Darfur – Religion, Culture, and Identity

Chris Liebner, Kevin Eng, Veronica Hewlett

Sudanese Identities (1600-1916) In the north there are both nomadic Bedouins and settled groups. To the south are more independent groups. As in most states during the time period, the King used violence

often to lower these secondary peoples. All the major groups in Darfur are patrilineal. Historically, the only

exception was the Fertit (the enslaveable peoples of the forest zone), who were matrilineal.

“A combination of defensive identity formation under external onslaught and Islamization appears to have made matrilineal systems no more than a historical fragment. This, however, only reinforces the point that identity change is a struggle to control women’s bodies”(DeWaal).

Sudanese Identities (1600-1916) Taking into account that sexual violence is prevalent right now, during

this genocide, it can be deducted that “rape and abduction were likely to have been mechanisms for identity change on the southern frontier”(DeWaal).

In the Sultanate, identity changed from focusing on the Fur identity to a more secular identity focused on ethnic character and ruled through a hierarchy.

The core identity is ‘Arab’. When the sourtherns adopted the term “African” in order to make sure

their own identity was recognized, it contributing to a colorful debate among the Sudanese elites as to Sudan’s worldly position as either Arab or African.

“From the viewpoint of Southern Sudan (and indeed east Africa),‘African’ and ‘Arab’ are polar opposites. From the viewpoint of Darfur and its ‘Sudanic’ orientation, ‘Arab’ is merely one subset of ‘African’”(DeWaal).

Administrative Tribalism and ‘Becoming Sudanese’ In the 1920s, mostly from 1921-1927, the main concern in Darfur in was

safety, and the avoidance of a Mahdist uprising. The Mahidya was a Darfurian project, which involved excessive and

unnecessary violence. The “war” was a religious, messianic Jihad (a holy war commenced as a hallowed obligation by Muslims) which included the massive transport of the population on a scale that had not been seen before or since.

The British faced a more pressing danger. It came in the form of revolutionary nationalism from the educated elites and the Sudanese soldiers. To stop both and to sure an economical rural administration, the British set up a system of ‘Native Administration.’ It was very similar to the feudal system seen in British history. ‘Native Administration’ created a hierarchy of tribal administrators.

The most important outcomes of ‘Native Administration’ were the defining of boundaries, ethnic identities, and tribal allegiances.

Administrative Tribalism and ‘Becoming Sudanese’ In the 1960s and 1970s, Darfur experienced an identity change very

similar to most other circumstances of identity change seen in other nations. There was a notable reversal of roles in Darfur, communities who previously wanted to ‘become Fur’ (the dark Africans who were once the majority in Darfur) for political reasons now wished to ‘become Baggara’ (Arabs from southern Darfur who sough political independence) for economic. The Baggara were awarded territory by the Fur Sultan and began to collect cattle and other important resources. The Baggara then became more Arab my teaching their children Arabic and adopted socially accepted cultural traits.

With this new identity change taking place, a civil war broke out. The key lesson learned from this war was that Native Administration was not a solution by its self, but only a part of a solution that would need to be implemented.

The state that evolved was a “merchant soldier state (DeWaal).” The state adopted Arabic as its first language. This meant that all schooling would be taught in Arabic, praying would take place in Arabic, and the media would communicate in Arabic. All of this put together promoted Islam is the main religion of Darfur.

Administrative Tribalism and ‘Becoming Sudanese’Arab versus African and the Sudanised State The debates on Sudan’s national identity have been along the axis of North and

South and whether Sudan is a part of the Arab or African world. The debate comes from the Sudan being in Africa and the majority of the population being Muslim.

Darfurian Tribe The new members of Sudan were at a social and financial disadvantage when

compared to the established elites. They wanted to keep their old tribal identity, but at the same time, they wanted to assimilate into Sudan. In the end, they were not given land nor were they given a specific identity so most of them straddled both their previous identity and the ‘Sudanised’ identity and gained from it.

“What is remarkable about the process of identity change is that it was, for the most part, non-violent” (DeWaal).

