sociologist's
surprising
that
as
the sphere
this debt merely
must
change. Social structures
to
which
they
contribute
can
be
identified
theoretically
and
analyzed
empirically.
Perhaps
a
in
a dozen (if
those of
social stratification.
the problem of its
is concerned,
to the concept
present study
ristic
from certain
and
spheres
of
analy-
sis
sepa-
deeper
class theory
indicates,
confined
to
dis-
cussions
until
Friday
not
only
of
my
provisional
result
study is an essay
by
coordination, integra-
above all,
analysis
are,
to
be
sure,
At the
Yet their
of discovery.
Most
the
criti-
which I
have incorporated
in many respects
—that it
deals
above
all
Two
to
post-capi-
V
undergone
present.
A
preme
advantage
to
will
reasonable in one but awkward in the other language. This
may
be
worrying
to
philologists,
balanced
by
the
me both
through
these
to
Joseph
Ben-David,
Ph.D.,
John
LL.D.,
classless
society,
1
8
theory
of
295
The
ruling
class,
301
Political
democracy,
307
Totalitarian
teen-agers
say,
the
fnma
classis,
to
appli-
cation
to
 first-class
artists
and
works
of
art,
a
usage
the concept of class
Simon
those of Engels and
of
class
was
event-
ful
as
that
of
the
society
for
 classical
half
of
the
tool of
and
apprentices,
and
England
mixed the old and the new
aristocracy.
no
so to
fcrnvres,
intruders
in
And for these strata,
first
{Mittelstand)
has
been
ences as
All
social
Concentration
on
introductory remarks.
course only partly
other
nite
kind.
is not
or
undisputed
if
not
the
historical situation, oriented
toward and linked
with such a
situation. How difficult it is to extract the concept from this
situation and apply it to other
groups
than
bourgeoisie
and
proletariat,
other
most
at least the
The use
prestige status). This is only one example of the exigencies
of
translations
three
provides
for
it
of
the
post-
poned
occasional
in
presenting
of
deviating
until death
often
been
for despair.
If he
not
exactly
class struggle as
of
on
the
antagonism
how class
following section
are in
different
industries,
exfort
(7,
p,
256).
elements
of
of
production.
In
furthest
and
most
classically
in
in
there as everywhere (al-
sources inco^ne.
whose components,
landowners (the
definition.
i.e., of the structure of economic conditions. Income and property
are criteria belonging
to the realm
and
which
are
far
more
has developed
the
and eternal
of
capital
as well as wage labor, of the bourgeoisie as well as
the
proletariat,
can
be
explained
condition
production.
The
authority
relations
POLITICAL
POWER
One
important
first
converted
the
mass
of
of
classes.
antagonism.
For
in
so
far
as
there
therefore
unable
important
consequence
of
the
dis-
creates
and
forms
these
out
of
its
Tnaterial
foundations
thoughts
i.e.y
the
the basis of
histori-
(12,
III,
p.
282).
economic
and more it is a
specific
type
of
production,
and
of
relations
of
pro-
duction,
it
The
organization
of
Increasingly
fure
political
expression,
the
opposition
of
the
other
politics.
purely
general
form,
in
a
form
that
possesses
uni-
 
The
posi-
every
individual
the
above-named
by
the
class
to
which
he
belongs;
hut
revolution
(5,
p.
467).
This
circulation
between
thetn
whole old society
of
has organ-
society,
and
has
opened
its
strug-
tion
of
all
estates.
any reason to
which is
a
to
the
society
pools
of
case,
their
that generates change,
to the
ous.
For
Marx
the
category
of
which
a class
least open to dispute
part
of
his
wider
concept
least potentially
procedure, and this pro-
cedure only, enables Marx
his
sociological
analyses
money
capitalists
(12,
III,
p.
477).
labor
(p.
478).
the joint-stock
company a
peculiar place
private
property
(p.
480),
the
private
property
of
individual
analysis, which
the stockholder, are separated, this means a first step on
the way
erty
itself,
relations dependent
and
ownership
of Marx^s theory
puted identification
of
com-
the
politi-
cal
sphere.
But
both
(13,
II,
determined
by
 objective
interests.
In
accordance
cation
remains
to
be
he
therefore
emphasizes
at
tions,
above:
'dynamic'
the
zation— do not
of
in
a
long as the proletariat
as a
class
formation
oppressed
class
grows
up,
and
the
process
of
class
can say now, a
pirical
of
history.
Proposition
(c)
is
also
 class
conflict
and
revolution
in
Chapter
at least
in so
far as
society
(as
well
hypotheses,
and
theories
which
falsified. This is true,
deriva-
I
use
the
term
 philosophical.
proposed for sociology.
Marx's
theory
of
class
contains
in
history,
tween the
philosophical and
the sociological
in
the
what
is
sometimes
prop-
pearance
of
labor, and is trans-
alienated from
struggles
in
ever-changing
patterns.
Indeed,
the
principle
of
social
For all
men to
develop all
by
virtue
of
tialities of alienation
the
realization
so
well
to characterize the synthesis
it
has
is the
the state
ence
erty,
on
thought
who
if private property
their proof remains under-
the
final
society
will
replace
factual
identity
of
capitalism, but which
of history.
title
of
messianic
role
of
are
is
necessary.
to these
of
the
development.
such property.
factories, machines,
and the
like, or
and their
owners. Property
both
go
together;
change . . . [comes
an increase
letariat
postulated as
heterogeneous
within.
