Cuba’s Urban Garden Movement: An Initiative to Strengthen

Urban Food Security

For: Dr. Jerry Buckland Course: 60.4100/3-001

By: Brie Henderson Student #: 1008806

Date: April 15th, 2005

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Table of Contents

Chapter 1: The Historical Context of Cuba’s Food Security Crisis. p.3 Chapter 2: Food Security Framework Analysis p.10 Chapter 3: Analysis of the Urban Gardens within the Framework p.14 Chapter 4: Urban Food Security strengthened p.36 Bibliography p.39

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Chapter 1: The Historical Context of Cuba’s Food Security Crisis

Cuba is a small nation in the Caribbean that has struggled to survive as a socialist

country despite sanctions implemented against the island by the United States since the

1959 Revolution that overthrew the Fulgencio Batista government. A strong alliance

with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe created a favourable trade relationship at that

time but this would eventually prove to be an overly dependent and unsustainable

relationship. This chapter will provide a historical description of the factors that led up to

Cuba’s food crisis in the 1990’s, and the dire need for an alternative development

paradigm.

Since the 16th century, both the Spanish and American colonial empires controlled

a system that stressed the production of sugar, tobacco and other cash crops for export,

while importing food for the Cuban people (Barclay para 7). This ‘classical model’ was

not exclusive to Cuba. For example, one report states that “in the Caribbean, food

insecurity is a direct result of centuries of colonialism that prioritized the production of

sugar and other cash crops for export, neglecting food crops for domestic consumption”

(Kjartan para 3). Despite the transformation from a capitalist system to a socialist system

in 1959, the Castro government continued to use the prevailing ‘classical model’ of

agriculture for 30 years. The maintenance of the colonial model brought the same results

and eventually led to the model’s downfall. As Rosset argues, “if the people of a country

must depend for their next meal on the vagaries of the global economy, on the goodwill

of a superpower not to use food as a weapon, or on the unpredictability and high cost of

long-distance shipping, that country is not secure in the sense of either national security

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or food security” (Rosset Food Sovereignty: Global Rallying Cry of Farmer Movements

para 3).

From the beginning of the Socialist Revolution until the early 1990’s, Cuba’s

agricultural and food sector relied heavily on support from the Soviet Bloc. Due to this

favourable trade relationship, Cuba was paid three times the world price for its sugar

exports by the socialist Bloc. These factors, in combination with the Castro

government’s strong commitment to economic and social development through the

elimination of poverty, illiteracy and hunger, and ensuring an equitable distribution of

wealth, enabled Cuba to achieve one of the highest standards of living in Latin America

(Rosset The Greening of Cuba 159). For example, the provision of free education and

healthcare to all Cubans has substantially elevated human development in Cuba. The

results from the 2003 Human Development Report speak for themselves. Ranked as the

51st country and being placed in the ‘high human development category’, the adult

literacy rate (age 15 and up) increased from 95.1% in 1990 to 96.8% in 2001, while the

youth literacy rate (15-24) made a steady increase from 99.3% in 1990 to 99.8% in 2001

(UNDP country report 271). Moreover, education enrolments indicate impressive gains

from 1991-2001, with the net primary enrolment ratio of 92% increasing to 97% and the

net secondary enrolment ratio of 69% increasing to 82%.

Cuba’s impressive healthcare system has led to substantial gains in the area of

human development as well. For example, the average life expectancy at birth increased

from 70.7 years in 1975 to 76.5 years in 2005 (UNDP country report 263). Other

statistics from the same report show that infant mortality rate (per 1000 live births)

decreased from 34 in 1970 to 7 in 2001; under 5 mortality rate (per 1000 live births)

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decreased from 43 in 1970 to 9 in 2001. Moreover, figures from 2000 show that 98% of

the population has access to improved sanitation and 91% have sustainable access to an

improved water source (UNDP country report 255). By 1989, Cuba reached an adult

literacy rate of 92.4%. In the same year, they had “the most scientists per head of

population in Latin America, the most tractors per ha, the second highest grain yields, the

greatest increase in per capita food production in the 1980’s, the highest number of

doctors per head population and the highest secondary school enrolment” (Pretty

Regenerating Agriculture 264). Cuba also had the highest increases in nutritional food

consumption in Latin America (Perfecto 99). These remarkable achievements in social

and health programs brought about one of the highest life expectancies and the lowest

infant mortality rates in the South.

Nonetheless, despite Cuba’s accomplishments in these areas, the use of the

‘classical model’ of agriculture as endorsed by its Soviet allies was both economically

and environmentally unsustainable. It depends on monoculture and on high-input

methods such as the use of imported fertilizers, pesticides, petroleum, and industrial

equipment to produce agricultural goods for export, while simultaneously importing food

(Rosset, Cunningham 23). Under the ‘classical model’ of agriculture, Cubans generally

bought food at ration stores or food markets. According to Corselius, “the consumption

of fresh vegetables was minimal and home gardening, for the most part, was non-

existent” (Corselius para 3). This is probably due to the government’s banning of

agricultural markets until 1993, when the expansion of the urban gardens became an

important project to strengthen food security (Sinclair, Thompson 3).

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Although Cuba was able to manage under the ‘classical’ model, the over-

dependency on external aid negatively affected food security. This became evident when

the Soviet Bloc collapsed in the 1990’s and Cuba lost approximately 90% of its trade

overnight, with food imports dropping by more than half (Rosset, Cunningham 23).

Another source states that there was a 73% loss of imports with a similar fraction of

exports to both the Soviet Union and socialist Eastern Europe lost (Perfecto 98). A total

of 50% of Cuba’s food had been imported up until 1990 (Kjartan para 3). For example,

from the beginning of the Socialist Revolution until 1990, Jules Pretty contends that Cuba

“imported 100% of wheat, 90% of beans, 57% of all calories consumed, 94% of fertilizer,

82% of pesticides and 97% of animal feed” (Pretty Regenerating Agriculture 264).

