A paper presented at The 23rd Conference and General Assembly

International Association for Media and Communication Research Barcelona, July 21 – 26 2002

By:

Obaid Said Al-Shaqsi

Department of Communication College of Arts and Social Sciences

Sultan Qaboos University Oman

Cultivation Analysis: A Middle-Eastern Perspective

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Abstract: Throughout the last thirty years, George Gerbner's Cultivation Analysis has dominated mass media effect researches. It has been widely applied to explain how mass media, particularly television, affect our perception of the real world. Regardless of the heuristic value of the theory, cultivation researches reached contradictory findings, some of which were not supportive. On the other hand, most cultivation studies were conducted in Western and Asian societies and only few were conducted in the Arab world. Thus, this paper focuses on the application of cultivation hypothesis to study the cultural impact of satellite channels amongst university students in Oman. The study, which used three different samples (n=534) based on their type of viewing, integrated two theoretical approaches; viewing motives (Uses and Gratifications) and Cultivation Analysis. The results showed little support to the Cultivation Hypothesis, and thus questions the universal validity of the approach. It points to the cultural and religious factors as important predictors of mass media effect.

Introduction: Early communication theories are concerned with effects of mass media. The first genre

of these theories, such as the “Bullet theory” (also referred to as the hypodermic needle)

assumes a powerful media effect on audiences. The Bullet theory was a result of the

German propaganda campaign during World War I and the beginning of World War II

when many people shared a fear that Hitler-style demagogue could rise to power in the

United States through the force of mass communication (Severin and Tankard,

1992:247). However, subsequent analysis of the content of propaganda messages and

people’s responses to these messages shifted the attention from linear cause-effect

relationships to what has become “two-step flow of communication”, in which

messages first reach the opinion leaders within the social framework and finally reach a

general audience. The “Bullet theory” was then rejected in the wake of rediscovery of

the primary group or opinion leaders (Morley, 1992:48) and the unidirectional or

powerful media effect is challenged by a more moderate succession of communication

theories, with some focusing on media functions such as the uses and gratifications

approach. Conceptually, the two-step flow invented by Katz and Lazarsfeld forms the

basis of the uses and gratifications (Gunter, 2000:15). During the 1960s the “uses”

approach dominated mass media researches, with the assumption that people use mass

media to satisfy certain individual and psychological needs. The 1970s witnessed the

revitalisation of effects research but under the precaution of limited effects notions.

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This arose from the theory of “Cultivation Analysis” of George Gerbner. Since the

inception of uses and gratifications and cultivation analysis, much of the debate in the

uses and effects of mass media is centred on whether audiences are active or passive

(Littlejohn, 1992:364).

These shifts in the media-audience relationship invited subsequent communication

research to investigate other intervening variables in media consumption and effects.

Societal and individualistic factors such as respondent’s socio-economic background

and level of education are now taken into consideration. Uses and gratifications is one

of the communication approaches that initially focuses on individual psychological

factors (Murry and Kippax, 1981:883). It sees audiences as active and recognises their

needs as a way to explain their interactions with mass media. It has shifted the attention

from the purposes of the communicator to the purposes of the receiver (Severin and

Tankard, 1992:269).

Other communication theories put more emphasis on the societal or cultural factors

involving audiences’ interaction with mass media, especially television. In the late

1970s, George Gerbner pointed to the importance of sociological aspects in media effect

researches (Murry and Kippax, 1981:883). His cultivation theory assumes that mass

media, particularly TV, permeate everyday life providing a social context to audiences.

Audiences’ conception of social reality could be affected by the images and lifestyles

mediated by the mass media.

These two theoretical approaches (Uses and Gratifications and Cultivation Analysis) are

integrated in this study in order to compensate the shortcomings of one another.

Methodologically speaking however, there are two possible ways of integrating the two

approaches. Cultivation or media effect studies could use viewing motives as predictors

of media effects by examining whether cultivation effects are related to instrumental or

habitual viewing. Another possible way is to treat viewing motives as control variables,

in which the influence of different motives is statistically removed or controlled. This

study, however, used viewing motives as predictors of television cultivation effects.

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Theoretical Approaches:

Uses and Gratifications:

Uses and gratifications is one of the most popular mass communication theories

(Littlejohn, 1992:364). Uses and Gratifications-type research began in the 1940's, but it

was only during the 1970s that the approach developed its conceptual framework

through the work of Elihu Katz and his colleagues. The general assumption of the

approach is that media audiences are active, therefore they are able to decide what

media or messages they should be exposed to. It attempts to answer “what people do to

media” rather than “what media do to people” (Roberts and Bachen, 1982:37; and

Severin and Tankard, 1992:270).

The uses and gratifications approach came to question the validity of the mechanistic

approaches of short-term and powerful media effects (e.g. Bullet theory). It has shifted

the focus of communication studies from “effects” to “uses” and from a “causal” model

to a “functional” model (Cary and Kreiling, 1974:233). Functionalism suggests a

utilitarian view to the use of the mass media and abandons the linear causal relationship

between media and audiences. Klapper (1960:3) argued that media messages and

audience responses are interceded by several factors such as, individual predisposition

and selective perception processes, group norms, message dissemination via

interpersonal channels, opinion leaders and the free enterprise nature of the mass media

in some societies. These elements underscore the role of social and psychological

factors in understanding media effects.

Origins of needs have been the subject for discussion and criticism in Uses and

Gratifications research. Most of the criticisms centred on that Uses and Gratifications

focuses more on the individual and neglects the social structure and the place of the

media in that structure (e.g. Severin and Tankard 1992; Tan 1985; Edelstein, Ito and

Kepplinger, 1989 and Morley 1992). As McQuail (1979:7) puts it “…the approach is

actually rather insensitive to the essence of cultural variations”. The “uses” approach

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sees the individual as a system rather than a body –within- a system and thus relies

heavily on psychological needs derived from the individual.

The focus on psychological elements of media use was fed by the deterministic active

audience notion and subsequent research that found psychological elements to be related

to exposure and response to media messages. For example, Conway and Rubin (1991)

found that pass time and escape motives were widely explained by several psychological

factors including sensations seeking’s disinhibition and anxiety. Information motive

was widely explained by the psychological factor of parasocial interaction, which also

explain entertainment and relaxation motives. Assertiveness was found to explain

status-enhancement motivation. Conway and Rubin found that parasocial interaction

factor appeared to explain many motives yet no attempt was made to discriminate

between the types of media response with whom viewers feel they interact. Their study

also examined the relationship between amount of television exposure and viewing

motives. They found that amount of viewing was not related to information and status-

enhancement gratifications in the hierarchical regression equation (β= .07 and β=.02,

respectively, p>.05), while it was significantly related to other gratifications, in

particular passing the time.

Generally, research findings have shown that personal factors do influence gratifications

sought or needs from media. However, one should also account for the social and

cultural factors that generate motives for using the mass media and perhaps explain the

relative effects of these media (Biocca 1988). Morley (1992) acknowledged that

individual differences in interpretation do exist, but he stressed the importance of

subcultural socio-economic differences in shaping the ways in which people interpret

their experiences with TV (via shared ‘cultural codes’). The interaction between

individuals and their place in the social structure are likely to produce needs and to

influence different outcomes. Thus, different needs based on the social structure of the

individual might arise. Satisfying individual and cultural needs might differ from one

medium to another and from one society to another. For example, although Japanese

and American students had similar needs for information, the Japanese rated this need

more highly than did American students because it was thought to help them to act in

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social situations. The Japanese were more satisfied with TV and magazines and less

satisfied with radio. In contrast, Americans were less satisfied with television (Edelstein

et al., 1989:133).