Marx
says
of
the
bourgeoisie
repeated too often,
their
asser-
to my
systematic account of the social changes that
molded industrial societies in
this
social development
falsified
by
empirical
observations.
Second,
however,
see below, Chapter
cieties,
it
to
an
allegation.
despite
some
evidence
eco-
nomic
concept.
The
notion
social
or
mental properties
same time
by
definition
that—
in
Heimann's
words
be
replaced
by
new
above. It
contains at least seven elements or determinants of capitalism: (i)
the
and
controls
the
end and descriptions begin?
which
will
be
referred
to
definitions
proper.
What
matters
 complete (which
with Sombart's  definition quoted
conditions
concept of
process by
—if we want
of
the
instruments
of
pro-
If our aim
of clarity that
 models of structure
types
of
societies
that
share
society may
is
formation and class con-
Having
elements
of
which
stock
dispersed fairly widely.
these
extremes.*
by
national wealth in contemporary
little doubt
to
a
new
group
joint-stock
sphere of
followed Marx (and
social effects of
and
controllers,
i.e.,
stockholders
portance
j
and
duties
of
their
the
defined
legitimacy
of
entrepreneurial
authority.
The
many ways that of
an
three, roles and positions:
i .
74
per
the manager,
However, the manager,
the  human
of
recruitment,
and
In
the
a
dif-
ferent
recruitment
owners.
least
likely
that
ship and
control in
incumbents of
than it
the social  climate
these differs con-
siderably from that
assumptions to be altogether
characteristic of
entrepreneurial roles.
therefore subject
societies. If
anything, the
has
conquered
the
merce
and
in
of
ownership
and
a
change
as,
say,
the
industrial
revolu-
tion.
But
than
any
quite
a
vital
pattern
of
social
and
of ownership
one does of
industry.
the
unity
clearly refute his predictions. The working
class
pectations.
In
trying
to
derive
his
prediction
of
172,
p.
134).
Already
in
the
a
substitution
of
(Proudhon,
181,
p.
153).
this view which tallied
of
can tell from
closely
related
century,
a
new
category
of
to
become
relatively
less
important
less
between
ma-
chines
(144,
pp.
42-43).
Because
of
changing
classifications,
it
36
1
9
stratum of highly
and
determi-
nants
of
tige, at
of which stands the
having
an
hand into
became a
his work, his skill, his wage, and his prestige,
has
left
the
scene.
What
try,
the kind
skilled
fellow
any
modern
no
in the comparatively
in-
numerable
qualifications
By the time Marx
might roughly
tional salad
and one below
class
has
members of
and
where
they
 really
still
belong
in
cation but with lines
they
are
not
a
 middle
class,
that in
somewhere in
the middle
of
course,
propertyless,
and
their
gether.
it is, from
salesgirl,
servants,
and
class of
middle class operates as
be
longer the middle
of a
are
part
for
people
who
may
earn
well as
than
For the
them and
the top
The decomposition
of labor
developments that have occurred since Marx, but the  new
middle
But while there
It
follows
from
our
by these
^*
fail
in
explaining
the
as well
Marx nor,
perhaps, the
any
satis-
the
dimension.
For
Britain
and
Germany,
investigations
suggest
a
con-
the position
a guess based
the
that
they
have
to
in
comparative
analyses
is neither
imperative
can
remain
of
intrageneration
spheres
of
work,
find-
a more thorough analysis
bound
to
diminish.
likely
to
flicts
assume
a
somewhat
gles
of
a
Marxian
type.
Again,
the
the
prediction
struc-
social
psychological
made.
Marx's
expectations,
the
increasing
letariat would
tend toward
of class situations and
equality
possible.
 citi-
zenship
rights
(which,
but it is as
well that they did
equality, the
early trade-union
curtailed
by
economic
proper
functions
of
gov-
ernment
(57,
constitution (Schelsky,
term.
basis of this funda-
citizen-
ship
rights,
the
social
voice to
ment
as
a
a
functioning
to
think
lasting
described as
industrial societies since Marx
(46,
p.
1
84).
capable of
coping with
believed
its
satisfactory
settlement
mistaken.
Some
regulation of
social conflict
party, the custom to
speaker of parliament, and
entrepreneurs, wages
and
discussion
to
But
Durkheim
put
both in the minds
organize
economic
nineteenth
century,
many
countries
experienced
what
of
this
de-
proved
supervisors,
statisticians
and
on
 rationalism we understand purposeful
remains
open
certain
less
no
remained
confined
to
equality
before
their successors.
modern societies are
of
established
routines
of
relationship
out
its
logical
status, is not sociological in that it does not permit of
empirical
test.
This
 
Apart
the
past
industrial
disappear in the
foreseeable future. There
go
one
step
further
and
duction
leisure and consumption. But
his
consumption,
is
or
independence,
the
structures
to
retrace
them
that
task
it
is
to
control
the
actions
of
others
go
even
invested
to
pro-
cut bono}
is
very
early point?
so-called pure
category.
For
Marx,
 class
is
a
 the proletariat
and
change.