The collapse of the Soviet Bloc meant that access to raw materials, oil and

machinery necessary to maintain production levels in the food and agriculture department

decreased dramatically and production came to a halt. In a short period of two years,

“petroleum imports fell to half of the pre-1990 level, fertilizers to a quarter, pesticides to

a third”(Pretty Regenerating Agriculture 264), resulting in an overall 80% reduction in

pesticide and fertilizer imports (Rosset, Cunningham 23). Furthermore, the lack of

foreign exchange reduced Cuba’s ability to import basic foods and to guarantee even the

smallest amount of food for the Cuban people (Sinclair, Thompson 3). As a result,

caloric intake by the average Cuban dropped approximately 40% by 1994 (Corselius para

3). According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), “Cuba

endured the largest increase in undernourished people in Latin America in the 1990’s--a

jump from less than 5 percent to almost 20 percent”(qtd. in World Resources 159).

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Compounding this drastic loss in markets was the simultaneous tightening of the

United States embargo against the island (Corselius para 3). For example, the Torricelli

Bill was approved in 1992, restricting food and medical shipments to Cuba by

subsidiaries of U.S. companies, and the 1996 Helms-Burton Act disallowed U.S. foreign

investment (Funes et al. 7). The U.S. sanctions have contributed to Cuba’s food

insecurity since their institution in 1959. For example, since food imports had to come

from Europe, Asia and South America, transportation costs were sometimes triple the

cost if food had been imported from Miami which is only 90 miles from Cuba’s shore

(Perfecto 104). Nonetheless, the sanctions have enabled Cuba to remain somewhat

independent economically. The U.S. embargo excludes Cuba from trade agreements and

access to loans from international financial institutions such as the International

Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, institutions whose policy advice has arguably

furthered food insecurity in some other Latin American countries.

Taking into account the foregoing information, Cuba faced a tremendous food

crisis in 1990, which the Cuban government named the ‘“Special Period in Peacetime”’

or Periodo Especial (Alvarez Overview of Cuba’s Food Rationing System section 2 para

5). This period arguably continues to exist since it is the “interval between the collapse

of the relations with the Soviet Bloc and the lifting of the U.S. embargo” (Altieri et al

139). During this period, “Cuba, the only country in Latin America to have eradicated

hunger, was faced with widespread malnutrition and food shortage” (Oppenheim 219).

Something had to be done in order to double food production utilizing half the inputs,

while maintaining adequate production of food for export. Consequently, the Ministry of

Agriculture implemented an ‘alternative model’ policy for agriculture in order to increase

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food security. This model involves a more diversified, smaller scale policy with a focus

on organic food production through the use of human labour, local knowledge, resources

and skills as opposed to the ‘classical model’ that depends on the use of external inputs

(Rosset, Cunningham 23). Although this model was applied to Cuba’s agricultural policy

in both rural and urban areas, this paper will solely focus on the urban garden initiatives.

The implementation of ‘alternative model’ techniques, such as biological pest

control and composting through the urban gardens has ultimately been more ecologically

and economically sustainable than the former ‘classical model’. Considering the fact

that, to this day, Cuba continues to struggle with petroleum shortages and consequent

transportation challenges, the implementation of gardens in urban areas have been

effective in addressing this problem. Moreover, the growth of the widespread urban

garden movement in the 1990’s has demonstrated a shift in perspective by the Cuban

people from the pre-crisis period. The average Cuban’s diet did not always incorporate

so many vegetables as it does now with the urban garden initiatives. For example, in the

1950’s, the World Bank report noted unsuccessful attempts by the Cuban Ministry of

Agriculture to encourage Cubans to cultivate home gardens for household consumption

(Chaplowe 49). A study of Cuban food security in the early 1980’s noted that “Urban

Cubans seem to feel it is the governments’ job to provide food: to them, urban vegetable

gardens smack of underdevelopment” (Chaplowe 49). Since Soviet imports revolved

around a diet high in sugar and fat, this became the standard preference for Cubans. The

urban gardens have brought more awareness of the diseases associated with high-fat

foods, and Cubans now realize the health benefits of incorporating more vegetables into

their diet (Barclay section 4 para 3).

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All in all, Cuba faced an enormous food crisis with the collapse of the socialist

countries and the simultaneous tightening of the U.S. embargo. The combination of these

factors highlights the country’s unique political and economic situation. The Castro

government’s adoption of urban agriculture garden initiatives has brought about a

transformation of Cubans’ perspective towards one of greater food security through

enhanced self-sufficiency and sustainability. Cuba prides itself on working towards

economic, social and environmental sustainability by focusing on a national vision as

opposed to the global neoliberal model (Cohen 103). For example, exports crops are

limited primarily to tobacco and sugar, while domestic production focuses on food

production controlled by local governments and agricultural cooperatives. This

localization of food production provides for greater security according to Kenneth

Dahlberg. He states that “few cities today worry about food security or realize that much

of their future food security is linked to their local food systems”(Dahlberg 24). As a

result, because 80% of the population is urban, the gardens have proven to be a relatively

successful approach to increased food security for the Cuban people.

This chapter has discussed the need for Cuba to implement an ‘alternative model’

of agriculture through urban garden initiatives as a means to strengthen food security in

response to the ‘Special Period’ crisis. Chapter 2 will present the strengths and

limitations of the food security framework. In chapter 3, three of the most widespread

and publicly accessible types of Cuban gardens, the Organoponicos, the Intensive, and

the Popular gardens will be analyzed with this framework to determine the extent to

which food security has been strengthened. Finally, Chapter 4 will summarize the

analyzed data and raise additional questions.

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Chapter 2: Food Security Framework Analysis

This chapter will analyze the strengths and limitations of the food security

framework. The chapter will begin by defining the framework as outlined by the Food

and Agriculture Organization (FAO) as well as the five principles of food security

defined by the Centre for Studies in Food Security by the Ryerson University. Finally,

the strengths of these principles will be analyzed prior to the discussion of potential

weaknesses and limitations that can hinder the achievement of food security.

Food Security: Definitions

Food security is defined by the FAO as “the access by all people at all times to the

food needed for a healthy and active life.” (Izquierdo, de la Riva 2) Other aspects of the

food security framework entail “1) the production of adequate food supplies; 2) stability

in the flow of these supplies; and 3) secure access, both physical and economic, to

available supplies for those in need of them” (Koont 11). This concept ensures that

sufficient food is available and that people in need of food are able to obtain it.

The FAO’s definition of food security is somewhat vague, and thus, limited in its

application. A more detailed definition of food security provided by the Centre for

Studies in Food Security at Ryerson University will also be used to flesh out the FAO

definition. The following five principles lay out a set of criteria to evaluate different

means to achieve food security.