Katz, Blumler and Gurevitch (1974) argued that absence of a comprehensive theory of

human social and psychological needs challenges the identification of the origins of

these needs. A hypothesis can be generated to explain the relationship between

sociological and psychological factors that collaborate to create a particular need. Such

a hypothesis however, cannot be conceived of as a general theory capable of specifying

the various processes that underline such specific relationship. For example, one might

expect “substitute companionship” to be sought especially by individuals with limited

opportunities for social contacts (i.e. elderly, single parent and invalids). This

assumption might not be comprehensive and therefore may not be valid for

generalisation.

Katz et al (1974) also proposed a backward reading as a way to identify needs; from

gratifications to needs. Social utility for example, could be traced to the need for

affiliation and escape functions to the need for releasing tension and anxiety. This

approach however, does not solve the long-lasting problem of social and physiological

science of how to systemise the long list of human and societal needs.

There is little understanding as to how environmental and social circumstances lead

people to turn to mass media for the satisfaction of certain needs. One of the uses and

gratifications studies that attempted to tie in viewing motives with social and

psychological factors was conducted by Donohew, Palmgreen and Rayburn (1987).

Donohew et al examined how different types of lifestyle interacted with different

patterns of media use including the need for activation. The researchers found that

motives for using newspapers, magazines and cable television varied considerably

across people corresponding to these lifestyle types: disengaged homemaker, outgoing

activist, restrained activist and working class climber. While disengaged homemakers

and working class climbers were more likely to use television frequently mainly for

entertainment, companionship and passing the time, outgoing and restrained activists

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were more likely to use newspapers. Because of their active lifestyle and social and

political participation, outgoing and restrained activists seek public affairs information

more than other groups.

The study supported the argument that people use media either in a “facilitative” manner

such as in the case of outgoing activists who seek information to aid them in their

involvement with various social and political activities or in a “compensatory” fashion

such as in the case of disengaged homemakers who use cable television for

companionship, passing the time and parasocial interaction. It also found that the

psychological factor of arousal or “activation” was supported among two types of

audience members; suggesting that activation was an important motivational source for

media use.

However, it would be difficult to generally assume that similar factors will generate

similar needs across all gratifications studies, particularly that Donohew et. al.

concluded that:

However, too much should not be made of the specific number of makeup of lifestyle types that emerge in any one investigation. Different samples, variables, methodological techniques and a rapidly changing communication environment can yield very different typal solutions (Donohew, Palmgreen & Rayburn, 1987:275).

Another study that attempted to incorporate both social and psychological factors when

examining viewing motives was conducted by Finn and Gorr (1988). The study

examined the relationship between three psychological measures: shyness, loneliness

and self-esteem and three social support measures: appraisal (availability of someone to

talk to), tangible (marital aid) and belonging on one hand and the motives for using

television on the other hand. The viewing motives were social compensation which

includes companionship, escape, passing time and habitual viewing, and mood-

management which includes relaxation, entertainment, arousal and information. In their

study, mood management indices exemplified active or instrumental use of television.

The data revealed that self-esteem and the three other social support variables correlated

positively with mood-management viewing motive and negatively with social-

compensation viewing motive and that was viewed as evidence of active use of

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television. It also found that shyness and loneliness correlated positively with the

social-compensation motive. However, the study failed to answer why extremely lonely

individuals expressed little desire to watch television for any reasons and individuals

who were shy used television for mood-management.

In the Arab world, one of the recent uses and gratifications research which has also paid

much attention to the interaction between cultural and social variables and psychological

factors in producing needs was conducted by Marghalani, Palmgreen and Boyd (1998).

They studied the utilisation of satellite channels in Saudi Arabia and found some

support for the view that different cultural and social factors are likely to produce

different needs and gratifications and consequently different motives to use the mass

media. They found that a mix of technological, political, economic, cultural and

religious forces has given rise to a number of strong motivations to watch satellite

channels. There were also other factors, mainly religious, that motivated some audience

members to avoid watching satellite channels. The researchers have also acknowledged

the applicability of traditional needs and emphasised the importance of the type of

medium (satellite television) in generating needs:

In fact, additional evidence gathered in this study (…) indicates that traditional motives such as entertainment, relaxation, and social utility are important in attracting Saudis to the broadly defined medium of television. However, identifying the specific attractions of a particular form of that medium -DBS- was greatly facilitated by the more inductive approach taken here. As communication technologies evolve more and more rapidly, students of their adoption and use must be equally swift in developing new conceptual and theoretical schemes to account for such use (Marghalani et al, 1998:312).

It is clear that socio-cultural and psychological variables are accountable for producing

different classification schemes of audience gratifications. Recognising social and

cultural influences on human uses of mass media, Katz et al (1974) wrote:

Each major piece of uses and gratifications research has yielded its own classification scheme of audience functions. When placed side by side, they reveal a mixture of shared gratifications categories and notions peculiar to individual research teams. The differences are due in part to the fact that

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investigators have focussed on different levels of study (e.g., medium or content) and different materials (e.g., different programmes or programme types on, say, television) in different cultures (…) (p.22).

In retrospect, social origins of needs are therefore not generalisable. They are better

off identified within the social and cultural context in which the study is conducted.

The processes which relate social situations to psychological needs are not

conclusive and thus gratifications studies have stayed close to media-related needs.

Media-related needs are centred on the notion that individuals use mass media to

connect or disconnect themselves via instrumental, affective or integrative relations

with different kinds of others (i.e. self, friend, family, society, etc.). Katz, Gurevitch

and Hass (1973) identified summed up personal needs in five categories: cognitive,

affective, personal integrative, social integrative and tension release needs (p.166-

167):

This study applied traditional needs yielded from previous “uses” research as well as

cultural and social needs identified in Marghalani et al (1998). Due to great similarities

in culture (Islam, language, Arab roots and traditions), geography and communication

policies between Oman and Saudi Arabia, gratifications sought identified by Marghalani

et al were found applicable to this investigation. Yet, all items were factor-analysed to

indicate their internal consistency reliability. Traditional needs include surveillance,

entertainment, companionship, escapism and relaxation. Additional culturally driven

needs included availability and variety of quality programmes, avoiding censorship, and

sexual curiosity or identification.

However, the uses approach lack the power to explain what will audience do if needs

are satisfied and what effects the media might cause on them. The approach implicitly

inferred that satisfied needs could lead to subsequent exposure and vice versa if needs

were not satisfied. Yet, this notion still excludes any attitudinal and behavioural

influences of mass media from being identified. It might be argued that not all satisfied

gratifications would lead to further consequences. For example, no one is likely to ask,

let alone to find an answer for, what will happen if one’s hunger is satisfied. Similarly,

what will happen next if your need for laughter is satisfied. However, with some needs

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such as surveillance, people are more likely to use information for social integration,

forming attitudes or for taking an action like voting. Nevertheless, this criticism could

be nullified since the approach is not designed to investigate the consequences beyond

satisfaction. This particular aspect has been the focus of other theories such as social

learning and cultivation analysis.

Cultivation Analysis:

The mass media, particularly television have become important socialising agents,

shaping and creating attitudes, values, behaviours and perceptions of social reality (Tan,

1985:243). Television commercials use celebrities and high quality production to

persuade viewers to buy certain products or use certain services. They try to influence

consumers’ attitudes and behaviours mainly by emphasising that the product is very

important and can make our lives better or our bodies prettier. Soap operas are also

found to provide practical suggestions for social interaction. They are widely imitated

by audience members for, perhaps, solving similar problems (Lull, 1982:404). They can

influence viewers’ attitudes towards sex and gender roles (Gunter, 1995) and cultivate

violence (Gerbner et al, 1994). Films also present lifestyles and images that would

shape viewers’ outlook on other societies. In general, the mediated content via TV is

not free of cultural and social values and they are likely to shape viewers’ attitudes and

influence their behaviours.