In
the
present
sociological insights.
ploration
will
contribute
conceptions
cept
of
additional
one
here more
a man's
his
thing
j
an
identification
with
which is marked off from the rest, not by limitations
arising out of
primarily
by
. . . are
social
people
who
are
believed
of a
the term
has been
applied wrongly.
income
one
concept of
six- class theory
theory
at
all—
constitutes
neither
a
refutation
It
cannot
be
and
those
might
genuinely
from a
nomic conditions in
entire
schools
of
purely-
conceptual
guided
by
the
flict, the
formulation of
instrument
of
sociological
kind
of
decision
makes
fruitful
Dogmatic
profoundness
or
thoroughness,
but
by
ist social scientists''
To begin
an
impermissible
termination
of
social
classes
potentially
states that in bourgeois
makes it
property
in
gen-
 theoretical position
quite un-
the
twentieth
century
social
classes
formulated
by
Marx
industrial
societies
have
undergone
since
Marx?
Nemchinov
takes
a
stand
only
with
respect
we discussed in the preceding chapter:
to the problems of
to
sell
and ignores completely
It
is
taken
by
which
one,
the
managers,
theory
what
is
the
 true
class.
the peasantry
a
With
respect
to
from the
24.3
per
explains
since
Marx.
Nemchinov's
thesis
that
the
 intelligentsia
conflicts. Were
it not
for Nemchinov's
unattached
intelligentsia.
this fashion
Polish
colleague
Ossowski
class
(44).
Djilas's
that odd
instead explicitly
social
bureaucracy
and control.
the
Djilas argues
class
has
 totalitarian
spheres
of
classes
in
be
overthrown
scene
in
his
analysis,
so
only
to
countries
and applicability. I
is
and the
goal of
and
not
the
merely
by
been
made
to
save
Marx's
theory
attempts
at
rescue.
modi-
fied
introduced
argues
owns and functions
more:
a
capitalist
(26,
p.
375).
as
a
 capitalist,
its
a
society.
Marx's
theory
either.
Saving
below.
The
of Ren-
development of
systems
of historical development,
us what will
lacking
in
discipline
(73,
pp.
170-71).
to
could
con-
 cultural
indeterminate-
ness
of
cultural
and
earlier
work
(27)
Schumpeter
has
in
original
theory.
Unfortunately
—and
I
suspect
root
of
class conflict
of
an
arrange-
ment
of
individuals
according
to  social strata
At
one
has,
by
diluting
who follows
respect
to
in
ents, and
we
wanted
to
prove
was
that
not, as such,
path
and
try
has changed hands
Veblen, Rathenau,
appear,
it
is
defines
property
ownership^^
by
control,
he
leads
class conflict
in its
instruments
of
production
(p.
59).
In
capitalist
class.
state,
of
social
domination
j
society lives
managers,
society.
On
the
ous, for  in
comparison with the
in
bureaucratized
make
con-
fully
sufficient
approach.
increasing homogeneity
fact
become
more
uniform
to
differentiations
of
it agree with the fact
that the legiti-
macy of managerial
of
class
Marx in identifying
with the
his
abyss of implicit
production.
class structure
investigated
separately.
The
domination
of
bureaucracy, i.e., on those parts of the  new middle class which
are more
of
gerial
revolution.
Yet
approach
Marx.
of the
others
(136).
here
exist-
ence
of
a
realizes,
state, e.g.,
the king,
the
may
control and the rationalization
share in
theory of
this kind.
The concept of ruling class plays no part in his investiga-
tion. Yet Croner's analysis contains
certain
elements
ham
historical
suggest
certain
re-
strictions
of
the
multitude
is
institutionalized.
for him that although
he
regards
society
j
these
two
social
changes
he
consistently
and
of
lower
rank.
do
to
the
norms
and
laws
of
society.
There
is
position
of
the
working
power,
vate wealth
class
and
the
service
 
capitalists,
conceivable
class
society
class
conflict^
norms.
institutions and
power today?
should
have
asked
in
the
the
real
a society
as
an
almost
Stalin-
ist
notion
of
to
support
his
guess.
in
an
unmodi-
fied
or
Gei-
longer
be
the case, namely, of a grouping
 determined
by
in
(20,
46,
91),
and
has
based
his
Geiger's
 penetrating
essay
(Marshall,
95,
p.
13)
is,
despite
its
argument,
in
ambitious
attempt
so
far
undertaken
by
strongly emphasizes
f.). In this sense, the class conflict based on relations
of
produc-
published
the
increasing
importance
of
not
deal
significant
 new
lines
of
develop-
paradox.
The
 old
and
notion
of
ideology which, in Germany, led
them
to
class
man's  position as
consumer, the Marxian
derive
a
production
j
nonsensical
j
rather,
 political
to
the
eco-
nomic
officials,
and
if
the
most
of
statement
social
class
its
intensity, color,
Geiger's
 theory
of
a
show
what
must
be
sub-
legal
meaning
summarized
history, but goes on
on a
suit of . . . common interests whenever
they arise and
by
contrast
to
contain elements of
 class
distinctions
may
survive
to
dispute),
then
Marshall
formu-
lation
by
sis on slightly different evidence: Helmut Schelsky's thesis of the
leveling
of
class
society.
So
describes
(p.
61))
as
of
development
this
general
question
with
a
plain
Yes
or
No
(p.
62).
of income
and prestige
and above all in patterns of behavior and styles of life.
This latter process,
although emphasized also
class
it
(p.
71).
experi-
ence
security
(
legal
and
political
citizenship
him
engage
a
lawyer.
and prestige,
refrig-
vehicle
(229,
pp.
27
f.).
Al-
possibility
to emphasize
severely
restricted.
We
have
raised
the
question
be
structural
and situations can-
It may well be that Marshall and Schelsky have been
too
^*
cannot
as
refutation
of
Marshall's
and
Schelsky's
theories.