1) Availability: “The need for adequate, assured and reliable food supplies now and

in the future” (Centre for Studies in Food Security para 1). This concept focuses

on the requirement for sustainable food production practices as a key factor that

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will strengthen food security for not only the present, but the future as well. The

principle of availability will address the production aspect of the FAO framework.

2) Accessibility: This factor takes into account the importance of equitable

distribution and access to food as key factors in increased food security. The

entitlement approach developed by Amartya Sen will be used to measure the

Cuban peoples’ ability to access food produced through the urban gardens. As

opposed to looking only at the supply of food in the economy, the entitlement

approach “points to the need for focusing on the acquirement of food by the

respective households and to the fact that the overall production or availability of

food may be a bad predictor of what the vulnerable groups in the population can

actually acquire” (Dreze, Sen The Political Economy of Hunger 3). The

entitlement approach is a valuable way to measure food security, and for the

purpose of this paper, the household will be used as the unit of analysis. Robert

Putnam’s concept of ‘social capital’ will also be used to measure Cubans’ access

to garden produce through extended entitlements. Chapter 3 will analyze four

types of entitlement to determine the accessibility of food produced through the

gardens. The four types of entitlement are as follows: market entitlements, direct

entitlements, public entitlements and extended entitlements. They will be

explained in the next chapter.

3) Acceptability: “Food security requires culturally acceptable food and distribution

systems which are respectful of human dignity and social and cultural norms”

(Centre for Studies in Food Security para 3).

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4) Adequacy: Food security entails the achievement of a sustainable food system.

The system requires basic human needs to be met while maintaining

environmental conservation and sustainable development (Centre for Studies in

Food Security para 4).

5) Agency: “Agency identifies the [governments’] policies and processes that enable

(or disable) the achievement of food security” by reflecting “the focus on

governance and systems for enabling citizen participation” (Centre for Studies in

Food Security para 5). The Agency principle also involves Dadzie’s definition of

development, which includes the ability to “define goals and invent ways to

approach them” (qtd. in Rempel 235). Amartya Sen argues that “the command

that people have over food is deeply influenced by government policy” (Sen 82).

Chapter 3 will explore this aspect of food security through the Cuban

governments’ implementation of policies that have encouraged the participation

of the Cuban people.

The Food Security Debate

There is some dispute among the international agriculture movement about the

means to achieve food security. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World

Bank and the World Trade Organization (WTO) have a particular understanding of how

food security can be achieved. They support the use of Genetically Modified Organisms

(GMO’s) and liberalized trade policies as a solution to the problem of food insecurity

(Izquierdo, de la Riva 4). Excluded from neoliberal trade agreements due to the United

States embargo, Cuba has rejected the use of GMO's, fertilizers and pesticides in its food

production, a choice that the World Bank has critiqued. In their 2001 report on

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development indicators, an author of the World Bank report stated that '"Cuba is in some

sense almost the 'anti model' [and] Havana's policies are virtually the anti-thesis of the

Washington Consensus"' (Sinclair, Thompson 5).

Food Security Framework Critique

The FAO definition of food security lacks detail and depth, and is more widely

accepted than the Ryerson definition. These aspects leave it open to interpretation.

Persons who advocate for widely different policies see this framework as the standard

definition of food security, but the framework provides little help in evaluating different

means of achieving food security.

Consequently, this paper will primarily utilize the five principles of the Ryerson

framework as a tool in the analysis of the urban gardens. There is little indication of

potential problems with the Ryerson framework. Its one weakness is the vague definition

of the Agency principle, which will be addressed by adding the definition of development

from Dadzie. The use of Sen’s entitlement theory will similarly be used as a specific

measure of Cuban’s access to food. The extension of the Ryerson’s framework in this

way will help to operationalize the food security framework with a concrete set of

criteria.

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Chapter 3: Analysis of the Urban Gardens within the Framework Urban agriculture in Cuba consists of all gardens within cities as well as around

their peripheries. According to one analyst,

these forms of agriculture are classified as gardens: they are small scale, cultivated on land plots that are too small for field crops and grazing. They serve as a supplementary rather than a primary food production system (Chaplowe 50).

The rationale for creating the urban gardens in January 1991 was the crisis of the

Special Period, in which Cuba’s primary agricultural trading partner, the Soviet Bloc,

collapsed. This chapter will analyze how the urban garden movement has strengthened

food security in Cuba, primarily through increased availability of vegetable produce. The

entitlement concept developed by Amartya Sen will measure how people have access to

this food through different forms of entitlements. Through improvements in entitlement,

as opposed to solely increased production, this chapter will demonstrate that Cuba’s

gardens have strengthened urban food security. The strengthening of other principles of

the food security framework, such as acceptability, adequacy and agency, will also

support the argument that urban gardens have enhanced food security. Most of Cuba’s

urban gardens are organic, and this chapter will show this contributes to sustainability, an

important element of food security.

The Three types of Urban Gardens

The three most prominent types of urban gardens in Cuba are the Organoponicos,

the Intensive, and the Popular gardens. Each type of garden will be described separately.

However, for the purpose of this paper, the three gardens will be analyzed together in

order to determine the extent to which food security has been improved. The three types

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differ somewhat, yet they share the same base of technical knowledge, as well as similar

food security goals (Chaplowe 50).

The two primary types of urban gardens are the Organoponicos and the Intensive

gardens. The Organoponicos are the largest and most popular type of garden in Cuba.

They are research gardens funded and run by the State, to “develop and diffuse

sustainable techniques to the agricultural community”(Chaplowe 50). Some of them are

operated as self-financing businesses or workplaces in which employees, state institutions

and the local community are fed by the food produced in the gardens (Chaplowe 50).

Intensive gardens, in contrast, have a mix of state and private ownership. They are either

run by a State institution or by private individuals, although there is limited data on the

proportion of State and private ownership. These two kinds of gardens also differ in

structure. Organoponicos are the most productive as they utilize "raised bed containers

filled with compost and high quality, manure-rich soil constructed on lots that had been

paved over, compacted, or were otherwise infertile"(Koont 13). This is an effective way

of dealing with the problem of poor quality urban soil, which is often contaminated with

broken glass, plastic and metal. In contrast, the Intensive gardens are grown in the

existing soil, and are therefore not as productive. On the other hand, some analysts have

noted that the Intensive gardens are located in areas with good drainage, adequate water,

and higher quality soils (Altieri et al 133). Moreover, they utilize intensive gardening

methods by planting vegetables close together to maximize yields in areas of limited

space.

