Turner 2003) also suggests that, on the
whole, heads of department have not assumed clear responsibility for the profes-
sional development of their departmental colleagues.
One way to clarify whether formal department leaders actually exercise profes-
sional leadership by stimulating the professional growth of their colleagues and
helping create and nurture collegial cultures in their departments is to study teachers’
views of the impact of these formal leaders on their professional development. A
complementary approach is to examine department coordinators’ actual patterns of
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interaction with their colleagues, and the networks of professional ties within their
departments. Both approaches entail looking at teacher leadership as a process of
social influence that can be studied within the framework of a social network analysis
research design.
A social network approach to distributed leadership in schools
Teacher leadership is, above all, a process of interpersonal influence among
colleagues. This influence component is explicitly articulated in several prominent
definitions of teacher leadership. For example, Wasley (1991) defines this form of
leadership as ‘the ability to encourage colleagues to change, to do things they
wouldn’t ordinarily consider without the influence of the leader’ (23). In the same
vein, Katzenmeyer and Moller (1996) hold that teachers who are leaders ‘influence
others towards improved educational practice’ (17). Similarly, Harris (2003) argues
that teacher leaders ‘work with colleagues to shape school improvement efforts and
take some lead in guiding teachers towards a collective goal’ (316). Harris and Muijs
(2002) also underline that the possibility of teacher leadership in a school is
dependent on ‘the extent to which teachers accept the influence of colleagues who
have been designated in a particular area’ (4). In short, teachers become leaders
when they influence their colleagues’ professional development and practice and
when they are regarded by these colleagues as influential and are allowed to lead by
them.
In this paper, leadership is understood as activities that actors in a social system
design to influence other actors in that system, as well as activities that actors
understand as influencing them (see Spillane 2006, 11�/12). This definition is similar
to Gronn’s (2003a), who referred to leadership as ‘a lay label of convenience
encompassing emergent actions (verbal, physical, reputed or imagined) that
influence the deeds and thoughts of colleagues’ (6). Such understanding acknowl-
edges that ‘people can perceive activities as leadership even if they are not influenced
by the activities’ (Spillane 2006, 11). It also recognises that individuals can be
influenced by activities that exist only in their imagination (Gronn 2003a). However,
in this paper, I focus exclusively on actors’ recognitions of the influence of others upon
them, as well as on the interactions they maintain with those others.
Gronn (2003a) has argued that ‘the basis of leadership is cognitive and grounded
in the mental attributions of workplace peers’ (6). The author’s assertion that, if
leadership is understood as attributed influence, then ‘leadership is in the eye of the
beholder’ (Gronn 2003b, 274), calls for an attribution approach to the study of
teacher distributed leadership. In terms of attribution theory, a person is a leader
because others say so (McElroy 1982). The main strength of such an approach is that
it broadens the scope of leadership research by focusing greater attention on the
social context of leader activity (McElroy and Shrader 1986). However, despite this
advantage, it also has an important weakness. Indeed, as Spillane (2006, 5) warns,
‘leadership can occur without evidence of its outcome’�/ there can be leadership
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practices designed to influence teachers’ work practices that never get recognised by
them as such. This being true, it is also important to stress that the practices and
interaction of peers that do get recognised as influential may play a particularly
significant part in teachers’ professional development and thus deserve to be studied
in their own right. Moreover, evidence collected on teachers’ joint work helps
leadership analysts move beyond mere cognitions and thus helps attenuate the
potential shortcomings of focusing solely on attributions of influence.
It is only by collecting information on every department member and his or
her relations with the others that one can grasp teacher leaders’ immediate social
context �/ the overall web of influence relations that exist within their department.
Methodologically, this is an appropriate way to identify leadership distribution ‘not
only among appointed leaders but also among de facto leaders �/ that is, individuals
who, regardless of their position, exercise influence on others’ (Spillane 2006, 32). In
short, the potential multidirectional, interactive nature of distributed teacher
leadership in educational organisations calls for the utilisation of a social network
research approach.
This perspective is consistent with Ogawa and Bossert’s (1995) view that
leadership is not embedded in particular roles, but rather in a network of
relationships that exist among incumbents of roles, both formal and informal �/ in
other words, ‘leadership is systemic and relational’; ‘the interact, not the act,
becomes the basic building block of organisational leadership’ (236). This is also
consistent with Spillane’s (2006, 56) argument that while the actions of leaders are
important, it is in the interactions among actors that leadership practice gets
constructed. As the author puts it, ‘interactions are key; therefore, it is essential to
analyze leadership practice from the level of the group or collective’ (56).
As I have stated previously, leadership cannot be identified solely through the
examination of actors’ attributions of influence, however important they are.