There
ques-
tions
place
in
precisely
what
Marx's
theory
to be, a
problem
of
status scale
esis
which belonging-
or
individual
insti-
tutions,
associations,
200
mobility
is
as
such
irrelevant
to
the
the
constitutive
an
inclination
to
profess
values
and
their
organi-
ished this state
the level-
ing of
status, the
as
yet
properly.
One
societies to
on
grounds
that
will
Mayo's
integration
and
cooperation.
Post-capitalist
state,
j
it
is
case
I
variables
which
explain
a
basic
attitude
of
this
type
rightness
whether
only as
cal
the themes of
sede
pro-
vide
a
be
of
the
Drucker and
Mayo: that
structure with
to examine
their very
1930's.
But
examples
the integration
model as
flict
every
these
only
in
so
far
conflict.
Society
is
process;
its
of
image
of
society.
image
of
to
provide
an
Mayo
there
is
no
point
in
any
remove
dealt
with
by
Marx
T.
H.
Marshall's
to
our
problem
cannot
be
considered
as
Thus
Burnham's
nation
of
conflicts
does not
contemporary
to the phenomenon of
(as
G.
ignorance
of
theory
from
the
Marx-
discipline,
useful
in
critical
exclusive connection of
should
to
the
tice, but it
scientist
so
many
Marx, still
about the word  class'*)
shall
be
concerned
with
elucidating
the
prerequisites
of
social
object
. .
time being, treated as if they were devoid of structure,
but
individual
between
system the units of
both
with
of conflict and change: systems might appear as closed units
which do not permit
give even
categories and
liver in
an organ-
ing
of
.
.
can and does change its struc-
tural type
the concept of structure,
not tell
struc-
With
more than an
next
step
of
designation
of
This
link
is
and processes
important
in
that in
instead
of
looking
for
forces
that
inaugurate
approach
the scien-
structural
pat-
terns.
by
ad
social
Even
the
careful
reader
in
what
entiated and
as it may
too,
had
to
there. Being
that
promise
to
lem of
:
ence of
serve this
be
ob-
served
as forces that make
structural
from Heraclitus to
be
required
are
and there may
they are
generated by
be pressing for
is
one
party
attacks
and
condition. Once again,
the origin of conflicting
structural-
functional
approach,
a
tural
change
of
cultural
diffusion—
to
do
so,
however,
it
will
H.
Marshall
be distinguished
factors
units), or
Unlike us, however.
certain
tion
clear
assess their
respective weights.
many
of
this is the proper
venture
a
to
con-
nect
the
development
of
categories,
Negroes
and
—to
of endogenous change. Moreover, several of
these
types of conflict may be superimposed on each other, and may
thus
constitute
a
single
conflict
front
in
a
to
of social
context, we have
believed that the
 
little more than the law of development of an or-
ganism:
the
 system, is as such immutable. If it changes, it is
destroyed entirely. It changes in
one
If changes of
easy to see
trial
because they have
view
of
a
imply an
of
a
structure,
to other
spheres, such
constitute a
social
structure
always
of
the
(June
17,
'953
convincingly.
In
gen-
eral,
following chapters of this study.
 
only
in
the
their changing force is indeed confined
to this moment.
means for the
common
struggle
analytically useful theory of
The theory
of class
conflict. Inasmuch
lent
definition
of
conflict
not always
assume the
form of
conflict
shows
classes
can,
for
manifest
to
certain
(limited)
periods
be-
come
and
tensions
which
in terms
usage. We
assuming
the
of
theory
to
this class conflict
civil
war
and
 class
struggle.
Indeed,
it
determine) class antagonism becomes
conflict
are
private
property
in
class.
We
exclusion
from,
effective
private
prop-
erty
of
legal ownership
tion. Renner,
connecting
the
concerned.
Marx,
man's
share
aspect
in
the
first
place
a
permission
to
exclude
others
from
control
prohi-
numerous
types.
Whoever
property
there
classes
by
private
purpose,
it
is
gen-
relation
between
industrial
and
social
can
be
stated
even
to
significance of the
based on a man's
as fol-
differentia
specifica)
exclusion
up many
those
sociolo-
dissociation
of social class will
the definition
termined
by
the
relations
of
production
(46,
p.
35).
Although
Marshall
notion
of
 social
hierarchical
social
stratification'*
(58,
p.
90).^^
Both
the
stipulation
that
class
to
If
facto
evi-
dent
that
of
class.
Furthermore,
it is
not really
certain
to
comprehend
classes
as
authority
result
at
the
can
be
demonstrated
of
social stratification may
can cut
advisable
to
the
abstract,
no
qualification
need
be
made
to
distinct from the idea
Marx wrote there
property and social
class is not
is one that
and
many points at
^^
of
a
common
basic
factor,
direct
in
defining
class
the
theories
discussed
in
the
re-
property relations
reverses
this
definition
have property in
the
relations
be-
gen-
Among
all
imperatively
coordi-
nated
in-
deed,
a
significance
severity
other branches
enterprises
spend
a
—
with
type of
terms of the
severe that one could
that
underline
the
and
generalizations
can
be
restricted
by
that the organizations
principle
the
problem
of
the
relation
one are also
whether
the
powerless
the
center
Committee
 necessarily
from
industrial
and classes
that neglect
class is
Schumpeter's but contrasts
which  classes which by their
character and
of
time,
but
be
analyzed
independent
of
the
representatives.
They
are
most important
assumptions
years
129,
p.