The Popular gardens, while not State run, are the most extensive and easily

accessible to the Cuban people. In conjunction with the Department of Agriculture and

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the City Planning Department, the "Poder Popular" (People's Power), the smallest

organizational unit of Cuba's government, grants land rights to private individuals and

households who can request either a specific plot or an assigned plot in their

neighbourhood or the closest available land space (Chaplowe 50). All available, unused

land in vacant or abandoned lots, old dumps and parks is free, provided it will only be

used for cultivation (Koont 13). The Popular gardens differ from the Organoponicos in

that they are privately managed to provide garden produce for individuals as opposed to

supplying produce for state institutions or a larger work unit (Chaplowe 50). Cultivation

and management of the Popular gardens is done by local community gardening

organizations or by local individuals and households, ranging from one to 70 people per

garden site. Community decision-making is used to select the various kinds of produce

that will be grown in the Popular gardens. Thus, selection is based on “family needs,

market availability, and soil sustainability and locality” (Chaplowe 52). For example,

yucca and sweet potato are grown on dry soils, while bananas depend on the availability

of water (Chaplowe 52).

Analysis of Urban Gardens within the Food Security Framework

Availability

The urban gardens have increased food availability through increases in per capita

food production. The urban garden movement has expanded throughout the country.

The FAO's nutritional daily requirements specifically for Cuba are as follows: "2,400

calories, 75 grams of fat, and 72 grams of protein (29 from animal origin and 43 from

vegetable origin)" (Alvarez The Issue of Food Security in Cuba section 2 para 5). By

2000, the daily per capita availability of food in Cuba reached 2,600 calories and over 68

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grams of protein (Koont 21). However, these statistics include imports, as well as both

urban and rural food production in Cuba.

The three types of urban gardens have all improved in number and size in

association with the increased output. Statistics show that by 1996, the total number of

Organoponicos in Cuba numbered 1613 over a space of 250 hectares. By the year 2000,

there were 451 Organoponicos in Havana alone. According to Bourque, the average

yield of the Organoponicos was approximately 16 to 20 kilograms of fresh vegetable

produce per square meter (World Resources 162). Thus, Cuba’s total production from

the Organoponico gardens in 1996 reached levels of 38,105,901.05 kilograms (kg’s)

(Altieiri et al 132). The total number of Intensive gardens in this same year averaged

around 430 over a space of 165 hectares. The total production from these gardens

reached levels of 19,096,223.20 kg’s, averaging 12 kilograms of produce per square

meter. In terms of the Popular gardens, by 1997 there were 5000 of these gardens in the

43 districts that make up Havana’s 15 municipalities. Popular gardens range in size from

3 square meters to 3 hectares, but production statistics are not available (Altieri et al 132).

The production and efficiency of Cuba’s three garden initiatives have increased,

and continue to grow at a steady rate. The following data is based on all types of urban

gardens, however, it provides a general indicator of increased production. In 1999,

overall production levels of 16 out of 18 major crops, mainly vegetables, tubers (root

crops and plantains), increased significantly in comparison to previous years. According

to Koont, the increase in vegetable production occurred in every Cuban province with

some breaking previous production records (Koont 20). Vegetable production figures for

all of Cuba are as follows:

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Table 3.1: National Vegetable Production

(Koont 20)

Year Production (in millions of tons)

1997 0.1 1999 0.9 2000 1.7 2002 over 3_____________ _

Peter Rosset states that in Ciego de Avila, the capital of Ciego de Avila province,

a city with a population of approximately 85,000, the Organoponicos alone have "made

up for the city's food deficit created by the 'Special Period'"(qtd. in Perfecto 104).

Another source contends that by 2000, “Cuba had surpassed the pre-crisis levels of 1989

with its production of veggies, tubers and plantains” through the urban garden initiatives

(Koont 20).

Urban garden production of vegetables tripled on a yearly basis since 1994, an

important factor to consider when over 80% of Cuba’s population is urban. Statistics

from 1998 show that the three types of urban gardens produce 60% of all vegetables

consumed in Cuba in both rural and urban areas (UNDP country report 2003). Moreover,

the Popular gardens alone provide 30% of the necessary food to communities, although

data is limited on whether this includes both urban and rural areas in Cuba.

By 1998, in Havana alone, there were over 8000 urban community gardens.

These initiatives continue to spread to other cities and municipalities. For example,

statistics show that food production from the gardens in Havana has grown by 250-350%

per year since 1998 (Kjartan para 7). In a period of one year, Havana’s total urban

gardens increased from 8000 gardens in 1998 to more than 26,000 gardens by the end of

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1999, producing an average of “541,000 tons of fresh organic fruits and vegetables for

local consumption” (Moskow qtd. in World Resources 127). More recent estimates show

that enough food produce is grown within Havana’s city limits to provide its residents

(population of 2.4 million) with a minimum of 280 grams of fruits and vegetables per

person on a daily basis (Corselius para 6).

The data outlined above demonstrates that food production has increased to

potentially provide all urban residents with adequate sustenance both in terms of caloric

intake and an adequate balance of nutrients. This factor fulfills the availability

component of the food security framework, but the access to this food is an issue that will

be examined later in this paper.

Despite these accomplishments, production in all three types of urban gardens

have not been without problems and this could inhibit the achievement of permanent food

availability. One of the major constraints is the scarcity of water and the limited

resources to transport available water, particularly during the dry season from November

to April. Water pumps and pipes are old, rusty and unreliable, therefore, problems exist

with adequate irrigation of the gardens. The government has tried to rectify this problem

by restricting potable water usage and “new projects supported by the European Union

and other aid agencies are providing wells, wind mills, pumps, and highly efficient

Cuban-made irrigation systems to gardeners through revolving fund loan programs”

(Altieri et al 134). Nonetheless, the Oxfam report contends that ‘food vulnerability’ is an

issue in Cuba’s five Eastern provinces due to a prolonged drought. In these provinces, a

UN World Food Program study shows that most Cubans are not even consuming half of

the FAO’s recommended daily intake (Sinclair, Thompson 6). As a result,

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inconsistencies in water availability appear to be a potential obstacle for permanent food

availability through the urban gardens. Furthermore, in an analysis of the Organoponicos

in various cities and municipalities throughout Cuba, yields per unit area were below

their production potential. The authors contend that this is due to “sub-rate management,

water quality and the use of low input alternatives” (Socorro Castro para 4). A second

major constraint to production is the lack of available land in densely populated urban

areas (Chaplowe 55). Keeping in mind population growth in urban areas, these factors

could potentially hinder food security in the future.