Researchers also need to analyse the actual configurations of actors’ joint profes-
sional practices. One important form of joint practice in schools is professional
collaboration. In many schools, this is the primary means by which teacher leaders
exert influence (Lieberman and Miller 2004; York-Barr and Duke 2004). As Turner
(1996) notes, ‘one very important aspect of the head of department role is to
organise, manage and lead a team of teachers’ (205; see also Gronn 2003a). Strong
professional teacher leaders collaborate professionally with their colleagues and,
importantly, they are also able to make them collaborate with one another. Of course,
there are also circumstances in which ‘working together is sufficient but not
necessary; while school leaders sometimes work together, at other times, they work
separately yet interdependently’ (Spillane 2006, 16�/17). Even though these forms of
interdependence are recognised as important, they are not discussed in the present
paper.
Two social network analysis concepts are particularly relevant for understanding
attributional and structural leadership patterns within groups of teachers. One is
centrality, a measure that describes an actor’s prominence or prestige within a
network (Freeman 1979; Bonacich 1987; Friedkin 1991; Borgatti and Everett 2006).
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Teacher leaders are prominent and prestigious actors in their networks because they
are involved in many professional ties to other colleagues and are regarded by them as
particularly influential in promoting their professional development.
A second relevant concept is network density, which refers to the amount of actual
network ties that exist in a given network, compared with the total of potential ties
that are theoretically possible in that network (Wasserman and Faust 1994). A
system of distributed leadership implies high leadership density, both because there
will be several people (in both formal and informal roles), and not only one, who are
regarded by other network members as influential, and also because leaders will be
active and effective in making their colleagues work together to improve and develop
as professionals, and to develop their potential as professional leaders themselves.
This will produce high leadership density levels within these networks.
It is useful to think of distributed teacher leadership in terms of these network
concepts. In the traditional, formal focused leadership model, if heads of department
exercise their professional leadership functions in full, and if they are effective in
doing so, they will enjoy high centrality in their department’s networks. Also, their
networks will be strongly centralised around them. The implication is that other
teachers besides the formal leader will be relatively peripheral people in terms of the
amount of leadership activity that they actually develop or in which they are involved.
However, as we have seen, this scenario is contrary to the philosophy of a distributed
teacher leadership system. Indeed, in the latter case, if we took an extreme
interpretation of distribution and admitted that every teacher can be a professional
leader of his or her colleagues, then networks of relations would have to be highly
dense, which would make it technically impossible for any actor to enjoy high
centrality or to enjoy a high share of the overall centrality of the teacher network.
Therefore, in practice, in more advanced stages, distributed leadership systems imply
low actor centralities and shares, low network centralisation and high densities in the
networks of ties among actors. Of course, this is an extreme version of leadership
distribution and it is likely that most ‘distributed’ systems will lie somewhere between
these two extremes, as a function of each school’s and each department’s context and
history. The analysis that follows illustrates one way of examining how near or far
departments (and their respective coordinators) are from these extreme theoretical
possibilities; in other words, the extent to which the leadership functions that are
formally distributed to department heads and those that are informally constructed
via teachers’ interactions with their peers are associated with actual staff perceptions
and practices that are consistent with a distributed professional leadership model.
The study
The present study was not designed in an explicit way as a study of teacher
leadership, but the data that it collected are particularly useful for assessing how far
teacher leadership was exercised and distributed within the participating institu-
tions.1
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Research questions
This paper addresses two main research questions:
. To what extent do department coordinators, to whom leadership has been
formally distributed, actually exercise professional leadership in relation to their
colleagues?
. Besides department coordinators, are there other teachers within departments
who play a professional leadership role? In other words, is professional leadership
distributed beyond formal role positions within departments?
Sample
A purposeful sample was used. The study was conducted in two Portuguese schools:
a secondary school (School A) and a Basic Integrated School2 (School B). School A
comprised 33 teaching staff, distributed among four departments (D1 to D4).3
School B employed 83 teachers, organised into eight departments (D5 to D12).
Instrument and data collection
A department social network questionnaire (see Appendix 1) was distributed to all
staff members in each department, focusing on department colleagues’ impact on
one another’s professional development, and on their collaborative relations within
the department.
With regard to colleagues’ impact on one another’s professional development, for
each colleague in the department respondents indicated how much they felt that that
colleague had influenced their own professional development. Responses ranged
from 1 (‘did not contribute at all to my development’) to 5 (‘contributed totally to
my development’). Colleagues to whom respondents attributed high scores of impact
were thus considered as particularly influential upon their professional development
as teachers.
As for collaborative relations within the department, each department member
indicated the colleagues with whom he or she exchanged teaching materials,
developed materials jointly and/or planned his/her work jointly. Of course, these
areas do not exhaust the full range of potential domains in which professional
leadership may be exercised in schools, but they do correspond to key types of
collaborative practices that have been highlighted as significant in the literature on
teacher collaboration and department learning communities (Little 1982, 1990;
McLaughlin and Talbert 2001). Respondents were asked to indicate how often they
developed each of these relations with each of their colleagues, on average, each
school term. The data were collected in the spring of 2003. Response rates were
90.9% in School A and 88% in School B. Results are presented exclusively for
department members who responded to the network questionnaire.
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Measures
The two network concepts highlighted previously in the network approach to
distributed teacher leadership were operationalised in the study in the following
manner.