148)
similar
a
sociological
point
be
theory
there is in
class theory.
are evidently
quotations
:
is
almost
without
exception
individuals for any length of time.
This,
too,
is
a
problem
in
the
the
problem of
chapters
of
this
study.
(4)
However,
the
of
social
mately from
individuals
and
authority
roles.
The
individual
in which
The manifold empirical
dif-
ferentiation.
men
of
one
type^
and
the
hand,
we
even
as
caterpillar
and
then
One
may
of
can
the
very
point
and
substance
of
of
reconstructing it on the level of
theory?
ground
tionally
for
 
formulation
of
theories
by
considering
a
descriptive
statement.
Moreover,
it
 real
phenomena
or,
indeed,
a
sociological
theory
of
class.
mean-
connected. For this reason,
than
a
mere
dis-
cussion
or
definition
field
of
class
organizations. The
general theory
given
societies in terms of class in that it states the under-
lying regularities of
classes. In so
far as the
omission
theory of class appears
the area and
required
for
have
them more closely together.
Aristotle
and
in in-
science.
Even
if
solution of the problem of
order pervades
modern sociological
based on a general
which
are
subject
to
the
test
of
specific
observations.
Analogously,
for
the
so-
in
disputes
we
take
a
show
subjection, and
of
view
Drucker and Mayo,
^
Drucker and
to polemicize against
hand,
is
rare
in
mutually
exclu-
neither
necessary
can
be
ex-
coercion theory
and
theory
place. Such
exposition
conflict. In
accident. It
po-
society.
Parsons
their
a
whole.
Whatever
criticism
what about the second
not
stability,
system. It testifies
than that there
in order
dissensus
and
conflict
intense
and
violent
way,
and
a
set
of
a
totali-
only—if
utterly
versal
validity.
It
is
gene-
rale
other model is therefore
shall
see,
many
points
at
which
has
to
have
recourse
to
the
integration
theory
of
there
is no such
of light.
Here, too,
there are
useful
tool
of
sociological
analysis.
POWER
ture, units of
social analysis ( social
ensure
a
differential
distribution
of
power
and
authority.
One
ditional (Marxian) sense
of this term.
social roles
variously
equipped
authority
employ
in
this
study
a
group conflicts of the class type, class being understood
in
the
the
investigation
of
distributions
to
employ
the
their
is the  probability that one actor
within
a
social
of
individuals,
authority can be
with
relations
of authority, for these alone are part of social structure
and therefore
the
organi-
that
they
to
control,
by
orders
the
behavior
to
ing
in my
associations in this
not
in
that
authority
is
a
than,
for
With respect
this position more
same
to
elevate
a
of the United
is
sectional
interests.
prime minister neither
productive
behalf of
because
this
aspect
analysis
of
structurally
generated
syste-
of
this
category
which
is
es-
view
of
a
dichotomy
Mills,
distribution of wealth.
may
be
distributed,
there
always
is
a
continuum
rank. Wealth
in
its
exercise
in
given
tative
would
be
con-
trary
no
process
of
division
can be
hierarchies
of
authority
(as
displayed,
also a
probable,
that
if
always sums up to zero, i.e., there always is a
division involving
the
point
of
view
of
 settling
of
a
needs
to
be
of
Marx;
the
latter
will
specific sense.
formation of
conflict groups,
the abstract. They are,
in
strengthening
and
intensifying
conflict,
certain
We assume
given
association,
we
have
identified
the
contenders
one
concerned
or an
both
domination
incumbents
of
ruling
positions,
these
in-
the cate-
dominating
and
subjected
aggregates.
By
position, but the
in-
terest
is
not
interests
which
are,
(8,
p.
38).
Else-
(see
6,
p.
187)
is
not
class interests
assertion
for
the
(em-
be introduced
 objective
group
formation
involves
of
authority
positions
a
in
terms
From our assumption
must
always
be
precarious.
of
positions
and
their
in-
this
flict is
sociation,
values
lations it
posi-
to
attack
existing
conditions
somewhat
misleading.
It
a
conflict
of
interests necessarily
become conscious
be
understood
discussion
are
of be-
imperatively
coordinated
as-
sociations.
Again,
the
context he behaves
contributes
to
these
role
by
another
one
more apparent.
incumbency
of
specified
presently,
become
con-
scious
goals
person
are
sues of structurally generated group conflicts of the type in
question.
In
this
^^
some
indication
and
Freud's categories
of  manifest
essay.
by
Marx
manifest
in-
be
discovered
by
interviews.
The
categories here
 falsely
is
the occupants
It
is
to establish
established
tive as a
type
of
social
certain
interests
or
of quasi-
groups belong
with which
we are
here concerned
interests
are
not
them
explaining problems of social conflict. They
are, as
Ginsberg plausibly
pectations of
interest. Only
it transcends
common
modes
of
behavior
their
elected
or
appointed
with
Malinowski
 institutions.
However,
political
satisfactorily described
we are concerned in this study accrues from their origin
in
the
to
put
it
subjection.
sider groupings such
an
abbrevi-
as
they
be
raised
here.
of
the
phenomena,
 It is
to his
of conflict group
tance. We shall want
for the theory
of
not
produce
a
community,
a
class
(p.
105).
In
lates them
with nature
refinements.
However,
conditions
is
no
cern at this
way the
be
to be
analytical
have
free
be
the
generalizations.
part
of
the
underlying
model.
technical
conditions
of
organization.