Another hindrance, primarily for the Intensive and Popular gardens, is poor

quality soil, which is often contaminated with garbage and glass shards. Depending on

factors such as season, locality and the types of crops grown, plant disease and insect

pests are other problems affecting production in some municipalities and cities (Altieri et

al 134). Finally, theft of produce is a problem in some areas where money, work, or

food shortages are present. Even so, most gardeners have effectively dealt with this by

mobilizing themselves to guard the gardens from thieves (Chaplowe 50).

The challenges outlined above have the potential to impact on Cuba’s

advancements in food availability. However, the steady increase in production levels

combined with the expansion of urban garden initiatives provide substantial support for

the fulfillment of the condition of food availability.

Accessibility

Entitlements are legally and socially defined rights to command resources like

food. Entitlements acknowledge the fact that “the mere presence of food in the economy,

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or in the market, does not entitle a person to consume it” (Dreze, Sen Hunger and Public

Action 9).

Direct Entitlements

Direct entitlements are typically attained through subsistence farming. According

to Sen and Dreze, “a peasant who grows his own food is entitled to what he has grown,

adjusted for any obligations he might have” (Dreze, Sen Hunger and Public Action 10).

Direct entitlements are provided by all three of the types of gardens. In 1998, food

produced in these gardens provided some neighbourhoods with 30% of their necessary

food supply. Recent statistics demonstrate that direct entitlements have possibly become

even more secure. For example, at the end of the year 2002, the Cuban governments’

goal of ensuring every neighbourhood of over 15 houses with their own food production

capacity, through the Organoponicos, the Popular gardens and the Intensive gardens, had

been met and “over 18,000 hectares were being cultivated in urban areas both in and

around cities in Cuba”(Koont 14). As a result, access to direct entitlements has increased

since producer households are able to consume the food they produced. As well, a fourth

type of garden, the backyard patio gardens, are an initiative by neighbourhood

organizations to help secure direct entitlements. By 2003, there were over 300,000 patio

gardens in production in Cuba to provide food for household consumption (Koont 13).

The Popular gardens are relatively effective in improving direct entitlement. As

they are usually organized around one or more households, vegetable and fruit cultivation

is determined by family needs as well as market availability and soil suitability

(Chaplowe 52). The latter two determinants have the potential to negatively impact on

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direct entitlement due to uncertain external conditions, however, household control over

production increases direct entitlement.

The establishment of gardens in urban areas in itself increases access to direct

entitlements through increased accessibility to city residents. Petroleum shortages were a

significant inhibiting factor for food security due to the lack of food accessibility from the

rural sector (Chaplowe 48). Consequently, urban gardens have reduced the need for

transportation of produce from rural areas, as well as reduced refrigeration and storage

costs. These features have increased urban residents accessibility to food (Warwick para

8).

Market Entitlements

Market entitlements are acquired by exchanging one’s labour power for

employment in order to obtain a wage (Dreze, Sen Hunger and Public Action 10).

Market entitlements can also include the sale of self-produced food, which can increase a

person’s purchasing power to buy other foods. Fresh produce from the three types of

gardens in Cuba can be legally sold by gardeners in two ways. The first is through

farmers markets or roadside stands which became legalized in 1994 as a means to

strengthen food security (Corselius para 5). According to one author, there is at

minimum one farmer's market in each municipality and most small towns, a factor which

can potentially increase Cubans’ access to food via market entitlements (Chaplowe 53).

Nonetheless, while this is a positive approach to increase Cubans' access to a variety of

garden produce, most gardeners in cities outside of Havana choose not to sell their

produce in these markets because taxes of 15% are imposed on the sales. This factor can

hinder gardener’s access to extra income from sales as they have to raise prices on their

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produce in order to pay the imposed taxes and this may reduce sales. Moreover, access to

this produce by poorer Cubans would be limited due to the high prices. In contrast,

farmer's markets are more prevalent in Havana as taxes are only 5%. With 30% of

Cuba’s population living in Havana and its surrounding municipalities, and greater

possibilities of food shortages, the State imposes lower taxes (Chaplowe 53). The

government has apparently tried to rectify this problem. In 1998, The Ministry of

Agriculture implemented a strategy to make produce from State-based enterprises

available through less expensive markets, although there is limited information available

on this initiative.

The second way in which produce can be sold by gardeners is directly out of their

homes or on-site, using word of mouth to sell vegetables to neighbours and local

communities (Chaplowe 53). With the Popular gardens, although the state continues to

own most of the land used for the urban gardens, the workers manage production and the

profits are shared among cooperative members (Minor, Thompson 5). These informal

sales have also increased gardeners’ access to market entitlements.

All three of the gardens are efforts by the government to ensure equal access to

food and food production through implementation of the 1993 "linking people to the

land" program. Therefore, the social equity principle is "pay according to the final

results--the more you produce, the more you get paid" (Koont 14). Price deregulation has

played a part in securing market entitlements as producers have gained more incentive to

produce. Some urban gardeners earn three times the wages of urban professionals

(World Resources 162).

24

Overall, employment in the urban food sector has increased, which also

contributes to a more secure access to food via market entitlement. In 2003, 35,000 new

garden jobs were created from the previous year with approximately 200,000 Cubans

employed on a part-time basis. This amounted to a total of 22% of new employment

opportunities in 2003, although there is limited data on this point (Koont 20). Not only

has this aspect strengthened job security, data from 2003 indicates that the Ministry of

Urban Agriculture employed 500 staff in 15 urban districts in Havana to promote urban

agriculture. An increase in jobs will affect market entitlements by giving people incomes

with which to buy food. In effect, this will simultaneously increase gardeners’

independence and freedom to both sell and buy food.

While it is difficult to measure individual or even household access, results at a

national level indicate significant overall gains in the area of market entitlement. For

example, by 2000, the total sales from vegetables attained a level of 469 grams per capita

per day, exceeding the FAO consumption requirement of 300 grams of vegetables per

day. Breaking this down to provinces: Cienfuegos reached a level of 867 grams per day,

Ciego de Avila attained 756 grams per day, Havana at 622 grams per day, with Sancti

Spiritus, Granma, Pinar del Rio, Las Tunas and Guantanamo reaching more than 500

grams per day. By 2003, the province of Havana was producing 943 grams per day

(Koont 20).