Actor centrality
In social network terms, an actor that is involved in more relations than the others in
his or her network or who receives more choices from them is more central in that
network. The measurement of actor centrality depends on the type of tie involved.
For ties that are asymmetrical (that is, in which an actor may choose or nominate
another with regard to a specific relation, but not be nominated or chosen by that
same person), we may calculate two types of measures: indegree (the number of
choices or nominations the actor receives in his or her network) and outdegree (the
number of choices or nominations the actor makes with regard to others in that
network). For ties that are inherently symmetrical (i.e. in which a tie from actor A to B
necessarily implies the same tie from B to A), we simply calculate each actor’s degree
(the number of ties in which he or she is involved in his or her network, in a specific
type of relation).
To determine teachers’ centrality scores in the influence network (an asymmetrical
type of relation), for each teacher, I calculated the actor’s indegree, or prestige �/ the
number of choices he or she received, that is, the number of colleagues who
considered him/her to have a strong (score�4) or very strong (score�5) impact on
their professional development. Then, in the resulting attributed influence network,
in order to avoid bias due to the different network sizes of different departments, for
each teacher, I normalised the indegree scores. A high normalised centrality score
means that the teacher in question was regarded by many of his or her colleagues as a
highly influential colleague in terms of their professional development.
In the networks of actual collaborative relations (symmetrical relations), centrality
analyses focused on collegial ties that entailed a minimum of two contacts per school
term. In this case, for each type of collaborative relation, each teacher’s degree (that
is, the number of department colleagues with whom he or she collaborated) was
determined. These scores were also normalised. In this case, a high centrality score
indicates that the teacher in question was involved with many colleagues in
professional relations in his or her department.
Rank order of actors’ centrality
For each type of relation under analysis, all actors in each department were rank-
ordered on the basis of their normalised centrality. Each teacher was given a rank
order number. This helped arrange the members of each department, from the most
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central to the least central, and determine what rank department coordinators, as
well as other teacher leaders, occupied in each type of relation under analysis.
Centrality share
This was calculated as the centrality measure of the actor, divided by the sum of all
the actor centralities in the network (Borgatti et al. 2002). The measure indicates the
relative weight of each actor’s centrality in the context of all centralities in his/her
department. This was calculated for the department coordinator and for all the other
teachers in each department. A teacher’s high share score indicates that his or her
network’s centralisation (see below) is due primarily to his or her centrality within it.
In other words, in relative terms, the teacher in question is a particularly influential
actor, when compared with the others in his or her network.
Department network centralisation
Network centralisation measures the extent to which each network in each
department was focused around a unique actor, and is expressed as a percentage
ranging from 0 (all actors enjoyed the same centrality �/ i.e. there was no central
actor) to 100 (the network was totally organised around a single central actor, with all
the others remaining unconnected to one another, except to him or her). A high
centralisation in a given network indicates that actor centralities are rather unevenly
distributed in that network. In its extreme form (centralisation�100%), there is only
one central actor. In other words, a high centralisation score indicates that one or a
few teachers, at the most, are particularly central in the network, while all the others
are much more peripheral.
Department network density
The network density measure indicates the proportion of relations that are actually
present in a network, relative to the total of relations that are theoretically possible in
that network. Network densities vary from 0 (none of the theoretically possible
relations exist) to 1 (all possible relations are maintained). Low densities indicate a
lack of distribution of leadership within a department, as well as a low effectiveness
of the leader in having staff work together and stimulating their professional
development.
Analysis
All data were analysed with the centrality and density routines included in the
UCINET VI program (Borgatti et al. 2002).
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Results
Perceptions of colleagues’ impact on one another’s professional
development
Results on teachers’ perceptions of their colleagues’ impact on their professional
development are summarised in Table 1.4 The results point to four distinct types of
leadership configurations in the networks of the 12 departments:
. Focused, formal leadership. This configuration was identified in four departments
(D2, D5, D9 and D12). In these organisational units, the department coordinator
was perceived as the key actor in the department; he or she was regarded by his or
her colleagues as the key professional leader in the department; that is, as the
person that most strongly influenced their professional development.
. Multiple leadership (five departments �/ D3, D4, D7, D8 and D11). In this case, the
department coordinator was regarded as a key actor in the department, but this
network position was shared with other teachers. In this type of configuration,
leadership was distributed within the department and it extended beyond the
formal role of department coordinator; the coordinator was an important
professional leader but, in the eyes of his or her colleagues, other staff also played
a similar, influential role.
. Alternative, informal leadership (one department �/ D10). In this network config-
uration, the department coordinator was a less central actor in the department,
while the most central position was occupied by a different colleague. The formal
distribution of leadership to the department coordinator did not produce the
expected effect; it was another teacher, rather than the coordinator, who was
regarded as influential.
. Leadership void (two departments �/ D1 and D6). In this network configuration, the
department coordinator was one among a majority of isolated members in the
department. While there was formally a designated leader, he or she was not
regarded by his or her colleagues as an important, influential colleague. Moreover,
no one else in the department emerged as an alternative, strong leader that
performed this professional role.