The question remains, how television influences viewers’ attitudes and behaviours. The

uses and gratifications approach explains only why people use mass media, but it does

not explain the influences of the media. One of the mass media theories that focuses on

cultural and attitudinal influences of mass media especially television is cultivation

analysis.

Cultivation analysis was developed by George Gerbner, Dean of the Annenberg School

of Communications at the University of Pennsylvania. It was the product of the

“Cultural Indicators” project carried out in the mid 1960s to study the association

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between violence on television and crimes and violence in the United States. Its goal

was to determine whether differences in the attitudes, beliefs and actions of light and

heavy viewers reflect differences in their viewing habits, taking into account the social,

cultural and personal factors that differentiate light and heavy viewers (Morgan and

Signorielli, 1990: 17). Analysing the relationship between the amount of time spent

viewing television and viewers’ perceptions of social reality then assesses cultivation.

Traditional communication effect theories, such as the Bullet theory discussed earlier,

imply a simple linear “stimulus-response” model, which suggests immediate and overt

behavioural changes on respondents. Cultivation conceptualises the relationship

between media and audiences rather differently. It is more concerned with continuity,

stabilisation and gradual shifts rather than outright change (Ibid p. 18). Change might

not involve the individuals’ outlooks and behaviours but their common perspectives.

Unlike traditional “effect” theories, cultivation incorporates “function” and “effect”

literature in its analysis. Effect is studied not independent of the social context. Murray

and Kippax (1981) wrote:

We feel that one area which has begun to expand, and which will continue to do so over the next few years, is research on cultivation analysis as initiated by Gerbner…The reason…is the fact that this is the one area in which “function” and “effects” researches can find some common ground. Also, cultivation research does not denigrate the power of the medium (Murray and Kippax, 1981:624).

Cultivation is a cognitive approach which largely tries to explain the “no change” effect

of television messages. The use of the term “cultivation” is thought to embody the

general conception of the theory and to rule out any confusion with the term “effect,”

which might suggest immediate behavioural changes. Television, from a cultivation

perspective, has long-term effects, which are small, gradual, indirect but cumulative and

significant. The emphasis is on the attitudinal rather than behavioural effects (Chandler,

22/9/1998). Heavy viewing of television is seen as cultivating attitudes or perceptions

that are more consistent with the world depicted on TV. This process of cultivation

might not necessarily induce behaviour. Viewing violent programmes might induce a

general mindset about violence in the world but might not induce violent behaviour.

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However, it might cultivate attitudes of fear and scepticism which encourage people to

stop going out after dark and talking to strangers.

Gerbner defined his theory as the building and maintenance of stable images of life and

society that are driven by heavy flow of life through TV (Gerbner and Gross 1976).

Morgan and Signorielli (1990) provided further elaboration:

Cultivation means that the dominant modes of cultural production tend to generate messages and representations that nourish and sustain the dominant ideologies, world views, perspectives and practices of the institutions and cultural contexts from which they arise…It does not simply mean that television viewing universally fosters fear, apprehension, sex-role stereotypes, aspirations or other related conceptions, although these have been most studied (Morgan and Signorielli, 1990:225).

Thus, cultivation is investigated among viewers who tend to use the “TV answer” or the

dominant modes of ideologies and worldviews to describe their conceptions of social

reality. For example, for persons who have not travelled abroad to the West but have

watched a great number of Western films or soap operas, their perceptions and images

of the West and Western lifestyles could be primarily influenced by television.

Revisiting Message System Analysis

Cultivation analysis is the third prong of a research strategy called the Cultural

Indicators. The first is institutional process analysis and the second is message system

analysis. Institutional process analysis is irrelevant to the goals of this study because it

concerns the formation of policies directing the massive flow of media messages

(Gerbner et al, 1994:22). Cultivation Analysis is operationalzed in four stages when

using it to assess television’s influence. These are; message system analysis, question

formulation, using survey questionnaire and statistical treatment of data. The following

section focuses on message system analysis because it is the most important stage in

cultivation research.

Cultivation begins with message system analysis or content analysis (Morgan and

Signorielli, 1990:19). Television content is assessed and analysed in order to identify

the most recurrent and stable patterns of images and values that cut across most type of

programmes. The availability of comprehensive message system data is important to

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conduct a reliable cultivation analysis, but it is highly expensive and time-consuming

(Morgan, 1990: 243). Absence of message data should not preclude cultivation research

from being conducted because television’s representations are likely to be congruent

with a country’s official cultural policy. Since message patterns cannot be inferred

backward from cultivation patterns, certain tentative assumptions can be cautiously

made through our understanding of the cultural policy of a given country (Ibid).

The diversity of the content of satellite channels would also make any effort to conduct

message system analysis laborious and complicated if not difficult to achieve. Let us

imagine how many cultures exist in this world and compare that with the number of

satellite channels that can be received by the means of a satellite dish. Moreover,

message system analysis is based on counting the occurrences of certain incidents on the

screen which do not always match viewers’ perceptions and experience with television

(see Gunter 1988a and Potter 1993). The alternative is backward inferences where

cultural patterns prevalent in a given society are made the arbiters of all incoming

messages and channels. In other words, the characteristics and particularities and the

media policies of a specific culture will be contrasted with the exhibited cultivation

effects. Thus, important conclusions regarding televisions’ cultivation can be reached

without much reference to specific aspect of television content. For instance, if sex-role

stereotypes prevalent in the culture of Oman are not consistent with viewers’ responses

(satellite and terrestrial channels’ viewers), the discrepancies could be attributed to

media influences, especially foreign media. Several international studies had

investigated television cultivation without depending on message system analysis (e.g.

Al-Oofi 1994; Beadle 1999 and Morgan 1990). It can be argued that identifying the

cultural patterns of a society is a valuable alternative to message system analysis which

is difficult to attain due to the great influx of satellite channels from different countries.

Revisiting the Premises of cultivation analysis: Unlike traditional media effect theories that assume immediate and direct effect,

cultivation analysis suggests three main assumptions for TV cultivation to occur.

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1- Cultivation is cumulative (Total Pattern of programming):

Gerbner and his colleagues argued that television provides a relatively restricted set of

choices for an unrestricted variety of interests and audiences (Gebner et al., 1994:18).

Many programmes would markedly become similar in their outlook and appeal because

they are designed for the same broad audience. Thus, cultivation theory assumes that

the total pattern of programming rather than specific programmes is what counts in the

analysis of television’s contribution to viewers’ conception of social reality.

The theory does not minimise the importance of specific programmes, but there are

shared patterns and styles that cut across most types of programming. Those frequently

recurring features are inescapable for the regular viewers. The attribution of a particular

finding to viewing a single programme overlooks the fact that heavy viewers are likely

to watch other programmes and that most programmes share similar important features

of storytelling (Ibid, p.19). Gerbner and his associates in turn vehemently believed that

TV viewing is habitual and ritualistic. People view TV mostly unselectively and by the

clock. As they put it in their own words “Television is different from other media also

in its centralised mass production of a coherent set of images and messages produced for

total populations, and its relatively nonselective, almost ritualistic use by most viewers”

(Gerbner et al., 1994:18).

Gerbner systematically maintained the importance of total pattern of viewing even after

twenty years (since 1967) of analysing TV programmes and characters. He argued that:

The most striking aspect of the finding is that remarkable stability in violent (as in most other) representations. Individual programmes change but the overall structure of dramatic representations endures over time, reflecting network television’s stable and still robust institutional position in American society (Gerbner, 22/9/98).