Nonetheless, it is important to note that there is limited data on who is actually

purchasing garden produce. Perhaps it is only the financially better off Cubans who are

purchasing this food while poorer Cubans are unable to afford market prices. Barclay

indicates that “Cuban authorities say at this point, availability is not so much of an issue.

25

Instead, they are now working on ways to bring down the prices so that even the poorest

consumers can enjoy the bounty”(Barclay section 1 para 12). This is one area that

requires further research to determine which Cubans have access to food through market

entitlements.

Public Entitlements

Public entitlements refer to government provision of goods and services such as

free or subsidized food, “which in theory are secured by virtue of citizenship” (Stewart,

Fitzgerald 6). The Cuban government has provided these entitlements to Cubans through

the food rationing system. It is important to keep in mind that this system does not

provide for the entire daily requirements of calorie, fat and protein, however, it is a

contribution to access. For example, food rations such as rice, beans and sugar are

distributed at subsidized prices to all Cubans on a monthly basis. Vegetables from the

urban gardens are available at a small cost, although irregular availability is a hindrance

to permanent access via public entitlements. Prior to the urban garden movement when

vegetables were scarce, the government provided vegetables through their ration system

at subsidized prizes (Alvarez Overview of Cuba’s Food Rationing System section 2 para

3). The urban gardens have increased availability and accessibility to vegetables through

direct and exchange entitlements, therefore, they are no longer considered a priority in

the ration system.

Alvarez argues though, that the ration system is not an adequate contribution to

household food access by the Cuban government. His statistics show that, “with a

monthly wage of 217 pesos, after spending 126.30 pesos on food, the average Cuban

would be left with only 90.70 pesos per person to cover the rest of the living expenses, or

26

362.80 Cuban pesos for a working family of four”(Alvarez Overview of Cuba’s Food

Rationing System section 4 para 7). These statistics show that the ration system is not

entirely adequate to supply the average Cuban’s access to food. However, these statistics

represent the food rations overall, as opposed to vegetables.

The Cuban government’s dedication to social equity and human development

have also indirectly increased food security. As previously indicated in chapter 1, the

Cuban government’s provision of free education and healthcare to all Cubans are public

entitlements that have indirectly strengthened food security. A healthy individual that is

well-informed and educated can be more food secure.

Extended Entitlements

The notion of extended entitlements includes legitimate, informal types of rights

as opposed to legal ownership rights. The three garden types are a prime example of

extended entitlements. Although the state legally owns the land, the Cuban people are

granted rights provided the land is used is for cultivation.

In addition, all three types of gardens participate in social production schemes

aimed at the provision of extended food entitlements, while simultaneously enhancing

social capital (Corselius para 6). For example, gardeners either voluntarily provide

produce for neighbourhood childcare centers, hospitals, and poorer community members,

or charge only a small fee for their produce (Altieri et al. 133). Although urban gardeners

are not legally bound to participate in this distributive process, social solidarity and free

access to land are strong incentives to do so. Furthermore, social centers such as schools,

hospitals, retirement homes, child care centers, factories and state agencies are strongly

encouraged by the government to plant their own gardens (Perfecto 104).

27

The increase in social capital and the building of community capacity through the

urban garden initiatives have also indirectly strengthened food security. Social capital is

a primary factor in building community capacity, a concept that entails “the sum total of

commitment, resources, and skills that a community can mobilize and deploy to address

community problems and strengthen community assets” (Twiss et al. 1436). There is a

relationship between food security and social capital. Social capital is defined by U.S.

scholar Robert Putnam as the “networks, norms and trust that facilitate coordination and

cooperation for mutual benefit”(Torjman, Leviten). By sharing knowledge, resources,

and acquiring skills, self-sufficiency is strengthened by the various social organizations

and community-based problem solving strategies utilized to secure access to food.

Basically, if social capital is high, as is the case with the spread of Cuban’s participation

in social organization schemes, food security is increased as neighbours take care of one

another and ensure a more equitable access to garden produce.

Entitlement Challenges

Despite significant strides in the different forms of entitlement to food, some

challenges still remain in the area of accessibility. One author contends that a lack of

accessibility to food produced through Cuba's urban gardens is a result of disorganization

as well as "inadequate marketing and distribution systems"(Alvarez The Issue of Food

Security in Cuba section 5 para 3). Vegetables and fruits in particular remain unsold due

to supply and demand imbalances as well as the inability to get these perishable products

to necessary locations. As previously mentioned, many Cubans cannot afford the

produce sold in the numerous farmers’ markets due to high prices, although this seems to

28

be less of a problem in Havana. These factors have the potential to hinder the Cuban

people’s permanent access to food entitlements.

Despite the challenges outlined above as well as the limited data to on poorer

Cubans access to high priced food in the farmers’ markets, overall, this section has

demonstrated an increase in Cubans access to food produced in the urban gardens. This

has been achieved through Direct, Market, Public and Extended entitlements.

Acceptability

Cuba’s urban gardens grow and distribute produce that is culturally appropriate to

its citizens, a key principle for attaining food security. One author states that “pre-

Colombian Cuba was populated by the agricultural Arawak Indians, whose techniques for

growing maize, cassava, and other crops were, of necessity, low input” (Oppenheim 217).

These techniques were maintained with the initial Spanish colonization following the

discovery of the island by Colombus in 1492. Nonetheless, soon after, the Spaniards

resorted to large-scale monocultural agriculture, exporting sugar and tobacco to Europe,

leaving little land for domestic food production. This ‘classical model’ of agriculture was

arguably maintained with the U.S. neocolonial control over Cuba, and continued with

Soviet support after the 1959 Revolution (Perfecto 98). As a result, since Spanish

colonization, the Cuban diet has relied heavily on meat, beans, sugar, fat, rice, powdered

milk, and other imported foodstuffs.