Let us analyse more closely how these four types of leadership configuration played
out in practice. For each configuration, I have chosen one example which is
illustrated with a sociogram, where the department coordinator is highlighted with a
black dot within a circle.
Focused, formal leadership
In department D5 (Sociogram 1), the department coordinator was clearly the key
person highlighted by the other staff as being particularly influential on their
professional development. The department was staffed by 13 teachers who worked
under the formal coordination of Dirceu, the department coordinator. Dirceu was
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named by nine colleagues as someone who played an important role in their
professional development. He was by far the most prominent actor in this respect
(the colleagues who came closest �/ Dina, Edna and Edite �/ were referred to by only
three colleagues each). Dirceu’s normalised centrality was 75.00 (the highest in the
whole study), and his share of the department’s overall centrality was 0.33. The
department was strongly centralised around Dirceu in this particular type of relation
(62.5%, which was also the highest centralisation score in the study). However, the
department density for this relation was only 0.27, which suggests that only a quarter
of all possible relations were characterised by a strong perceived impact of colleagues
upon one another’s development as educators. This contrasts with the density score
(0.48) that was found in D2, where the department coordinator was a somewhat less
central figure than Dirceu. This suggests that we should not infer from a high
normalised centrality, a high share and/or a high degree of centralisation that the
department coordinator is being totally effective in her/his role as a facilitator/
instigator of teacher professional development within it, as will become clear shortly,
when we turn to teachers’ actual patterns of professional interaction.
Multiple leadership
In five of the departments under study, respondents’ perceptions of professional
influence on colleagues’ professional development suggested that besides the
department coordinator, there were other teachers who informally performed this
Table 1. Summary of results regarding teachers’ perceptions of the impact of department
colleagues on their professional development (strong or very strong impact)
Department
(Department
coordinator)
Department
coordinator’s
normalised
centrality
Department
coordinator’s
indegree share
Department
coordinator’s
rank order of
centrality
Department
degree of
centralisation
Department
density
School A
D1 (Gisela) 0.00 0.00 2-7/7 16.67 0.05
D2 (Isa) 66.67 0.36 1/7 47.22 0.48
D3 (Guido) 25.00 0.15 1-6/9 7.81 0.22
D4 (Lia) 40.00 0.33 1-2/6 24.00 0.40
School B
D5 (Dirceu) 75.00 0.33 1/13 62.5 0.27
D6 (Laura) 0.00 0.00 2-7/7 50.00 0.14
D7 (Erica) 66.67 0.09 1-3/13 11.81 0.77
D8 (Ada) 50.0 0.28 1-2/11 37.00 0.22
D9 (Antao) 33.33 0.25 1/7 16.67 0.33
D10 (Berta) 0.0 0.00 2-3/3 50.0 0.33
D11 (Lisa) 45.46 0.17 1-2/12 24.79 0.35
D12 (Sonia) 50.00 0.23 1/7 22.20 0.52
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role. In other words, besides the department coordinator, the leadership function in
this context was distributed among a set of equally influential individuals. To
illustrate this, it is worth looking more closely at D8 (Sociogram 2). This department
comprised 11 teachers and was headed by Ada, who had a normalised centrality
score of 50.0 and a share of 0.28. Ada shared the top rank of attributed centrality in
the department with Adılia, a colleague who enjoyed identical centrality and share
scores. There were thus two strong leaders in the department, one in a formal
position and the other in an informal one.
Alternative, informal leadership
In one of the departments in the study (D10, comprising only three teachers �/
Sociogram 3), the department coordinator (Berta) was an isolated actor; the most
central position was occupied by another colleague (Davide). Thus, Davide
performed an informal leadership role, as reflected in his colleague’s perceptions
of his impact on their professional development being stronger than Berta’s.
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Leadership void
Finally, in two departments (D1 and D6), the department coordinator was a very
marginal actor, merely one among a set of equally isolated teachers. Let us take the
example of D1 (Sociogram 4), a department staffed by seven teachers. Gisela, the
department coordinator, had null centrality and, consequently, a null share of all
department centralities. In other words, no teacher in the department regarded her
as being important in their professional development. Moreover, only one teacher
(Felix) received a nomination from a colleague (Ilda) in this respect. In this network
of attributed influence, the department displayed a low degree of centralisation
(16.67%), and a very low density level (0.05). Generally, colleagues regarded one
another as inconsequential for each other’s development as professionals.
But cognitions (influence attributions) tell us only part of the story of department
coordinators’ impact on the professional operation of their departments. To get a
more comprehensive picture of this impact, we need to examine the actual work
practices in which colleagues engaged with one another and with their department
coordinators, so as to examine how far perceptions of influence were complemented
by actual collaborative practices. To understand this side of department coordinators’
and other leaders’ impact on the work life of their departments, I turn next to the
examination of the networks of actual collaborative ties that existed within these units.
