Cronologia de Las Haldas

7/30/2019 Cronologia de Las Haldas

1/23

http://www.jstor.org

The Formative Site of Las Haldas, Peru: Architecture, Chronology, and Economy

Author(s): Tsugio Matsuzawa and Izumi Shimada

Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 43, No. 4, (Oct., 1978), pp. 652-673

Published by: Society for American Archaeology

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/279497

Accessed: 01/08/2008 12:50

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless

you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you

may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sam.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the

scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that

promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
http://www.jstor.org/stable/279497?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=samhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=samhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/279497?origin=JSTOR-pdf


2/23

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

THE FORMATIVE SITE OF LAS HALDAS, PERU:ARCHITECTURE,CHRONOLOGY,AND ECONOMYTsugio MatsuzawaTranslated by Izumi Shimada

In 1958 and 1969 the Tokyo University expeditions excavated the Formative site of Las Haldas on the Peru-vian coast as part of their multiyear investigation into the developmental processes of Andean civilization. Thesite, known for a temple complex consisting of 6 terraces and a circular sunken court, provides comparativedata for the key highland Formative site of Kotosh. The results of the 1969 excavation refuted the earlier viewthat the temple complex was preceramic. The large quantity of organic refuse, the architectural build-up, andthe radiocarbon dates suggest long, continuous occupation based on maritime economy. Las Haldas was a keycomponent of a pan-Andean exchange system, which cross-cut major ecological zones, and must be consideredin conjunction with agricultural populations in the nearby Casma Valley and farther inland.

Translator's Note: This is an edited translation of the 1974 preliminary report on Las Haldas, which ap-peared in the Proceedings of the Department of Humanities. College of General Education, Tokyo University,Volume 59, Cultural Anthropology Series No. 2. My primary interest in undertaking this task is to make thereport available to English-reading archaeologists. The author, T. Matsuzawa, subsequent to the writing ofthis report, changed his field of specialization from Andean archaeology.The format required by American Antiquity and certain idiosyncrasies of Japanese language requiredmodifications in the organization and contents of the original report. Specifically, I added an abstract andrewrote the acknowledgments and introduction. Certain redundancies were edited out, and as a result, thesections on excavational procedure and human burials were considerably rewritten and shortened.Several aspects of the report deserve special mention. Normally only a small fraction of a site recorded byarchaeologists during survey is subjected to excavation. Las Haldas, however, has been the locus of 4 distinctexcavations by 4 groups representing 3 nationalities, a fact that underscores its significance. The ar-chaeological history of the site reflects the slow but vital process of information accumulation and self-correction. Perhaps the 1969 operation by the Tokyo University team should be more appropriately regardedas the second stage of a multistage strategy that began with the first Las Haldas Expedition in 1958. Althoughthe text lacks the explicit discussion of sampling technique or research design common in American writing, acareful reading of the original text reveals a basic concern with the development of a productive excavationstrategy and technique. In fact, Matsuzawa emphasizes the necessity for devising an effective field techniqueto counter the adverse field conditions that he encountered at Las Haldas.Discussion of the 7 radiocarbon dates available for Las Haldas cautions against overreliance onradiometric dates. Not only are the notions of accuracy and precision frequently confused, but too much em-phasis is placed on radiocarbon dates in current archaeological thinking. In addition, the major discrepanciesexisting between the 2 sets of dates from 2 laboratories suggest technical inconsistency or inadequacy.The 1969 excavation, due to time limitations, failed to reach the earliest occupations of the site. The presentreport does, however, show that the several stages of architectural changes that shaped the extant templecomplex are ceramic. It is clear that if there is a preceramic component, it is limited in scale.

Analysis of the excavated artifacts and organic remains has not been carried out, and existing cir-cumstances do not suggest an early resolution. This report focuses upon architecture and its chronologicalsignificance. Many common names of fauna and flora used in the original text, however, have been augmentedby information from an earlier study of bird, fish, and mammal remains from Las Haldas kindly supplied byDr. Elizabeth Wing of the Florida State Museum. Actual identification of the remains was made by Dr.Kenneth Campbell and Ms. Kathleen Johnson of the same institution. Some of the fish were identified usingSchweigger (1964).This report offers some promising avenues of future research into the socioeconomic organization of For-mative coastal populations. For example, through appropriate sampling and quantification, the constructiontechnique using totora reed sacks filled with stones from various locations could be studied as materialevidence of "work units" and labor organization (cf. Moseley 1975).