The urban garden initiatives have brought about a revitalization of traditional

crops such as the sweet potato, taro and cassava, the ‘viandas’ or root crops that were

staples of the Cuban diet. As a result, the urban gardens have not only responded to the

Special Period Crisis, but have also changed Cuban’s dietary preferences to include a

29

higher intake of vegetables. Eliza Barclay contends that “the fact that fresh produce is

now readily available has played a critical role in guiding the Cuban diet in a more

healthy direction” (Barclay section 3 para 3). The research does not indicate if the

change in Cubans’ diet is a cause or an effect of the urban garden initiatives, therefore,

perhaps this is an area that entails further research. Nonetheless, the revitalization of

traditional crops indicates that the urban gardens are significant in providing culturally

acceptable food to the Cuban people, therefore, addressing the Acceptability principle of

the food security framework.

Adequacy

The use of inputs that are inexpensive and use local, readily available resources

for pest control and fertilizer has increased productivity while simultaneously addressing

the Adequacy aspect of food security. The transition from the use of chemical pesticides

and fertilizers to Integrated Pest Management techniques (ie: biological inputs such as

beneficial insects and entomopathogenic microorganisms to control pest problems), and

minimal application of chemical fertilizers plus organic soil management came out of

necessity with the economic crisis and subsequent loss of imports. Moreover, although

Cuba only has 2% of the Caribbean’s population, it has 11% of the scientists and “a well-

developed research infrastructure, including research experience in alternative

agriculture” (Rosset, Cunningham 23). This utilization of local knowledge and assets is

an aspect that has effectively and efficiently aided in the development of sustainable food

production.

The Cuban economy is now in a position to afford chemical fertilizers and

pesticides. However, the government has continued to ensure that primarily organic

techniques are applied in order to promote more economically and ecologically

30

sustainable agriculture. The State has even passed a law banning the use of pesticides in

cities (Murphy, Howe 13), although other sources indicate that minimal fertilizer

application is still carried out in some of the gardens. Instead, locally produced organic

materials such as “biofertilizers, earthworms, compost, natural rock phosphate, animal

and green manures, and grazing animals” (Rosset Cuba: A Successful Case Study of

Sustainable Agriculture 205) have replaced most synthetic fertilizers. All three types of

gardens utilize compost from household food waste, chicken or cow manure and

occasionally vermiculture (worms) (Chaplowe 52). In addition, a diverse combination of

crops are planted to maximize utilization of space. For example, cassava provides shade,

sweet potatoes make a good ground cover and beans add nitrogen to the soil (Chaplowe

52).

The problems that contributed to food insecurity prior to the Special Period were

a combination of low worker productivity and State control over large-scale monoculture

agriculture (Rosset Cuba: A Successful Case Study of Sustainable Agriculture 205). With

the implementation of urban gardens and low-input organic methods, garden worker

productivity has made great strides. Author Jules Pretty claims that most of the

biological control methods now used in Cuba are more efficient and produce higher

yields than the previous pesticide methods used with the ‘classical model’ (Pretty

Regenerating Agriculture 265). In addition, the use of local, low cost resources means

that “gardeners have a greater degree of autonomy and flexibility, allowing the gardens to

flourish even in adverse economic conditions”(Altieri et al 135). The three types of

urban gardens all utilize primarily organic farming techniques and principles that are low

input, inexpensive and utilize local resources. These aspects have increased self-

31

sufficiency through economic and environmentally sustainable techniques, key factors

towards the achievement of food security through the fulfillment of the Adequacy

principle.

Agency The Cuban government has implemented several policies and processes to

strengthen food security. Prior to 1994, the State was the sole purchaser and distributor

of produce to the Cuban people and to export markets (Minor, Thompson 5). This factor

contributed to food insecurity as it resulted in underproduction, depressed prices, and

extremely high losses in distribution and storage. In order to rebuild its food system, the

Cuban government implemented policies aimed at: “1) decentralizing its food production

and distribution, 2) utilizing low-input agricultural practices in and around urban areas,

and 3) implementing an extensive educational network to facilitate the

transition”(Corselius para 4).

In 1994, the Ministry of Agriculture created the Urban Agriculture Department

with the priority of providing land use rights to all willing Cubans, providing their use of

urban space was solely for food production (Altieri et al 134). Even unused privately

owned tracts of city land were turned over to Cubans who wished to cultivate gardens.

Altieri et al state that “if the owners objected, they would be allowed 6 months to put the

land into production themselves”(Altieri et al 134). If they did not abide by this,

production rights were turned over to the gardeners that requested the unused land for

production purposes. On a national level, statistics from 2002 demonstrate that the

government dedicated over 35,000 hectares (86,450) acres of unused land to urban

garden production (Barclay section 2 para 2).

32

Rosset praises the launching of the national program by the Ministry of

Agriculture to “recover traditional farming knowledge, recognizing that peasants have

always practiced low-input, agro-ecologically sound agriculture”(Rosset The Greening of

Cuba 164). This revitalization occurred with the application of the traditional values,

knowledge and agricultural techniques as a response to the change from chemical to

organic agroecological practices. Rosset states that many gardeners “remembered the old

techniques such as manuring that their parents and grandparents had used before the

advent of modern chemicals, simultaneously incorporating biopesticides and

biofertilizers into their production practices” (qtd. in Warwick section 5 para 1). The

revitalization of the use of composting and intercropping, which entails “growing two

crops together that benefit each other by warding of particular pests” in order to

“diversify crop production and boost soil fertility” is another culturally appropriate and

environmentally sustainable initiative by the Cuban government (Barclay section 1 para

9).

Another initiative by the government was the implementation of an urban

agricultural extension service. This service consists of agroecology experts who provide

technical information free of charge to gardeners. According to one analyst, these

extension services “build upon the efforts of the already existent 400 citizen horticulture

groups in Havana alone” (CBS Radio Network 2001). These horticultural groups meet

regularly to exchange seeds, tools, knowledge, ideas and engage in educational gardening

events. In addition, various workshops and seminars take place throughout the country

and gardeners exchange knowledge with one another, researchers and government

officials (Rosset The Greening of Cuba 164). Thus, capacity building has resulted with

33

over fifty state-owned technical centers in the city helping to “provide agricultural and

technical support to help their farmers and citizens grow and preserve food” (Corselius

para 7). As a result, these government-supported approaches have also increased

employment opportunities and job security, simultaneously enhancing food security

through improved agency and market entitlement. Finally, the interactions of gardeners

with other gardeners, researchers and government officials promotes a continuous

process of building knowledge, skills and adapting ‘alternative’ technology. This

demonstrates that, as a nation, they are pursuing a model in concurrence with Dadzie’s

model for achieving development which entails the “defining of goals and inventing ways

to approach them” (Dadzie qtd. in Rempel 235). As a result, the Cuban government has

improved the Agency aspect of food security by encouraging the participation and input

of the Cuban people.