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Department coordinators’ patterns of professional interaction with their
colleagues
Results on teachers’ relations with their departmental colleagues in the three relevant
areas of their work life which were researched (exchange of teaching materials, joint
development of materials, and collaborative lesson planning) are summarised in
Table 2. It is useful to read these results in the light of the classification that was put
forward previously with regard to department-level leadership configurations:
. In the four departments with perceived focused, formal leadership, while heads of
department were regarded as the most influential people in the department in
terms of their impact on their colleagues’ professional development, their actual
involvement in collaborative relations with those colleagues and their effectiveness
in making them work collaboratively were minimal.
. In the five departments with a perceived multiple leadership configuration, some-
times department coordinators and other informal leaders were also prominent
actors with regard to actual collaborative activities, but their prominence in these
relations was lower than in the perceived influence networks and the collaborative
density of their networks was also generally low, which means that they were also
not effective in developing a collaborative culture among their colleagues.
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. In the department with an alternative, informal leadership configuration, where the
most central position was occupied by a teacher other than the head, while the
department coordinator’s centrality and share were relatively low in terms of
actual collaborative work, when compared with those of the informal leader,
network densities were moderate to high, which suggests that the alternative leader
was a relatively effective professional leader in this respect. However, the small size
of the department warrants care in this interpretation.
. Finally, in the two departments with a leadership void configuration, department
coordinators’ centralities were null with regard to collaborative practices and the
densities of collegial relations in their departments were also low to very low. In
these departments, the formal coordinators were totally marginal actors in relation
to the few collegial ties that were maintained among department members, and no
other staff member emerged as a leader capable of stimulating colleagues in the
pursuit of significant joint collaborative efforts. In them, no one was perceived as
particularly important for colleagues’ professional development, no one stood out
as being a particularly active member in terms of joint work, and no one managed
to spur colleagues into collaborative activities that helped them mutually stimulate
their development as professionals. The leadership void that resulted from low
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leadership centrality and low leadership density helped perpetuate an isolated
professional culture in these departments.
Discussion and conclusions
This study of teacher leadership in curriculum departments in two schools adopted an
attributional and relational approach to distributed leadership in schools which
focused on formal leaders’ and other teachers’ professional perceptions and
interactions. This was based on the belief that the main medium through which
professional leadership is exercised in schools is social interaction with colleagues.
This was the key reason for adopting a network approach to the issues that were
researched. The data refer to patterns of mutual professional influence and actual
professional collaboration in key areas of teachers’ work in 12 departments. The
findings of the study may be summarised in two main conclusions. First, in a policy
system that formally distributed leadership among departments, teacher leadership in
the two case-study schools and their departments took on distinct configurations.
Four leadership configurations were identified: focused leadership, multiple leader-
ship, alternative informal leadership, and leadership void. In the four departments
with a focused, formal leadership configuration, department coordinators were regarded
by their peers as particularly important people in their development as professionals.
In the five departments with multiple leadership, department heads’ influence over their
colleagues was paralleled by the influence of other prominent, prestigious teachers
who were regarded by their colleagues as people who were crucial in their professional
development. One department displayed an alternative, informal leadership configura-
tion. Here, the department coordinator was regarded by colleagues as a marginal
actor and the actual professional leadership role was performed informally by a
teacher who was not officially endowed with that function. Finally, two departments
displayed a leadership void: neither the department head nor any other colleague was
perceived by the staff as significant for their professional development. This
multiplicity of configurations shows that systems of leadership that are formally
distributed may comprise a variety of informal network patterns of leadership, many
of which do not confirm the supposed virtues of the leadership distribution. It is only
by looking empirically at teachers’ attributions of influence and their actual
professional ties to one another that we can determine if a given system of leadership
is really distributed and what structural form this distribution takes.