Without
a
—
presupposes certain
the
political
oppositional
selves even
if all
In
terms
of
of
but more
for the time being concerned with formulating the general structural
conditions
of
pre-
If
an
well
goes
beyond
interest groups.
They must
expectations asso-
questionable, however,
diction to the
expected interests of
behaves
as
if
position of subjection
psycho-
logical
offering vague suggestions
of
and
of
the
solidarity
of
The
sociological
formation; moreover, this model
It
(e.g.,
personality
psychological.
 class culture which
frequently appears in
the fact that
towards
of
the
secondly,
some technical
class is
little while, we must
radically
position
of
domination
in
the
the
behavior
structures
of
industry
as
a
speculative
dogma.
Analogously,
we
three authors are
to
a
problem
of
empirical
psychology.
(a
correlation
of
+1)
of
conflict
to
is
theoretically
indeter-
minate
by
empirical
working
time)
and
as
and degrees of intensity
model. It
problem,
the
approaches
of
Pareto,
the
formation
and
to
class
acter
of
elites.
It seems
gitimate power may
a
 the
ruling
minorities
usually
consist
of
individuals
who had such
of the
the
political
society.
spheres
and
analyses
by
state
by
unity
of
a
comings
of
to the
(above
forces
to
ruling
and
subjected
groups
is
but
one
element
if
the
are the
dynamics
of
the
associations
in
which
of the theories
study.
raised
provides
a
earlier
societies
is
removed:
the
{b)
that
their
{c)
these,
one
distinguishing
exclusion
from
the
exercise
to
 class in
the present
should
not
call
quasi-
 class
to
be
One
may
and
 stratum
have
tended
three
arguments
as
to
anticipates
in
many
ways
the
theses
advanced
of
altering
of
to
the
origin
of
this
still sufficiently strong
common culture
attempt
to
confine
the
indicate an
than
authority
conflict.
stability is
models of social
two respects
First,
I
should
not
hesitate,
on
the
level
of
value
essential
feature
of
their
is
undoubtedly
justified.
zation.
there
a con-
individual.
This
cussions
text
I
garded as
conflict
(77,
p.
217).
striving
5
little later
that  conflict
arises from
be
necessary
or,
indeed,
conflict is intended
between
changes
 within
and
changes
conflicts
exist
(80,
p.
202).
employed
in
economic
that
defined
by Marshall or Mack and Snyder, and does not carry any conflict connota-
tion.
I
am
on which
as
illustrated
of
benefits
are
based
(59,
p.
99).
Thinking
be
useful
to
as
well
as
po-
litical
be
regarded
as
mani-
and
in associations.
formation,
variability
of
and
types.
of class conflict, present
one
would
expect
principle
after
the
the
contrast
been
conflict
con-
in which
and
conflicts
structure of
extreme scattering
and vio-
lence of
a
proba-
superimposition of
conflicts and
likely
to
develop
the
have briefly
(and, for
class
structure
and
social
why
pluralism
of
associations
religious ideologies
ceding chapters. It is not my
intention to
to
summarize
and
unnecessary concept. It means no more than
what
of
the
distribution
of
authority
defined. Property,
economic status,
influencing the empirical
and
facilities
of subjection
do own
status
of
more
are wrong
seem
to
be,
for
its
assumption
of
opposing
phenomenon.
On
the
other
followed identical lines.
All
even today,
terms.
authority,
falls
and
studies by
socio-
economic
status
Is
the
corre-
status,
the
possible
to
industry.
Associa-
occupy the
time.® In
seems
plausible
to
positions of authority,
it is virtually
of
organizations,
such
as
in
to
of
social
mobility
is
too
general
of this
during
Either
of
a man's
association,
it
likely
he
belongs
to
a
a
sufficient
generation mobility is
bility afi^ect class
skilled, semi-
authority positions.
view
of
mobility
two
distinct
types
of
who
possess
it
at
a
given
point
 democratic
class
characterized
by
classes are
recruited anew
the less
most
is a
greater
participates
be recognized
shall call
the notion
might
say
that
a
conflict
certain
not
to
reappear
again.
view
here
without discussion
tive
(or
want to be
revo-
lutionary
changes
simmer
j
the
ineflFectiveness
of
regulation is the organi-
long
institutionalized
(77,
p.
287).
tain structural
conditions which
conflict regulation,
since
of
udicing
to
to
^^
taries
is
of class con-
injustice
are
and
in-
similar
reasons,
always
precarious.
What
Is
a
turn
as, e.g., constitutions).
may
to
con-
sist
which
provide
the
frame-
gen-
resentatives
meet
to be
interest
groups
to be
rules of the
where
periodical
elections
are
the game, majority
decisions are an
permanent
recognized and
the other
also
in
psychological
matters.
mediator
of
conflicting
emotions
show that
conception
of
The
three
forms
i.e.,
concilia-
tion,
decision are compulsory
by
conflicting
parties
as
a
rule
of
inter-
sup-
concrete
intensity of
conflict re-
as to
compulsory
settlement
must be
of
matically
task of
brought
to
bear
conflict
as
an
opportunity
to
of power and
of
merely a condition for (from the point of
view
of
the
personnel
of
positions
of
domination
sudden
type
of
structure
association
of
the
state,
only
example
of
partial
exchanges
civil
servants
mode
ruling
personnel,
and requires
class
to
maintain
long periods of
analyzed earlier in
flict
is
machinery
for
forcing
on
groups, which
the
change.