However, the assumption that television is characterised by a relatively coherent set of

images may restrict the applicability of the cultivation theory to individuals who are

exposed to international programmes (Tamborini and Choi, 1990:158) and to

heterogeneous satellite channels. This particular point was given as evidence as to why

TV cultivation influences found in the United States were not replicated elsewhere. In

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fact, Gerbner and his associates admitted that the idea of total pattern of programming is

applicable only where television’s portrayals are repetitive and homogeneous such as in

the United States. Gerbner’s group conducted in 1989 and 1990 a comparative

cultivation study between the United States and the former Soviet Union. They found

that television plays different roles in each country and that TV cultivation differs

accordingly. This finding led the researchers to conclude that:

At any rate, television viewing seems to have greater mainstreaming consequences in the United States than was the case in the Soviet Union. The availability of different cultural and language programming in the different former Soviet republics may also have contributed to the relative diversity of their television – and to the centrifugal forces that tore the Union apart (Gerbner et al., 1994:36).

The above quote clearly shows that the extent to which cultivation will occur in a given

country depends on the diversity of the available content. Wober and Gunter (1988)

pointed to the importance of the type of content viewed in constructing viewers’ social

perceptions (p.48). They added that the amount of time spent viewing and the type of

content viewed were necessary components in cultivation analysis. Add to that, the

cultural variables of a given society. For example, violent programmes on the second

channel in Saudi Arabia did not appear to cultivate violent attitudes and behaviours

among Saudi people (Al-Oofy,1992). The fact that most of these programmes end up

prosecuting the culprits and enforcing justice and that Saudi Arabia is a very

conservative Islamic country might have influenced the findings as well.

Analysis based on the content type would yield more profound results than that based on

the total viewing. John Condry (1989) argued that content-based measures would show

stronger correlations in cultivation analysis (as cited in Chandler, 22/9/1989). There

might be heavy viewers, but with this notion of total viewing, cultivation analysis is

unable to pinpoint the type of programmes that contributed most to the composition of

viewers’ social perceptions.

Researches revealed that viewing certain programmes would result in different

cultivation effects. Hawkins and Pingree (1981) examined the relationship between

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viewing different programmes and conceptions of social reality in Australia. They

found that fictional programmes were not related to social reality perceptions, while

crime-adventure and cartoon shows were significantly related to perceptions of the

amount of violence in society. In Britain, Wober and Gunter (1988) indicated that the

viewing of action-adventure programmes was related significantly with beliefs in a just

world. They also found that neither overall amount of television viewing nor viewing of

any other programme types were related to any social reality perceptions (p.230).

Origins of television programmes (local or imported) are also important. Indigenous

and imported programmes contain different cultural messages, occasionally conflicting.

For instance, it is unlikely to assume that Egyptian drama and American drama will

invariably share the same worldviews and cultural values. Egyptian programmes are

more sensitive to the Arabic/Islamic cultural values than American programmes. This

would vicariously explain why almost every developing country, including Oman,

censor imported TV programmes. Thus, satellite channels, which impose less

censorship on their programmes, might cultivate different attitudes and perceptions on

viewers than the heavily censored terrestrial channels. Therefore, the origin

(Arabic/foreign or imported/local) of the programmes should be considered in the

examination of international cultivation effects.

2- Habitual and non-selective viewing:

On the other hand, Gerbner’s view of habitual and non-selective viewing contradicts the

active audience assumption of uses and gratifications. In both approaches, the

individual viewer is put at the extreme end of the strata. Gerbner also assumes that

cultivation effects are likely to happen when viewing is done non-selectively. But,

viewers are not always non-selective and selectivity is not a deterrent to media effect. It

also contradicts the cultivation’s assumption of multidirectional relationship between

social attitudes and belief on one hand and television usage on the other. If belief

structures can influence subsequent viewing as Gerbner et al. asserted, then selective

viewing must not be eluded because viewers hold different beliefs. Not all viewers fill

their viewing time with the same programmes or for the same reason, thus the content

viewed and messages learnt may vary between viewers (Wober and Gunter, 1988:45).

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With the availability of multiple television channels, be they satellite or cable, people

are expected to use TV selectively and sometimes purposefully. This should not be

understood as if selective viewing would hinder any cultivation effect from television

programmes. In fact this notion of non-selective viewing and uniform media messages

led Gerbner to focus primarily on the number of hours one spends watching television

as a predictor of cultivation effects (Potter, 1993).

In addition, some types of habitual viewing is associated with less involvement or

attention, such as when people turn the television on to provide a background noise

while socialising or doing other activities (Barrios, 1988). If this is the case, individuals

become more listeners than viewers, and as a result visual messages might pass by

unnoticed. Consequently, television viewing might not result in any cultivation effect.

Cultivation should be more concerned with the flow of media messages which

audiences are attentive to regardless to whether they watch television selectively or

habitually. Also, individuals may not be aware of many of the factors that enter into

their consumption choices. Motives should be treated as interrelated structures rather

than independent entities. Individuals may utilise the media but sometimes in a less

active or goal-directed state. They may seek news or surveillance purposefully, but do

not actively seek diversion (see Rubin, 1994:426). Thus, it is difficult to argue that

regular exposure to particular media in the society would be entirely random. Some

degree of selection based on specific needs should be anticipated. Because needs differ

from one individual to another the argument that audiences could be active in their

selection and use of media remains valid. Moreover, different media were found to

satisfy different needs (Katz et al, 1973:180).

Habitual and instrumental (active and purposive) viewing may both be found to explain

the way audiences use mass media (Kim and Rubin, 1997). Greenberg (1974) found

habit, arousal, companionship, relaxation and forgetting problems very similar in terms

of the amount of variance each account for (p.78). Habitual viewing, however, does not

explain much more than what can be called the null hypothesis, or unidentified purposes

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of media use. Nevertheless, the way audiences orient themselves to the mass media

(habitual or instrumental) would predictably relate to media influences.

2. Cultivation is multidirectional:

Cultivation analysis assumes that TV viewing exerts an independent influence on

attitudes over time, but that belief structures can also influence subsequent viewing.

Cultivation is part of a continual, dynamic and ongoing process of interaction among

messages and contexts (Morgan and Signorielli, 1990:21). Interaction between

audience and media is multidirectional. Individuals who believe that TV is important in

learning about real life may exhibit a significant degree of association between amount

of viewing and perceptions of the world. This means that heavy viewers are more likely

to give the “TV answer.” The perceived reality of television may determine the

occurrence of television cultivation effects (Wober and Gunter 1988:51). But, in many

cases this simplified notion of exposure and cultivation is more complex due to the

influence of other personal, social and cultural factors. Our attitudes are likely to be

influenced not only by TV alone, but also by other media, direct experience and by other

social and cultural factors. Therefore, the interaction between amount of TV viewing

and other external factors should not be completely ruled out from the statistical

analysis.

3. Mainstreaming:

The third premise of cultivation theory is mainstreaming. It means that heavy viewing

may absorb or override differences in perspectives and behaviour that ordinarily stem

from other factors and influences. Differences that are found in the responses of

different groups of viewers, especially those associated with varied cultural, social and

political characteristics are diminished in the responses of heavy viewers of the same

groups (Morgan and Signorielli, 1990:22). Television is perceived as the means for

homogenising the publics by enculturating them into its own version of the world.

Thus, mainstreaming represents the theoretical elaboration and empirical verification of

television’s cultivation of common perspectives (Gerbner et al., 1994:28). In other

words, mainstreaming means that heavy TV viewing leads heavy viewers to develop

more homogenous or convergent opinions than light viewers who tend to have more

19

heterogeneous opinions. Again, this process of homogenization is pendent on the

numbers and origins of television channels that are available to viewers. The less

number of channels originating in culturally similar countries the more likely television

will encultrate the same worldview amongst heavy viewers.

In general, the original assumption of cultivation analysis is that television is a

powerful cultural force which affects viewers' perceptions and worldview through

heavy and non-selective viewing of its content. Thus, to Gerbner and his colleagues

it was more important to examine the total outcome of television rather than isolated

segments of it. The effects of television are examined by contrasting the responses

of heavy and light viewers. Heavy viewers are expected to give the TV answer more

than light viewers.