The downfalls: “Incorporation into a Sudanese polity did bring with it a clear element of racism, based on colour of skin, and facial characteristics. Incorporation into a Sudanese national state also, simultaneously, represented incorporation into a wider regional identity schema, in which the three attributes of skin colour, economic status and Arab identification all served to categorize populations” (DeWaal).

Islamic Identities The majority of Darfur’s Arab tribes migrated in the middle of the 18th

century, from the west. “Most of the ‘Arab’ groups involved in militia activities including land

grabbing are Abbala remnants, with weak historic claims to tribally-defined territories, and traditions of migration and settlement to the east and south” (DeWaal).

Other Elements The Mahidya was a Darfurian project, which involved excessive

and unnecessary violence. The “war” was a religious, messianic Jihad, a holy war commenced as a hallowed obligation by Muslims, which included the massive transport of the population on a scale that had not been seen before or since.

“DeWaal argues that it is the failure of Sudan’s recent Islamist project that has contributed to the war in Darfur. This arises from the last important theme of Islamic identity, namely Hassan al Turabi’s alliance-building across the east-west axis of Sudanese identities” (DeWaal).

Islamic Identities

The National Islamic Front saw Darfur as a major gathering of religious Muslims who could be assembled

When social transformation through the Islamist projects failed, and Islamist movement split in 1999, most of the remaining Islamists joined together in resistance. They then formed the popularly known ‘Janjaweed’ militia. The Position of Women

“Darfurian ethnographies repeatedly note the economic independence enjoyed by women, among non-Arab and Arab groups alike. The subsequent spread of Islamic orthodoxy, contributed to a regression in women’s status” (DeWaal).

Militarized and Ideological ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ Identities HISTORY “The multifaceted history of identity configuration in Darfur provides rich

material for the creation of new ethnic identities. Darfur’s complex identities have been drastically simplified, creating a polarized ‘Arab versus African’ notion that is historically false, but, at the same time, frighteningly powerful” (DeWaal).

“The ideological creation of these polarized identities has gone hand-in-hand with the militarization of Darfur. It can first be seen through the spread of small arms, then through the organization of militias, such as the Janjaweed, and finally through full-scale war, which is current taking place. The combination of fear and violence is a particularly intoxicating combination for forming simplified and polarized identities, and such labels are likely to persist as long as the war continues” (DeWaal).

“The groups involved with the current conflict are mainly Abbala, with a few participants from the Baggara groups. This means that the largest and most influence sect of Darfur’s Arabs are not partaking in this genocide. The Abbala groups are the ones who felt that they should have received land grants when power shifted. The Baggara groups did receive land; therefore, they feel no need to steal it now” (DeWaal).

Militarized and Ideological ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ Identities “The nature of Arab supremacism is obvious in their racist vocabulary

and in sexual violence. Widespread rape itself is a means of identity obliteration or modification, particularly important and invasive for Muslim communities” (DeWaal).

The acts of rape against the women of Darfur, is yet another way to prove genocide is taking place. The official definition of genocide includes “(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;” (Genocide Convention 1948). which rape indisputably does.

Africanism’ - John Garang, spoke of an ‘African majority’ in order to counteract the claim that Sudan should be an Islamic state because most of the population is Muslim.

It is common that when ethnic histories combine and/or collide, violence between the communities breaks out and distinctly defines the identity.

“For an unknown reason, the identity indicators that had little influence in the past are particularly powerful today, and it seems that the overwhelming reason for this change is the atrocious violence imposed on people” (DeWaal).

Militarized and Ideological ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ Identities “From the point of view of the SLA leadership, including the leadership of the

communities most seriously affected by atrocity and forced displacement, the term ‘African’ has served them well. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that the depiction of ‘Arabs’ killing ‘Africans’ in Darfur conjures up, in the mind of a non-Sudanese, a picture of bands of light-skinned Arabs marauding among villages of peaceable black-skinned people, of indeterminate religion” (DeWaal).