At least in there is also a scale of the radicalness
of
struc-
made
for
but simply
however, this relation
be taken
into management,
by revolutionary
of a subjected
invariably
Before
investigating
processes
of
different modes of structure
in-
radical are
den
conflict
under
dis-
cussion.
same
no outlet for in-
analysis I shall try
standards
structure,
be
understood
the
possession
oppose collec-
tivities of
individuals in
of
dividuals
manifest
always
conflict
groups.
structure (and is not,
change.
social
conditions
type
involving
both
analytical
a
o
to
I )
according
imposed)
chapters of this
into
the
class conflict,
fit
the
theory should
the
of
the
useful-
ness
of
of
course,
no
intrinsic
reason
why
it
should
in the
As
it
is,
I
must
variously
all these expressions refer
of
the relevant feature here is that the industrial enterprise is
an
that
provided
certain
interests
the
might, in
cially
capitalists,
a
high
income,
while
subjection
involved
of industrializa-
manifest
is
characteristic
of
conflict are
^
or
by
as such
excluded from
to the
the
particular
conditions
of
great. In
solid but
powerless bloc the absolute rule of the incumbents of roles of
domina-
tion.
Because
of
this
hardening
conceived
to a point. The ossification
of
conflict
fronts
by
the
very
fact
of
organization
a
consistent
philosopher
Marxian
concept
of
class
the concept
or
all
conflict.
In
this
way,
the
concept
itself
terprise and
elaborate analysis
in what
DO WE
may
be
flicting
latent
interests
within
them.
And
if
also. Like its
there are quasi-
the beginning,
not the
class
society
immediately
some
so
in not discussing
italist
society
more definite terms than
there is no reason
industrial
increase
of
productivity
by
mechanized
process
of
production
relations
between
the
various
endowed with the
j
it
 
lect
stamps
in
their
at
is concerned
hierarchies
in
the
enterprise,
indispensable
condition
contrast, it is
coordinated associations.
to
admit
*A11
immediate
social
spec-
ify
the
ordinary
in
industry
must
be
dis-
putes
over
questionable
defines
the
substance
of
the
suffi-
Drucker
employee's view of wage as income.
The real issue
must abstract
specific social conditions.  It is clear that
a
conflict
is
always
con-
to say
one partial in-
terest in the
if
they
 
of the
persistence of
in
have seen,
the sole
bases of
places in
and with
empirical
bor-
But the same criticism
of a
of
labor
repre-
sentatives
in
the
usually
by
the
in-
by
an
class situation
that this
subdivision and
coordination bears
striking similarities
a
Here, appearances are
post-capitalist society
structure of
order
and
this statement leaves
of the enterprise.
and
violence
in
industrial
conflict
by
virtue
of
the
 institutionalization
of
I shall try
conflict
of
are
raised
Socialist
sociations
which
potentially
generate
groups
( bosses
contribute
there-
fore
in
controllable,
disposal
j
organization of
been
by the
whenever necessary,
an
general discussion
the
employer
in
realizing
Schel-
with
a
parliamentary
opposition.
From
this
point
shop
councils
neither
modifies
apparently than with
For
theory would lead
the
by
fact there are in
informal control
the
shop
coun-
cils,
tween which may
of group conflict would suggest that the closer the connection
between
interest
groups,
purpose of
type
as a whole.
be called
otherwise
nonexistent
group.
What
happens
stipulates
the
creation
sense.
or
management
ensemble of endowed
representatives on the board of
directors, that
With respect to his position and
role,
and
quite
virtue of his
objective
role
interests
aim
at
social order
fitter our example
fitter before?
newly made
labor man-
adapt himself
as he should,
in
symbols of a
about
the
occupa-
of
West
directors stipu-
to
to fail
as such
and, in
violence and
society,
pro-
duces
contradict
the
his
occupation
has
been
confined
to
a
of the
ruling class of industry, we can note an analogous development.
The
hard
to
imagine
today
as
corporal
of
embracing significance of industry. Here,
too, confinement
an  economic
pop-
ulations
of
on
the
con-
stitutional
States
talist society,
if formulated
it would seem that the life of people in modern
societies is
living
of
all.
Second-
ly,
industrial
and
tention
to
ridicule
ruled of
which
political
class
an
individual
believes
significance
not,
 old
 proletariat
dustrial conflict is a
against
it
—but
in
deriving
accessi-
assumptions which may thus
with industry itself
rising
and
going
to
worker,
when
he
tion. The
industrial
worker,
and
other
expectations
(72,
p.
65)-
One
and factual
the one and
terms
other
roles
he
is
moved
by
other
things
j
as
industrial conflict
respective
survey
in
1954
almost
one-half
strikes, advantages
only for
the
general
longer
united
by
industrial class
trend
of
political
society
are
no
longer
identical
j
which testable
are not
industrial conflict
in
England
authority
position
bureaucrat
distant
here analyzed
increased. The
in industry.
and
structures
but more often
of
affairs, however,
development is
is
simply
to
extrapolate
social
botli
colored
workers
not
justify
the
flicts
would not
and at
first uncontrolled
outbrealcs of
violence} indeed,
pen. Moreover, the institutionalization of trade unions
brings
with
it
that
phenomenon
which
Michels
(see
200)
so
aptly
described
as
wildcat
strikes
present
ter
abolished,
following chapter) that promotes
there
may
be
in
the
in-
the
analysis
deny that there still
there are
political community. It is
this is true, but it does not mean that they
have
become
interchangeable
either
said that
people no
have
no
arguments there
is often
golden or gruesome age
said that people no
society, we are
seem
conclusions
and
instead
presents
a
brilliant
discussion.
evidently entirely
image
little
torn by
comparison
here.
six types may
a theo-
retical decision.
and
Willener
show
 imply the image of
(76,
p.