A key claim made in this paper is that to determine leaders’ actual impact on the
work experience of their colleagues, information on influence attributions is not
sufficient; we also need to examine teachers’ actual patterns of interaction with one
another and to verify the extent to which the networks that result from these contacts
display concrete distributed patterns of leadership. This brings us to the second main
finding of the study. While at the strictly cognitive level the evidence collected in
several departments did suggest the presence of distributed patterns of leadership, in
practice, little professional leadership seemed to be exercised, either by the formal
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Table 2. Summary of main results regarding teachers’ professional relations (at least twice each school term)
Department Type of relation
Department
coordinator’s
normalised
centrality
Department
coordinator’s
share
Department
coordinator’s
rank order of
centrality
Department
degree of
centralisation
Department
density
School A
Exchange materials 0.00 0.00 4�/7/7 27.78 0.10
D1 (Gisela) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 3�/7/7 16.67 0.05
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 4�/7/7 33.33 0.10
Exchange materials 33.33 0.33 1/7 22.22 0.14
D2 (Isa) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 �/ 0.0 0.00
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 �/ 0.00 0.00
Exchange materials 37.50 0.17 1�/2/9 14.06 0.25
D3 (Guido) Develop materials jointly 25.00 0.14 1�/6/9 7.14 0.19
Plan lessons jointly 37.50 0.17 1�/2/9 16.07 0.25
Exchange materials 40.0 0.33 1�/3/6 24.00 0.20
D4 (Lia) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 5�/6/6 10.00 0.13
Plan lessons jointly 20.0 0.25 2�/3/6 40.00 0.13
School B
Exchange materials 16.67 0.08 5�/8/13 19.44 0.15
D5 (Dirceu) Develop materials jointly 8.33 0.06 6�/9/13 17.42 0.10
Plan lessons jointly 16.67 0.06 7�/9/13 25.00 0.21
Exchange materials 0.00 0.00 5�/7/7 36.11 0.19
D6 (Laura) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 4�/7/7 33.33 0.10
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 4�/7/7 33.33 0.10
Exchange materials 41.67 0.10 4�/5/13 28.47 0.32
D7 (Erica) Develop materials jointly 16.67 0.08 5�/9/13 19.70 0.17
Plan lessons jointly 16.67 0.09 4�/7/13 12.88 0.14
Exchange materials 30.00 0.25 1/11 21.00 0.11
D8 (Ada) Develop materials jointly 10.00 0.17 2�/5/11 17.78 0.05
Plan lessons jointly 20.00 0.33 1/11 17.78 0.05
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Table 2 (continued)
Department Type of relation
Department
coordinator’s
normalised
centrality
Department
coordinator’s
share
Department
coordinator’s
rank order of
centrality
Department
degree of
centralisation
Department
density
Exchange materials 0.00 0.00 3�/7/7 13.89 0.05
D9 (Antao) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 �/ 0.0 0.0
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 3�/7/7 16.67 0.05
Exchange materials 50.00 0.25 2�/3/3 50.00 0.48
D10 (Berta) Develop materials jointly 50.00 0.25 2�/3/3 100.0 0.67
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 3/3 50.0 0.33
Exchange materials 18.18 0.06 7�/11/12 23.14 0.24
D11 (Lisa) Develop materials jointly 9.09 0.08 3�/9/12 21.82 0.09
Plan lessons jointly 27.27 0.19 2�/3/12 40.00 0.12
Exchange materials 16.67 0.17 2�/5/7 22.22 0.14
D12 (Sonia) Develop materials jointly 0.00 0.00 3�/7/7 16.67 0.05
Plan lessons jointly 0.00 0.00 �/ 0.00 0.00
Sch
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leaders or by other emerging leaders, in important areas of teachers’ work, namely the
exchange of teaching materials, the joint development of materials, and the joint
planning of lessons. In these departments, network densities were generally low in the
three types of professional interaction, which indicates that, regardless of the perceived
leadership configuration, most teacher leaders were not effective in creating a culture
where teachers collaborated frequently with one another on professional matters.
These results suggest an overall picture of weakly distributed leadership in two
schools which are part of an educational system that relies heavily on the influence of
department coordinators for ensuring their colleagues’ professional development and
teamwork. The policy climate in the case-study schools would appear to give middle
managers an opportunity to contribute to the professional development of their
colleagues, by enabling them to grow as teachers, both through their interaction with
their department coordinator and through their involvement in significant profes-
sional exchanges with their other colleagues. However, the results of the study point
to the rarity and the weakness of both formal and alternative, informal forms of
leadership in the two schools, with few teachers showing as particularly prominent
actors in the professional networks of their departments. The formal distributed
structure did not generate an actual dispersed pattern of teacher leadership.
One main conclusion is thus that to make leadership an organisational quality
(Ogawa and Bossert 1995) it is not sufficient to distribute it formally; it needs to
become embedded in teachers’ professional practices and work habits. Moreover, the
determination of the degree of distribution of a system of leadership cannot be
regarded mainly as a question of organisational design; it must be viewed as an
empirical question. One way to approach this question empirically is to analyse
teachers’ networks and to determine whether or not their leadership centrality and
density patterns take on distributed configurations.
Department networks characterised by high network density and moderate
centralisation in matters of professional influence and collaborative work, and where
the department head is as central as several other prominent department colleagues,
would be good examples of strong departmental communities with distributed
professional leadership patterns. However, the results show that a combination of
low network density, low centralisation and low department coordinator centrality
was more common than distributed patterns of leadership, either of a formal or an
informal nature. This can have important consequences for teacher leadership and
community. Without strong perceptions of mutual professional influence and
frequent joint work, teachers may not benefit from the advantages of openly sharing
materials, strategies and expertise, of working together on common teaching
problems, and of critically and reflectively examining student work.