Conceptual and Methodological problems:

Cultivation theory has received both fierce criticisms and strong approvals throughout

the years. To begin with, cultivation analysis invited several arguments regarding

whether TV viewing is habitual/ritualistic or instrumental and selective and whether

specific programmes are more important than the total palette of programming. These

issues were discussed in the previous pages.

Nevertheless, cultivation analysis is not without conceptual and methodological

problems. Potter (1993) identified three main areas of problems in cultivation analysis.

The first concerns meaning (in text and received). In cultivation research, while it is

possible to measure quantitatively the occurrences of certain things on television (first

order) it is difficult to measure the belief system (second order) due to the many factors

that enter in the inferential process. This means that the way in which certain aspects

are portrayed on television would significantly influence viewers’ inferences. On the

other hand, viewers might have different explanations and interpretations of media

messages but in cultivation analysis the answer choices are very restraining and do not

allow viewers to cast their opinions. This in turn limits the explanatory power of

cultivation analysis. The approach offers little insight regarding how cultivation occurs

20

and thus it needs to look at the psychological processes that form the foundation of

cultivation (p.597). However, subsequent writings and researches focussed on how

cultivation effects occur (e.g. Shrum, 1995; Shrum 1996 and Kim & Rubin, 1997).

They pointed out that involvement and perceived reality of television programmes might

well explain and influence information-processing strategies.

The second criticism concerns the conceptualisation of television exposure. Cultivation

analysis focuses only on the number of hours a person spends watching television (how

much), irrespective of programme types. This view is based on two assumptions:

uniform messages and non-selective viewing. Potter (1993) argued that both

assumptions are no longer valid. Uniform messages and non-selective viewing could

have been a valid notion when there were three television networks and a narrow range

of genres. With many television channels thematic and non-thematic (either via cable or

satellite) and many VCRs, a wider range of genres and messages came to exist. These

diversity in choices of channels and programmes would make it difficult to accept the

assumptions of uniform messages and non-selective viewing particularly after many

studies concluded the opposite (p. 573/4). This particular argument was clearly stated

by Gunter (1988a:27):

However, measures of amount of viewing may not be valid and sufficient indicators of TV effects, because TV content and viewers’ preferences for that content vary considerably, and two heavy viewers who watch totally different kinds of programmes may hold two quite disparate sets of beliefs as a result.

The third problem relates to the assumption that the relationship between television

exposure and cultivation is linear. Potter argued that the relationship is non-linear

(p.590) and that scholars should pay much attention to identify the shape of the

relationship and the possible factors that might augment or decrease cultivation effects.

Potter acknowledged the influence of “third variables” but there is little has been to

investigate and identify the variables that account for cultivation effects. However,

recent cultivation studies paid attention to this point for example Shrum (1996)

examined the influence of accessibility on cultivation effects and Kim and Rubin (1997)

examined inhibitory activity (distraction, skepticism and avoidance) as a deterrent to

cultivation effects.

21

From this review, it is evident that cultivation analysis like many other approaches in

social sciences has its own conceptual and methodological problems. There appears to

be a strong argument for controlling variables that might influence one way or another

cultivation effects. However, factors or variables that account for the differences in

cultivation indicators are not readily accessible and researchers continued to generate

variables of their own, in their areas of interests. Recent cultivation researches paid

more attention to viewing certain programmes than to total television viewing. They

have also employed complex analyses (including multiple regressions and path analysis)

that are able to identify the influences of third variables (Kim and Rubin, 1997) along

with using qualitative and interpretative first order (content) analysis (e.g. Shrum, 1996).

Cultivation Analysis received many criticisms, yet it continues to offer a theoretical

framework to contemporary research on the relationships between television and its

influences on viewers.

Cultivation studies in the Arab World: Every communication system in the world would unquestionably reflect the political,

cultural and historical structures of the home country. Thus, international work in

cultivation analysis attempts to examine the cultural influences of external media and to

answer the question of whether the medium or the system is the message (Gerbner et al.,

1994:34). In the words of Wichert (26/9/98) international cultivation tries to answer

“Are viewers in danger of losing their culture to the outside programming influence, or

is the source of the outside programming in danger of being stereotyped by the viewing

audience?” Because of this broad spectrum of television effect, cultivation hypothesis

offers a valuable framework for studying cultural effect. Salwen (1991) wrote: “The

application of cultivation analysis to cultural effects studies provides an opportunity to

examine whether reported exposure to television images from core nations cultivates

views of one’s own society, another society, or both (as cited in Wichert, 26/9/98).

Over the past two decades, cultivation theory was internationally (other than the USA)

applied in studies attempting to explore the relationship between TV viewing and

22

violence, interpersonal mistrust, gender roles, ageing, health, science and minorities.

Shanahan and Morgan 1999; Morgan and Shanahan, (1992); Signorielli and Morgan

(1990) and Wober and Gunter (1988) summarised some of the important cultivation

studies.

Most of cultivation studies were conducted in Western and Asian societies other than

the Arab world. Example of these studies are Crouch and Emerson (1977), Wober

(1978) and Wober and Gunter (1982) (in Wober and Gunter, 1988 and Shanahan and

Morgan 1999), Charlton and Morey (1990) in Britain, Pingree and Hawkins (1981) in

Australia, Kang and Morgan (1988) in Korea, Tan, Tan and Tan (1987) in the

Philippines, Zahao, Xiaoyan in China, Weimann (1984) in Israel.

Attempts to conduct cultivation research in the Arab world has only begun recently, in

early 1990s. Al-Oofy (1992) applied the principles of Gerbner’s Cultivation Analysis in

examining the relationships between exposure to Channels 1 and 2 in Saudi Arabia and

public realisation of social attitudes. Channel 1 of the Saudi Television is said to

provide Arabic programming and targeted at the Arabic speaking audiences. Channel 2,

broadcasts English and French programmes and is mainly targeted at expatriates who

live in the Kingdom and those who understand either language. The study used 289

(150 M and 129 F) students aged between 17 and 27 from the University of King Saud

in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. The social index of the study consisted of statements

concerning security, aspiration and satisfaction, individual relationships, attitudes

toward marital life and trust in others.

The study found a negative correlation between watching Channel 2 and realisation of

the five elements of the social index. The relationship was significant especially among

heavy viewers. It also pointed out that respondents were less likely to perceive the

United States negatively with regard to security aspect, regardless of the excessive

American violent films shown on Channel 2. That was explained by the fact that

culprits on the American films shown on this channel were always punished at the end

of the violent programmes.

23

Al-Oofy (1994) conducted another study among viewers of satellite channels in Saudi

Arabia. The study which used 224 teenagers between the age of five and seventeen

from both sexes, analysed four main cultivation factors: attitudes towards Western

culture, attitudes towards Western (American) media production, attitudes towards local

culture and tendencies to behave according to the Western culture and lifestyle. Using

Factor Analysis procedure, all factors have an Eigenvalue of more than one and they

explained 51% of the overall effects of satellite channels. Factors of the study were

measured by the Likert 5-point scale from strongly agree to strongly disagree.

Television exposure was measured by four categories, less than one hour, two hours,

three hours and more than three hours.

The study revealed that amount of time spent viewing foreign channels was significantly

and positively correlated (p<.05) with attitudes towards Western culture and Western

media production. However, age and travel experience were also found to influence

teenagers’ attitudes towards these items. The study found no evidence that heavy

viewing of foreign satellite channels would negatively influence teenagers’ attitudes

towards the local culture. Moreover, heavy viewing was not associated with their

tendencies to behave according to the Western culture and lifestyle, although satellite

channels appeared to influence teenagers’ behaviours when the amount of TV exposure

was discarded. Simultaneous control of extraneous variables such as gender, income

and travel was applied.