206),
and
he
adds
that,
on
the
at
re-
spond
in
terms
 All
complementary
approaches
to
Several interpretations of
their
opinion
account
ideology of
time at
which revolutionary
bureaucratic hierarchy
place both above and below others. The whole is an
ordered, well-organized
the
studies
under
discussion
it
simple but descriptive terms
wir
. . .
secre-
 
Test
really,'
'never
who
same kind of control
a
classes: the
per cent
of his
Centers
bers
of
the
working
class
the
is
only
88
as
presented
than it has
bottom
layer
of
social
stratifica-
as
from their
lowest
occupa-
tional
groups
are
distinguished
by
from Centers'
theory as
it is
that
 a
latent
tendency
towards
ogy
of
political
conflict,
an
interpreta-
presents
staiff'^ (Weber,
churches, and armies are clearly
delimited
However,
this
appearance
is
of
citizen.
Strictly
relations. There are in it positions and persons endowed with
the
right
to
issue
The
state
 is
an
the
same
grim
condition
that
a
of
Renner
we
have
seen
society the rule of the few has
been
replaced
by
 general will :  This gen-
masters
to
the
service
of
the
whole.
Of
course,
are organized
(p.
252),
that
molecule, under
its
velocity
(p.
252).
There
very prudent
of
there
are
no
to
make
authoritative
decisions?
governments,
parliaments,
of parliament, and
public opinion
over
persons
as
in-
cumbents
to
anybody.
There
is,
large quasi-group
no
than
and
those
who
are
cratic
state quoted above,
emphasizes that those
concerned, de-
added
the
included in
judiciary as
is of course somewhat
class. Rather, the
political authority.
extends
their
of
the
ad-
ministrative
staff
of administrative
restriction.
organizations
in
one
what is true
—for
cer-
tain
latent
interests
which
aim
at
tutions and
comes
apparent:
the
of
one of
 above or  them
men frequently
of
yet say
administration
their
authority)
are duty, service,
of
administration
according
to
which
substantive
principles.
authority
is
outside
by
bureaucracies,
these
the
interests
to
bu-
to
control
reasons, the process
interests,
however,
controls bureaucracy. In
of
course,
j
office
bureaucrats.
But
member of
But
within
are
the
all. In
obvious, and I should like
to
emphasize
me
one
of
the
main
shortcomings
of
analyses
less consequential)
is that
the political
the
to
our
discussion.
Ruling
classes,
ruling
classes
not the whole of
nate
chance
to
substance
abstract,
there-
as for East Germany.
to
At one extreme of
of positions
the admin-
which
has
been
advocated
by
somebody
j
an interest or
particularly
the
latter,
most
of
too,
tend
to
become
a
parties, there
still are
hierarchies of
estant and
general direction of policy
substance of
the
bureaucracy
bureaucracy
a
number
 
the question
of who
authority and those who are  in. It is
a
election
remain
of
I
propose
to
turn in the concluding sections of this study. We have seen
that,
to
but the
to
preserve
the
hier-
archy
of
the
bureaucracy
to
inaugurate
anything
system itself,
i.e., the
by, say,
states
people
selves representatives of the
 insiders is threatened with
described
by
with the
whole  system
governments
Conflict theory would
the
principles
of
either
conflict
in
reality,
no
country
fact, I should claim that one of the important consequences
of the
on
force
oligarchy,
to be
not only a very real, but almost an inevitable, result of
representative democ-
conditions of organization are
absolute deprivation, and political
accompanies these
totalitarian countries
to
elaborate
the party ends,
is
unable
to
organize
itself;
exist
quasi-group with channels of expression. In order
to
recognize
these,
we
class of
their political structure realistically,
us
do
so.
While
there
is
an
undercurrent
of
potentially
violent
conflict
aiming
sud-
den
change
in
of
conflict
may
portant
political
now
being
restricted
(37,
being deliberately reduced
In
order
a
large
hostile
climbing
and
tion
of
authority.
intensity
of
sociation of
the scales
I concur with
con-
flict
in
treme
of
our
ideal
In
the
modern
conflict. To-
talitarian monism
should
be
eliminated,
that
a
political
1953.
15.
John
cal
versitatis
gesellschaft,
Die
neue
Gesellschaft,
classes sociales,
in Transactions
Paris,
1937.
52.
Colloquium,
Confiict
Reso-
(mimeo.).
Center
for
UNESCO,
1957.
84.
Mobility
Zeitschrift
für
National
Service),
Refort
No.
1935.
129.
Fritz
fonctionnaires dans
and
A.
Reader in
Schelsky, ed.,
H.-D. Ortlieb,
Handbook.
London,
1953.
157.
Paris,
195
5.
 
mungs-
und
Betriebsverfassungsgesetz,
Frankfurter Allge-
meine Zeitung,
in
Primitive
schöfjerisches
Werden.
Meisenheim,
1948.
224.
Ralf
Dahrendorf,
Marx
1
950.
231.
P.
Holland,
129
Hungary,
132,
224
Images
53f,
95,
98f
53,
56,
301
Post-capitalist
conflict and,
323,
327
Locke,
John,
29
date stamped
and
an
appli-
of
published since
the war. —
reading. —
'