The findings of the study raise a key issue: why was there so little professional
leadership in the case-study schools? At a more speculative level, one may think that
several conditions may have worked against the widespread exercise of this type of
leadership in these organisations. Two conditions may have been particularly relevant
in this respect. First, in Portuguese schools, incumbents of formal department
leadership roles are not chosen by their school leaders �/ rather, they are elected by their
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department peers, and there is no evidence to suggest that these colleagues use
professional or pedagogical criteria in electing their coordinator. A congenial rather
than collegial culture may develop, where colleagues may see one another more as
equals than as people who may evaluate, judge and interfere in others’ professional
activities. A prevailing culture of professional isolation (which was apparent in the
networks of the 12 case-study departments) and of non-interference may protect
teachers from active interventions from their department heads in respect of their work
practices. Research conducted elsewhere (Little 1982, 1985) suggests that many
teachers are reluctant to fully assume the responsibility of making decisions that are
often regarded as negative by those who are affected by them, which means that some
teachers may choose to elect colleagues who do not question the status quo within their
department, rather than people who challenge them and put pressure on them to
change. The norms of egalitarian status and non-interference that prevail in some
departments may be major obstacles to the exercise of professional leadership among
colleagues. Even in contexts where department leaders are appointed by school leaders
or other educational authorities, rather than elected by their peers, there is ‘a constant
tension between the desire to ensure conformity to a common set of standards [within
the department] whilst respecting the autonomy of individual teachers’ (Aubrey-
Hopkins and James 2002, 317). This tension may be even greater and more paralysing
when department coordinators are not endowed formally with some degree of
professional legitimacy for intervening directly in their colleagues’ work performance.
Second, in the schools that participated in the study, leadership role occupants had
not received explicit and extended training in leadership. Indeed, in Portugal, there is
currently very little training specifically designed for department heads. Many leaders
may have simply not known how best to proceed in pushing forward the development
of their department colleagues. One possible solution for this problem might be to
target middle-level leadership and management as a priority area in staff develop-
ment initiatives.
Still other factors may have helped produce the network patterns that were
identified, such as the time allocations that department heads were given to lead and
manage their departments, their overall workload, department staff morale, rates of
staff turnover in the department, staff experience, department members’ full- or part-
time status, the stability of subject specialists within the department, heads’ leadership
styles, the history of innovation of the departments, and many other factors. As Busher
and Harris (1999) observe in another context, ‘the very fact that departments vary in
size, configuration, status, resource power and staff expertise makes the job of each
department coordinator contextually different from that experienced by other heads of
department either within the same school, or in other schools’ (p. 308). This
underscores the need to do more research on this issue that combines network analysis
concepts and techniques with qualitative and interpretive approaches to teachers’ and
leaders’ work which collect evidence on these issues. Indeed, we need to question
whether the means of data collection that have traditionally been used in leadership
research yield accurate information on distributed leadership practice in the workplace
(Gronn 2003a). Spillane’s (2006) use of mixed methods (including ethnography,
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interviews, structured observations and videos of leadership activities) is an excellent
example of a more comprehensive approach to the study of these practices.
A final key factor that may have been associated with the leadership patterns that
were identified in the department networks is the schools’ top-level leadership and its
relation to each department’s leadership and culture. Indeed, since few department
heads in the case-study schools actually exercised professional leadership in their
departments, the results of the study raise issues related to the need for top school
leadership intervention in this respect. In other words, although no direct evidence
was collected on department leaders’ relations with their school leaders, the low
effectiveness of these middle-level leaders in developing teacher collaboration and
mutual learning justifies a reflection on the role of the school management team in
the promotion of teacher leadership.
An important function of top formal leaders in schools is to prepare and nurture
the space for distributed leadership to occur in their organisation (Hopkins and
Jackson 2002, quoted by Harris 2004, p. 15). In many institutions, distributed
leadership (which relies on the assumption that the organisation must have multiple
leaders) may not prosper without a vigorous push from the so often demonised
individual leadership of the person at the top. Rather than being regarded as
mutually exclusive forms of leadership, focused and distributed leadership forms may
need to be seen as complementary.
MacBeath’s (2005) developmental model of distributed leadership clearly demon-
strates that heads of school may have to play a key role in the promotion of the
leadership capacity of their institutions: they must identify the leadership needs of their
school, look for people who have the necessary potential or capacities to satisfy those
needs, assign responsibilities to them, provide opportunities for them to get training
and improve their capacity, and create conditions for them to share their expertise with
others, so that they can empower their colleagues and stimulate even more leadership
activity within the school. All of this requires ‘a high level of developmental activity on
the part of the headteacher’ (MacBeath 2005, 364). It is in this sense that Barth (2001)
states that ‘good principals are more hero-makers than heroes’ (p. 448).
However, in Portuguese schools, school leaders’ actual power to intervene in this
domain is significantly restricted by legal, organisational and cultural factors. In
particular, their authority to command in professional and pedagogical issues is
severely limited. First, as mentioned above, department leaders are elected among
teachers within departments, not appointed by the school leadership team. This
means that department heads may develop policies, pursue agendas and adopt
leadership styles that are not aligned with those favoured by the school leadership
team, which can do very little in that respect. Second, teachers are employed by the
central state, not by schools or local authorities, which means that each teacher’s
work contract and even his or her career progression is largely unaffected by how
effective or ineffective he or she is as a teacher leader, unless his or her practice is so
exceptionally poor that it warrants the implementation of statutory procedures. And
third, Portuguese school leaders themselves are democratically elected mostly by the
teaching staff. This generates limitations and constraints upon their ability to actually
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perform their role as change-oriented school leaders, since the position is largely
controlled by the teaching staff and overtly dependent on it (for a similar argument
with regard to Spain, see Bolıvar and Moreno 2006). Therefore, the promotion of
teacher leadership that is more genuinely distributed and more authentically
professional may entail cultural and structural changes in schools, changes that
relate both to the department and the whole-school level, and which rethink how
leaders are selected and what it is legitimate to expect of them in terms of the way
they relate to their colleagues. While this article was going to press, the Portuguese
government put forward a new set of legislative initiatives that aimed at changing the
power structure within schools. It remains to be seen what the actual formal
configuration of leadership roles that results from these initiatives will be and what
impact this will have on teacher leadership activity in Portuguese schools.