Through the implementation of these policies and processes, the State has been

the key figure in the initiation and ongoing support of the urban garden initiatives.

Nonetheless, most gardeners have become empowered and have taken the initiative to

spread the movement through the encouragement of local participation in educational

horticulture clubs and community decision-making processes. One gardener states that

“‘it is important to create a culture to sustain the movement; horticultural clubs and other

community efforts do this”(Chaplowe 56). Other analysts contend that the spread of the

urban garden movement throughout Cuba is “more the result of social techniques of

organizing and diffusion rather than the extension of production techniques per

se”(Altieri et al 139). The spread of social organizations and knowledge sharing has also

increased social capital, a factor that has previously been analyzed in the Accessibility

34

section. The factors outlined above have enabled Cubans’ self-sufficiency to increase at

the local level, thereby increasing food security.

The urban gardens have also contributed to the enhancement of Cuba’s self-

sufficiency at a national level, by reducing the country’s food imports. Statistics from the

FAO show that from the 1980-1997 period, Cuban food imports have decreased

modestly. This is a key indicator that Cuba has made significant progress in domestic

production as a substitute for imports, consequently increasing national food security.

One author states that particularly “in the last years of the 1990’s, import dependency

ratios have decreased considerably” (Alvarez The Issue of Food Security in Cuba section

9 para 3). This is an important element in Cuba’s move toward food security,

considering that in 1990 over 50% of Cuba’s food came from imports (Chaplowe 48)

which accounted for 57% of Cuban’s total caloric intake. Previously, the major cause of

food insecurity was the priority given to monocultural sugar production for export, while

crops for domestic production were neglected (Kjartan para 3). Although fruits and

vegetable accounted for only 1-2% of food imports before the Special Period (Rosset,

Medea qtd. in World Resources 10), Cuba’s resort to a diversification of food production,

urban gardens included, have shown a reduced dependency on imports, an aspect which

has strengthened food security through increased self-sufficiency. However, it is

important to keep in mind that if Cuba were to experience another food crisis, its inability

to import food could hinder these gains in food security.

The Agency principle of the food security framework has been addressed through

various policies and processes implemented by the Cuban government. Moreover, the

Cuban government has interpreted the Agency principle to include the participation of the

35

Cuban people. Consequently, social capital has increased as gardeners have taken the

initiative to spread and sustain the urban garden movement. The combination of these

factors has increased food security by improving self-sufficiency at both the local and the

national level.

36

Chapter 4: Urban Food Security Strengthened

Chapter 3 has acknowledged an overall increase in food security through the

analysis of the urban gardens with the five principles of the food security framework.

The strengthening of the principles of the food security framework have supported the

thesis that the urban garden movement has strengthened food security in Cuba. The 2001

Oxfam Report contends that “so far Cuba has struck a relative equilibrium between

‘markets’, which promote growth and reward entrepreneurial initiative, and the ‘social

good’, which ensures fairness and relative social equity” (Minor, Thompson 5).

Cubans access to garden produce remains an issue that requires further research.

For example, although market entitlements have increased, there is limited data to

explore whether poorer Cubans are able to afford the high prices in the farmers markets

in all urban areas. The fact that these high prices are problematic for many Cubans has

been acknowledged in the research. However, given that all Cubans are entitled to

participate in the cultivation of gardens through free access to unused land leaves open

the question of why all Cubans have not engaged in this process in order to increase their

access to food through both direct entitlement and market entitlement.

Nonetheless, the overall indications of improved accessibility has been

documented at the national level. The FAO’s 2004 Country Profiles and Mapping

Information System removed Cuba from their list of Low-Income Food-Deficit Countries

(LIFDC) (FAO Country Profiles and Mapping Information System para 1). This is a

significant step towards food security as Cuba was listed as an LIFDC country up until

2003. Additionally, the FAO 2004 SOFI report (State of Food Insecurity in the World)

lists Cuba as a country with a total of 2.5-4% of undernourished people (SOFI 2). These

37

statistics show a steady decrease in undernourishment since the beginning of the Special

Period. For example, the World Food Program 2002 reports 5-19%, a moderately low

percentage of the Cuban population as undernourished from 1995-1997 (World Food

Program 3). Despite an increase in population from 10.7 million in 1990 to 11.2 million

in 2002, the number of undernourished Cubans decreased from 0.8 million in 1990 to 0.4

million in 2002. These figures reflect a decrease in undernourishment since the

beginning of the Special Period, and therefore, an increase in food security from an

overall national analysis.

The overall good health of Cubans and low levels of undernourishment indirectly

indicate that access to adequate nutritional, including sufficient and caloric intake is

evident. Additionally, the fact that levels of undernourishment have decreased since the

implementation of the urban gardens suggests that perhaps there is a correlation between

increased availability of garden produce and improved nutrition of Cubans.

The urban garden initiatives came out of necessity, yet they have been an

effective approach to address the food security crisis. Food from the gardens has not only

provided the urban residents access to increased caloric intake, they have also provided

access to a variety of healthy, nutritious food towards a more balanced diet. Although the

food crisis is now over, the gardens continue to prevail and have expanded in size,

number and quality. Urban gardening, once perceived by Cubans as a sign of poverty

and underdevelopment, is now a part of the social fabric of urban communities.

Moreover, Cubans now regard them as an important initiative towards increased self-

sufficiency, greater sustainability and increased food security.

38

For the early years of the 1959 Cuban Socialist Revolution, the ‘classical model’

of agriculture was believed to be the only path to development in Cuba. The Castro

governments’ implementation of the ‘alternative Model’ has challenged this prevailing

developmentalist ideology. Within 10 years, Cuba converted a large part of its food

production system from high-input to organic and has increased self-sufficiency at both

the local and the national level. Although Cuba is a unique case due to its political and

economic circumstances, the urban garden initiatives have shown that the people of a

nation can strengthen food security by using local resources and small-scale, knowledge

intensive methods. Cuba is a model for other low-income-food-deficit countries that are

dependent on the unpredictable nature of the global economy to provide for their food

needs. Other countries can learn from this nation “that is developing locally while

participating in international efforts to move towards sustainability” (Cohen 104).

39

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