Generally, Arab cultivation studies were not only limited but also uncritical to the

approach. These studies aimed only at finding any association between amount of

viewing and cultivation factors investigated. They do not offer insights to whether or not

the approach is applicable to the Arab culture or how it can be modified to suit the

social structure of the Arab countries. It is through the continuous application of the

main assumptions of the theory that modifications or validations can be made.

Cultivation is applied in this study to investigate whether there were differences in the

24

cultivation effects of external media messages (satellite channels) and local media

(terrestrial channels). Television, according to cultivation analysis, is viewed as a

stabilising agent, as a maintainer of ideologies. Thus, would heavy viewing of

terrestrial channels results in a more cultural stability and resistance to change?

Inversely, would heavy viewing of satellite channels instigates cultural changes?

Cultivation analysis and uses and gratifications were integrated here in two possible

ways. Firstly, some of uses and gratifications dimensions were grouped under

instrumental viewing while others under habitual viewing. It is therefore suggested to

treat these gratifications factors as control or predictor variables when examining

cultivation effects, particularly the ones that appear to strongly correlate with cultivation

factors and amount of viewing. This would enable us to examine the accountability of

different motives to the underlying cultivation effects.

Secondly, the uses and gratifications approach explains the motives for using the mass

media, satellite and terrestrial channels. It does not tell us about the possible influences

of media on audiences and how can these influences be explained. Therefore, this is

where the cultivation approach is introduced. The initial assumption of cultivation

analysis (of heavy TV viewing and TV answer) is applied but not as a sublime predictor

of media effects, hence, as shall be discussed later, amount of viewing is not always a

significant predictor of TV cultivation.

Method:

Research Questions:

1- Is amount of viewing a significant predictor of TV cultivation effects among

viewers of satellite and terrestrial channels in Oman?

2- What gratification dimensions predict TV effects more than others?

Sample:

25

The sample of this study was drawn from Sultan Qaboos University undergraduate

students in Oman. Three samples were selected based on types of TV viewing. These

include owners of satellite dishes who can receive satellite channels at home (OW)

(n=345), non-owners with occasional access to satellite channels (NW) (n=127) and

non-owners who only receive terrestrial channels (NT) (n=62). Different sample size

was due mainly to the limited number of viewers terrestrial channels in the population.

Main Variables:

The main independent variables of the study are amount of TV viewing, viewing

motives (gratifications dimensions) and type of viewing (terrestrial/satellite channels).

The main dependent variable is the TV cultivation factors. The control variables were

identified after a series of zero-order correlations between amount of viewing and other

variables. They include travel experience, involvement in viewing, perceived reality of

TV programmes, observation of Islamic values, gender and year at college.

Cultivation and Gratification Factors of the Study:

The following is a summarised statistics of the factor analysis procedures on the

cultivation and gratifications items investigated in this study. Due to the limited space,

the original statements of these factors are excluded.

Factor Statistics for Television Cultivation Items Factors Variance

Eigenvalue E explained Mean SD Alpha 1- Western Lifestyle 3.71 14.27 2.14 .72 .69

2- Western Media production 2.05 7.89 2.87 .92 .75

3- Travel abroad 1.68 6.45 3.20 .91 .70

4- Negative image of the West 1.63 6.28 4.47 .74 .71

5- Fitness and Exercising 1.58 6.07 2.99 .74 .52

6- Traditional gender role 1.49 5.74 3.25 .99 .77

7- Positive image of the West 1.31 5.03 3.51 .79 .72

8- Cultural changes 1.27 4.87 3.69 .68 .68

26

9- Cultural reservation 1.19 4.58 4.11 .88 .58

Factor Statistics for Gratifications Sought from Television Factors Variance

Eigenvalue E explained Mean SD Alpha 1- Surveillance 4.88 19.54 4.10 .61 .77

2- Sexual curiosity 2.78 11.11 2.48 1.22 .91

3- Entertainment and companionship 2.64 10.56 3.18 .69 .76

4- Learning about myself 1.79 7.14 3.44 .79 .77

5- Availability of uncensored news & quality prog. 1.28 5.13 3.52 .76 .62

6- Habitual viewing 1.12 4.46 3.08 .73 .57

7- Escapism 1.04 4.18 2.68 .80 .62

Statistical Tests: Multiple regression analyses were performed to examine the relationship between

amount of viewing and cultivation factors within and overall samples with control for

other intervening variables. The results were interpreted on the basis of the subsequent

changes in R² and significance of the beta coefficient value of amount of viewing when

entered after other control variables. Analysis of Variance ANOVA for more than one

independent variable with type III sums of squares was applied to examine the influence

of and interaction for the three independent variables: type of viewing, gender and year

at college.

Results:

Before investigating whether amount of viewing would remain significantly related to

the cultivation factors when other intervening variables were controlled, it was

important to find out if this relationship initially existed. Then, if the relationship

remained significant after control, this would strongly suggest that amount of viewing

was a significant predictor of cultivation effects or factors under investigation. One way

of examining whether the two variables were initially related was to run a zero-order

correlation. Table 1 shows the results of zero-order correlation within and across all

samples.

27

Table 1:

Zero-order correlations between amount of viewing and cultivation factors

Cultivation Factors

OW r Sig.

NW R Sig.

NT r Sig.

All Samples r sig.

Attitudes Towards Western Lifestyle .18 .000 .21 .009 24 .027 .25 .000

Western Media Production .29 .000 .33 .000 .35 .003 .35 .000

Attitudes Towards Travelling Abroad .03 .315 .05 .287 .45 .000 .12 .003

Negative Perception of the West -.03 .287 .06 .233 .23 .078 .01 .451

Attitudes Towards Fitness and Exercising -.04 .226 -.07 .211 -.17 .093 -.01 .387

Attitudes Towards Traditional Gender Role -.00 .483 -.04 .309 .08 .280 .01 .444

Positive Perception of the West .05 .159 -.06 .244 -.02 .425 .05 .123

Attitudes Towards Changing Some Cultural Values .02 .376 .04 .340 .14 .151 .05 .114

Attitudes Towards Cultural Reservation -.15 .003 -.09 .157 -.13 .162 -.18 .000

1-tailed significance (Pearson correlations) The above table indicates that overall, amount of viewing was only significantly related

to four cultivation factors (Western lifestyle, Western media production, travelling

abroad and cultural reservation). Initially, these results suggest that there is little

evidence that total amount of television viewing would predict cultivation effects. Group

by group examinations reveal that amount of viewing was significantly and positively

related to attitudes towards Western lifestyle and Western media production both within

and overall samples. Only among owners (OW) that amount of viewing was

significantly and negatively related to cultural reservation, indicating that light viewers

were more likely than heavy viewers to stick to local cultural values.

Amount of viewing and favourable attitudes towards Western lifestyle:

However, not all of these observed significant relationships persisted when other

variables were controlled. Table 2 shows that the subsequent entry of amount viewing

was not significantly related to students’ favourable attitudes towards Western lifestyle

(p>.05) within and overall the three sample sub-groups. These results indicate that after

28

control, amount of viewing did not remain significant although it was significantly and

positively related to favourable attitudes towards Western lifestyle as shown in Table 1.

Table 2: Regression Results Indicating Impact of Amount of Viewing on

Attitudes Towards Western Lifestyle Within and Overall Samples

Sample Sub-Groups OW (N=345) NW (N=127) NT (N=62) All Samples (N=543)

Independent Variables β β β β Step 1: Demographic Gender .21*** -.16 .02 .12** Year at college -.02 -.04 -.76*** -.05 Travel -.15** .02 -.14 -.16*** Observing Islam -.21*** -.16 .13 -.19*** Perceived reality .09 .18 .20 .11** Involvement in viewing .02 .08 -.36* -.01 Viewing motives Entert & compan .11 .19 .06 .14** Learning about oneself .04 .05 .27* .06 Availabity of var... .12* .02 .01 .15** Habitual viewing .04 -.10 .31 .01 Controls as a block (R²= .21, F= 8.54***) (R²= .16, F= 2.09*) (R²=.59, F= 7.50***) (R²= .22, F= 14.29***) Step2: Amount of TV viewing .05 .12 -.09 .06 (R²= .21, F= 1.05) (R²= .17, F= 1.58) (R²= .60, F= .55) (R²= .23, F= .92) *p <. 05, **p< .01, ***P = .000 Note: Betas are final after step 2.