“From the point of view of the government in Khartoum, the labels are also tactically useful. While insisting that the conflict is tribal and local, it turns the moral loading of the term ‘Arab’ to its advantage, by appealing to fellow members of the Arab League, that Darfur represents another attempt by the west to demonize the Arab world. Looking more widely than Darfur, the term ‘Arab’ implies global victimhood” (DeWaal).

“Violence has shaped identity formation in the past in Darfur,

just as it is doing today” (DeWaal).

What is Islamic Law?

Shari’a Not just rule of law, but governs all aspects of life: finances, politics, role

of women, and diet. Harsh Punishments : stoning, amputations, flogging, and hanging. Also, non-Muslims had additional punishments : can not convert

Muslims, cannot testify in court or become president.

How has it Served as a Way to Mobilize Public Support?

Omar al-Bashir wanted a unified country by having everyone convert to Islam.

Government called for a Jihad against Southern non – Islamic rebels.

South wanted a secular government because the laws oppressed them. Shari’a favored Muslims.

Why is Arabic important?

Islam is the state religion. Brought about a literate Sudan which in turn allowed

teachers and traders to emerge. Arabic was used in schools and in media but promoted

Islam as a state ideology. However, many people could not understand Arabic.

Details of Islamization

Numairi wanted a secular nation where everyone had a say in government. Once he got power he claimed Sudan was “backward” – forcing Islam would

help unify and ensure political and economic stability. Implemented September Law - Strict Islamic rule – Changed Penal Code Now Shari’a is the law of the land. Purged senior officials of political parties, outlawed political parties, and

politicians went into exile. Turned on ICF – only group that supported him. After Numairi’s overthrow it was hard for politicians to change government.

ICF warned against changing any of “God’s Laws.”

Oppression of non-Muslims

In North/South conflict Islamic law oppressed non-Muslims and police forces harassed non-Muslims.

Indigenous groups want to maintain cultural identity, as well as Christians.

Led to oppression of Non-Arabs. Additionally taxed. Often denied building permits. Denied traveling VISAS. Offered benefits to convert to Islam but some groups want to

practice Islam but in their own language. Offered assistance to widows who converted to Islam. Considered every orphan Muslim. Discriminatory business practices. Government wants to conform everyone.

Islamization continued under Bashir’s policies

Bashir’s policies were similar to those of Numairi’s. Though only way to obtain peace was to have a common

religion in Islam. Bashir armed Arabs and disarmed non-Arabs. Hoped to cause ethnical and racial conflict.

Darfurian’s Perception of Islamization Most Darfurians were Muslim.

In the 1990s John Garang labeled everyone in Darfur “African” because he feared people would refer to it as a “Muslim nation.”

Islamization oppressed non-Muslims.

Viewed as second class citizens.

Wanted to practice Islam in their own language while preserving their culture causing further tension.

Main Political Parties

National Islamic Front Believed in full Islamization of Sudan Highly multifaceted movement

Democratic Unionist Party Also known as the Khatimiyya Shari’a based constitution Took Arab dominance for granted

The Umma Party Led by al-Sadiq al-Mahdi Opposed Numairi’s implementation of Shari’a Promised pluralism, but assumed Arab dominance

Sources

Who are the Darfurians? Arab and African Identities, Violence and External Engagement by Alex de Waal

Darfurinfo.org Lesch, Ann Moseley, THE SUDAN: CONTESTED NATIONAL IDENTITIES Sudan Political Parties. (2006). Retrieved November 29, 2006, from

GloabalSecurity.org <http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/sudan-political-groups.htm>.

Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. (2006). Retreived November 29, 2006 from Country Studies Division. <http://countrystudies.us/sudan/47.htm>.

Sudan.net for various pieces of information Genocide Convention of 1948 http://www.ushmm.org/conscience/alert/darfur/steidle/ [images] http://www.answers.com/topic/national-islamic-front [image] http://ec.europa.eu/echo/information/library/darfur/index_en.htm [images] http://www.kvisionbooks.com/index.php/1_Belief_and_Practice/ [image] http://lexicorient.com/e.o/arabic.htm [image]