The present paper illustrates how teacher leadership was exercised in 12
departments located in two schools. It demonstrates the value of a network approach
that locates teachers’ professional perceptions and interactions within their depart-
ments, and discusses some implications of the findings for leadership research, policy
and practice. However, the study has certain limitations. Some of these have been
referred to and discussed throughout the paper. A few others deserve a final note.
First, while theoretically the study adopted a broad view of professional leadership, in
practice it focused only on a relatively limited set of professionally relevant areas.
While these are clearly significant in terms of professional leadership, further
research is needed to address other areas where distributed leadership may be
exercised in schools. Also, department coordinators and other teacher leaders may
influence their colleagues through many other means, such as using department
meetings as occasions to influence practice, peer observation, delegation of
department leadership tasks, communicating formally and informally with collea-
gues, both collectively and individually, etc. Third, the absence in the literature of
normative values of centrality, centralisation and density with which to compare the
values obtained in the present study makes it impossible to compare the leadership
configurations that were identified with data from other contexts. More research
using network concepts and techniques is needed to develop a knowledge base from
which more solid conclusions and comparisons can be drawn and developed. Fourth,
the small sample on which the study is based implies that no generalisation of the
results is warranted. Finally, the difference in department size may (to some extent)
have influenced the leadership configurations that were detected. More work in more
departments of varying sizes is needed to control this variable in future studies of
teacher networks and leadership distribution in schools.
Notes on contributor
Jorge Avila de Lima is associate professor at the Department of Education,
University of the Azores, Portugal. He has published nationally and inter-
nationally on issues such as teacher collaboration, school cultures and social
networks in education.
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Notes
1. The study was part of an international research project partially supported by SALTSA.
SALTSA is a joint programme for working life research in Europe. It is a joint undertaking
by the three Swedish confederations of employees (Trade Unions) �/ LO, TCO, SACO �/ and
the National Institute for Working Life, which is based in Stockholm. The purpose of the
programme is to facilitate problem-oriented research collaboration on working-life-related
issues in Europe.
2. Basic Integrated Schools are a recently created model of school organisation in Portugal that
brings together several levels of basic (i.e. compulsory) education, organisationally, under
the same school, the same senior management team and the same educational project. The
aim is to provide pupils with continuity and coherence in their experience of schooling, from
kindergarten until the end of compulsory education (grade 9). The Basic Integrated School
that participated in the study (School B) employed primary teachers (who were organised
into a department), a well as staff teaching in the second cycle (grades 5 and 6) and in the
third cycle (grades 7 to 9). In the latter cycles, teachers were also organised into
departments, on the basis of the subjects or curriculum areas in which they taught.
3. The small number of staff and of departments in School A meant that each department
comprised teachers teaching different subjects (usually, similar subjects within a broadly
similar curriculum area).
4. These results are restricted to perceptions of a strong or very strong impact (scores 4 or 5, in
a scale of 1�nil impact to 5�very strong impact).
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Appendix 1: Department network questionnaire (excerpts)
Please, search for your name in the list below and tick the box space behind it. Then,
for each department colleague, please indicate the extent to which you feel that he/
she has contributed to your own professional development as a teacher, during the
current school year. To respond, please use a scale of 1 to 5, where 1 means did not
contribute at all and 5 indicates contributed totally.
Tick your name here
%
Contribution
I Antao 1 2 3 4 5
I Alina 1 2 3 4 5
I Apolo 1 2 3 4 5
I Alzira 1 2 3 4 5
I Apia 1 2 3 4 5
I Artur 1 2 3 4 5
I Aura 1 2 3 4 5
Please indicate, for each department colleague with whom you interacted for
professional purposes during the current school year, how many times you developed
the following activities jointly, on average, during a school term. If you do not
remember the exact number of times, please provide your best estimate. You don’t
need to fill in the spaces that refer to colleagues with whom you did not interact in
these types of activities.
Colleague We exchanged teaching materi-
als (worksheets, tests or similar
materials) although we did not
develop them jointly
We developed teaching
materials jointly
(worksheets, tests or
similar materials)
We planned lessons
together
Antao _____ times _____ times _____ times
Alina _____ times _____ times _____ times
Apolo _____ times _____ times _____ times
Alzira _____ times _____ times _____ times
Apia _____ times _____ times _____ times
Artur _____ times _____ times _____ times
Aura _____ times _____ times _____ times
PROFESSIONAL CONTACTS
PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT AS A TEACHER
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