The control variables when entered as a block were significantly related to favourable

attitudes towards Western lifestyle both within and overall samples. Examination of the

beta coefficients of overall samples indicates that gender (β= .12, females), travel

experience (β= -.16, who travelled) and observing Islamic values (β= -.19, less likely)

were significantly related to overall students’ attitudes towards Western lifestyle

(p<.01). It was also related to gratification dimensions of entertainment and

companionship and availability of variety, quality programming and uncensored news.

Amount of viewing and Western media production:

Students' favourable attitudes towards Western media production remained significantly

and positively related to the amount of viewing. As shown in Table 3 below, the

relationship was significant at p< .01 among owners and p< .05 among both samples of

29

non-owners. This was indicated in the significance of R² change and beta coefficients

within and across the three samples. Accordingly, students who spent more time

viewing television also have more favourable attitudes towards Western media materials

and the relationship remained significant even after controlling for other variables. It is

also valid to suggest that individuals who like Western media materials also spend more

time watching them.

Table 3:

Regression Results Indicating Impact of Amount of Viewing on Attitudes Towards Media Production Within and Overall Samples

Sample Sub-Groups

OW (N=345) NW (N=127) NT (N=62) All Samples (N=534) Independent Variables β β β β Step 1: Demographic Gender -.08 -.07 .05 -.05 Year at college .03 -.07 .10 .04 Travel -.07 .02 -.18 -.07 Observing Islam -.21*** -.15 -.09 -.20*** Perceived reality .13** .14 .39* .15*** Involvement in viewing .06 .15 .08 .07* Viewing motives Entert & compan .18** .46*** .09 .23*** Learning about oneself .11* .00 .18 .07 Availabity of var... .14** .07 .16 .14** Habitual viewing .06 -.30** -.10 -.03 Controls as a block (R²= .30, F= 13.90***) (R²= .33, F= 5.42***) (R²= .47, F= 4.51***) (R²= .32, F= 23.32***) Step2: Amount of TV viewing .15** .21* .31* .21***

(R²= .32, F= 9.22**) (R²= .37, F= 6.57*) (R²= .53, F= 5.63*) (R²= .36, F= 29.54***) _________________________ *p <. 05, **p< .01, ***P = .000 Note: betas are final after step2

Table 3 also shows that the control variables as blocks were statistically significant

(p=.000) within and across the three samples and were related to attitudes towards

media production.

Gratification dimensions of entertainment and companionship was a highly significant

predictor of attitudes towards Western media production (β= .23). It also shows that

individuals who are not strict in Islamic values are also more likely to have favourable

attitudes towards Western media production (β= -.20). This factor was also positively

30

related to perceived reality of television programmes (β= .15) and to availability of

variety and quality programmes and uncensored news (β= .14).

Amount of Viewing and Attitudes Towards Travelling Abroad:

Table 4 shows that amount of viewing was significantly and positively related to

attitudes towards travelling abroad only among viewers of terrestrial channels NT (p<

.05). The relationship was also significant before control as shown in Table 4. Single-

item correlations showed that heavy viewing of terrestrial channels was positively and

significantly related to attitudes towards travelling to Africa and to Western countries.

This could be explained by that fact that terrestrial channels might have covered these

continents positively without much concentration on famine and disease.

Table 4 also shows that the control variables as blocks were significantly related to

travelling abroad in all but NW sample. None of the control variables in NW sample

was significantly related to travelling abroad and only the gratification of availability of

quality and variety programming and gender were related to this factor in OW sample.

Among viewers of terrestrial channels, the likelihood of travelling abroad was

negatively and significantly related to perceived reality of television programmes (β= -

.46, p<.01).

Table 4:

Regression Results Indicating Impact of Amount of Viewing on Attitudes Towards Travelling Abroad within and Overall samples

Sample Sub-Groups

OW (N=345) NW (N=127) NT (N=62) All Samples (N=534) Independent Variables β β β β Step 1: Demographic Gender -.13* -.07 .19 -.10* Year at college .08 .06 -.16 .01 Travel -.04 .13 -.11 -.03 Observing Islam -.05 -.09 .11 -.05

31

Perceived reality .04 .15 -.46** .04 Involvement in viewing -.02 -.02 .27 .03 Viewing motives Entert & compan .11 .03 -.15 -.00 Learning about oneself .04 .08 .38** .05 Availabity of var... .16* .18 .07 .16** Habitual viewing .06 -10 .15 .10 Controls as a block (R²= .10, F= 3.67***) (R²= ..09, F= 1.03) (R²= .55, F= 6.25***) (R²= .09, F= 4.96***) Step2: Amount of TV viewing -.04 .04 .25* .05 (R²= .10, F= .63) (R²= .09, F= .15) (R²= .59, F= 4.22*) (R²= .09, F= 1.01) *p <. 05, **p< .01, ***P = .000 Note: Batas are final after step 2

Amount of Viewing and Attitudes Towards Cultural Reservation

The cultural reservation factor explain the extent to which respondent would value

Omani traditional clothes and not thinking of living abroad. Table 5 below shows that

amount of viewing was significantly and inversely related to attitudes towards cultural

reservation only among owners OW (β= -.13, p< .05) and overall samples (β= -.15,

p<.01). This means that light viewers of satellite channels were more likely than heavy

viewers to have strong favourable attitudes towards local culture. Before control, this

relationship was also negative and significant. Therefore, the cultivation hypothesis was

supported.

The control variables as a block were not related to attitudes towards cultural reservation

within the three sample sub-groups (p> .05). But, gender (β= -.12, p< .05, males) and

travel experience (β= .15, p< 01, haven’t travelled) were significantly related to attitudes

towards holding cultural values among OW group.

Table 5:

Regression Results Indicating Impact of Amount of Viewing on Cultural Reservation Within and Overall samples

Sample Sub-Groups

OW (N=345) NW (N=27) NT (N=62) All Samples (N=534) Independent Variables β β β β Step 1: Demographic Gender -.12* .08 -.09 -.07 Year at college .03 .12 .14 .02 Travel .15** -.00 -.08 .14**

32

Observing Islam .10 -.08 .12 .07 Perceived reality .02 .08 -.02 .04 Involvement in viewing .07 .01 -.05 .06 Viewing motives Entert & compan -.03 -.32* .09 -.10 Learning about oneself -.00 .12 .05 .02 Availabity of var... -.01 .10 -.41 -.06 Habitual viewing .03 .21 .20 .06 Controls as a block (R²= .05, F= 1.58) (R²= .09, F= 1.14) (R²= .16, F= .94) (R²= .05, F= 2.64**) Step2: Amount of TV viewing -.13* -.06 -.14 -.15** (R²= .06, F= 5.33*) (R²= .09, F= .35) (R²= .17, F= .63) (R²= .07, F= 10.26**) *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p = .000

Discussion and Conclusion:

Television cultivation was primarily examined by looking at the relationship between

amount of viewing and cultivation factors using multiple regression analyses. In a

separate analysis, differences between type of viewing, gender and year at college (age)

were also investigated by using ANOVA for more than one independent variable. Nine

cultivation effects were examined; attitudes towards: Western lifestyle, Western media

materials, travelling abroad, fitness and exercising, traditional gender role, cultural

changes and cultural reservation along with negative and positive perceptions of the

West.

The results showed no strong support for the cultivation hypothesis either before or after

control for other intervening variables. Nevertheless, three main points can be obtained

from our analysis of television cultivation effects in Section Six, Chapter Seven. Firstly,

the only cultivation factor that correlated positively and significantly with the amount of

viewing within and overall samples was attitudes towards Western media materials.

The relationship in this particular factor, however, is not unidirectional. It can also be

said that individuals who like western films, soap operas and pop music also like to

spend greater time watching them.

33

Secondly, satellite and terrestrial channels cultivated different effects on viewers.

Terrestrial channels appeared to sustain cultural stability among heavy viewers. The

results revealed that heavy viewers of terrestrial channels have stronger attitudes

towards traditional gender role (β= .47, p< .01). By contrast, heavy viewers of satellite

channels were less likely than light viewers to be culturally reserved (β= -.13, p< .05).

Heavy exposure to terrestrial channels was also significantly and positively related to

travelling abroad (β= .25, p< .05).

Thirdly, it was found that even when cultivation hypothesis was supported, the beta

coefficients were weak regardless of sample size. The highest observed correlation

coefficient was .47 among viewers of terrestrial channels (attitudes towards traditional

gender role). Potter (1993) argued that because empirical research on cultivation

hypothesis continued to result in low correlations, cultivation needs to be re-

conceptualised. In this context, he offered five alternatives to viewing cultivation as a

weak persistent effect one of which was to view cultivation as a sudden insight. This

view foresees the amount of television exposure as a preparatory (or antecedent) to a

kind of sudden insight effect. In this case, “the idea of an effect is not translatable into a

relationship between exposure and cultivation indicators (p.594).” Therefore, effects

might not primarily lie with greater exposure to television but with other factors that

intervene within this preparatory period of viewing experience. As Potter phrased it:

If this is the case, people who increase their exposure do not necessarily increase the probability of having such an experience because the experience might be triggered by factors in the viewer, not by an accumulation of viewing (Potter, 1993:593).

Potter added that identifying factors that account for different type of interpretations

within individuals is difficult. However, it might be relevant to note that one of the

strongest predictors of cultivation indicators in this study was belief in Islamic values. It

appeared that individuals who have strong Islamic beliefs in life hold less favourable

attitudes towards Western lifestyle, Western media material and positive images of the

West while at the same time they hold strong negative image of the West. Therefore,

because Islam still commands and shapes the life of Omani Muslim population,

television cultivation effects were not reflected by amount of television exposure. It

34

might take a long period of time before viewers are ready to pronounce out their

experience with television messages. Perhaps, viewers might have already absorbed

some of these messages but amount of viewing might not be a significant predictor of

their experience. There were significant relationships between period of satellite dish

ownership and belief in individual freedom (r= .15 p<.01), attitudes towards Western

lifestyle (r= .23, p< .001), attitudes towards Western media materials (r= .17, p< .01),

fitness and exercising (r= .17, p< .01) and traditional gender role (r= -.12, p< .05).

Period of dish ownership was also negatively associated with negative perception of the

West (r= -.12, p< .05).

The differences between the three types of viewers (owners/satellite channels viewers,

non-owners/occasionally satellite channels viewers, non-owners/terrestrial channels

viewers) regarding television cultivation indicators might also shed light on their

perceptions and experiences with television messages. The results revealed statistically

significant differences between the three types of viewers in seven of the nine

cultivation factors (see Table 6 below for a shortcut comparison). Generally, satellite

channels’ viewers have more favourable attitudes towards Western lifestyle, media

production, travelling abroad, positive image of the West and are more likely than

viewers of terrestrial channels to think of cultural changes and develop fitness and

exercising awareness. In contrast, viewers of terrestrial channels were more likely to be

culturally conservative. Most of these differences between the three types of viewers

(OW, NW and NT) remained significant after covarying out other intervening variables

including amount of viewing (see Table 7). Thus, these differences in perceptions and

attitudes can only be attributed to the influence of a particular form of medium,

regardless of amount of viewing.

This would leave us to assume that by exclusively investigating television cultivation on

the basis of time spent viewing, we might undermine and misrepresent many cultivation

effects of television and global media in general. One does not have to be a heavy

viewer to cultivate attitudes and perceptions from television. Potter (1993:593) argued

that “...it might be that certain people could experience a “sudden” perception after

35

viewing only 10 minutes, whereas other people could view 100 hours and not

experience such an instance.” Viewers of satellite channels appeared to cultivate

different attitudes from viewers of terrestrial channels, yet frequent viewing was not

systematically or significantly associated with their observed attitudes and perceptions.

Similarly, Gunter and Svennevig (1987) raised some concerns about the approach. They

thoroughly reviewed a number of cultivation studies and concluded that:

The present results indicate that viewers’ perceptions, beliefs and attitudes often relate more closely to viewing of particular kinds of programmes than to television viewing in total. Whilst regular viewers of television in general are likely to be frequent viewers of many specific kinds of programming, amounts of viewing of particular programme types are not related in the same way or to the same extent to conceptions of social reality (p.64)

The cultivation approach did not appear to gain momentum in international settings. In

one of the cross-cultural cultivation studies, Morgan and Shanahan (1992) found

support for the cultivation hypothesis regarding gender role-stereotype among

Argentineans but not among Taiwanese. Al-Oofi (1994) found some support that

frequent exposure to foreign satellite channels was associated only with favourable

attitudes towards Western media production and lifestyle among Saudi teenagers. There

was no association between the amount of viewing foreign channels and behaviour or

attitudes towards local cultural values.

Table 6: Mean comparisons for Cultivation Factors by type of

viewing (OW, NW & NT): Cultivation Factors OW NW NT --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

1. Western Lifestyle 2.30a 1.96ь 1.68с 2. Western Media Materials 3.03a 2.63ь 2.41с

36

3. Travelling Abroad 3.28a 3.08a 2.99ь 4. Negative Perception of the West 4.46a 4.50a 4.42a 5. Fitness and Exercising 3.09a 2.94ь 2.55ь 6. Traditional Gender Role 3.28a 3.24a 3.14a 7. Positive Image of the West 3.56a 3.53a 3.14ь 8. Cultural changes 3.74a 3.79a 3.16ь 9. Cultural Reservation 4.00ь 4.21ь 4.55a

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Note: Scheffe Test was used to conduct these post hoc comparisons. Means with the same letter in sub-script were not significantly different. The highest mean in each comparison is underlined. Table 7: ANCOVA on Cultivation Factors by Type of viewing

Independent variables

Sum of

Square

DF

Mean

Square

F

Sig*

Attitudes Towards Western Lifestyle

Attitudes Towards Western Media Materials

Attitudes Towards Travelling Abroad

Negative Perception of the West

Attitudes Towards Fitness and Exercising

Attitudes Towards Traditional Gender Role

Positive image of the West

Attitudes Towards Cultural Changes

Attitudes Towards Cultural Reservation

5.53

4.21

.50

.02

7.05

.74

5.21

14.11

6.21

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2.76

2.10

.25

.02

3.52

.37

2.61

7.06

3.11

7.09

3.58

.33

.02

6.00

.42

4.37

17.83

4.41

.001

.029

.719

.979

.003

.655

.013

.000

.013

*To interpret the significance of each factor, please refer to the mean scores in Table E Independent Variable = Type of viewing (owners/Satellite channels’ viewers, non-owners/occasionally

satellite channels’ viewers & non-owners/terrestrial channels’ viewers) Dependent Variables = Nine Cultivation Factors listed above Covariates = Amount of viewing, gender, year at college, travel abroad, observing Islamic

values in life, perceived reality of TV programmes, involvement in viewing, and gratifications factors of entertainment and companionship, social learning, habitual viewing, and availability of variety and quality programming and uncensored news.

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