Tsugio Matsuzawa, Nara National Cultural Properties Research Institute, Center for Archaeological Opera-tions, Sakicho, Nara City, Japan 630Izumi Shimada, Department of Anthropology, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08540

652 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


3/23

REPORTS

Lastly,trenchesexcavatedbyF.Engel, he 1958TokyoUniversity eam and RosaJung Fung) re designated'67-FE,58 and'65-RJ, espectively.Manysmall test pits that were excavatedby theseworkers,however,arenot shown on the drawings, which were expertly redrafted by Charles Sternbergof the Arizona StateMuseum.Onlythose photographscrucial to the understandingof the text are reproducedhere.

In 1958, the first Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes, under the direction of thelate Eiichiro Ishida and with the participation of a Peruvian archaeologist, Rosa Jung,conducted asmall-scale excavation at the site of Las Haldas, south of the Casma Valley, Peru (Ishida 1960).Earlier, Frederic Engel (1957) had conducted a number of test excavations at the site and re-garded it as a large preceramic settlement. The principal structures at the site consisted of 6 in-terlinked "terraces," said to corporately represent a stylized jaguar (Engel 1957). In this paper,the terraces as a whole will be referred to as the "temple complex" (cf. Engel 1957). In his subse-quent, more comprehensive, study of the "preceramic temple culture" of coastal Peru, Engel(1964) emphasized the significance of Las Haldas. During his most recent fieldwork at the site in1967, Engel (1970) excavated large trenches and cleared and restored the masonry walls of thetemple complex, which covers an area of about 1 x 1.5 km. As a result, the configuration of theterraces and smaller structural groups surrounding the temple complex was defined. Concurrent-ly, a base map of the site and cross-sectional plan of the temple complex were produced. RosaJung(1969a, 1969b) independently conducted a small-scale excavation at the site as a part of herdissertation research.In recent syntheses of Andean civilization (e.g., Lanning 1967; Moseley 1975; Willey 1971), LasHaldas has been considered one of the major Formative sites on the coast. Lanning (1967:66-67,90-95) and Willey (1971:109) have both characterized the site as large, preceramic Period VIvillage, which evolved into a major ceremonial center during the Initial period. This center isthought to have been sustained by agricultural populations in 2 nearby valleys. Both authorsbelieve the settlement to have been established during the preceramic stage.Seiichi Izumi (Izumi and Sono 1963), who succeeded Ishida as director of the Tokyo UniversityExpedition, perceived the site of Las Haldas as an excellent setting for an investigation into theformational processes of the coastal "preceramic temple culture," to be carried out concurrentlywith the multiyear excavation of the highland Formative site of Kotosh. The latter site was shownto have long occupational continuity from about 2000 + B.C. and a complex socioreligiousorganization centered around temple structures during the later portions of the preceramic stage(i.e., Kotosh Mito phase). Data from both highland and coast were-thought to be essential in testingthe hypothesis advanced by Julio Tello (1960) on the formation of the Chavin culture, "la culturamatriz," of Andean civilization.Based on these research interests and perspectives, the Fifth Tokyo University Expedition tothe Andes in 1969 included a 3-person team charged with intensive excavation of Las Haldas. Thegroup consisted of 3 archaeologists, Tsuigo Matsuzawa, Takeshi Umeno, and Takura Izumi. Twophysical anthropologists, Tamotsu Ogata and Hilda Vidal, analyzed the human burials en-countered during the course of the 1969 excavation.The present report is based upon the results of the 1969 fieldwork, which spanned a period of2 1/2 months, and on preliminary analysis of artifacts and organic remains. The artifacts andorganic materials still await complete description and analysis. The report presents the specificresearch problems to which we addressed ourselves and the field strategy and its implementa-tion, and discusses the stratigraphies and various structural remains we observed, theirchronological significance, the human burials, and a series of C-14 dates we obtained. The finalsection of the report discusses the cultural significance of architecture at the site, the organicmaterials recovered, and probable socioeconomic links between the Las Haldas and CasmaValley populations.

653


4/23

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

PREEXCAVATIONOBSERVATIONS AND SPECIFICRESEARCHINTERESTSEven a superficial survey of the site makes clear that archaeological remains densely cover asmall hill situated near a cliff facing the Pacific Ocean. The remains consist mainly of numerous

basurales, or refuse mounds, distributed within an area of about 2 km2. The site was long oc-cupied by people who intensively exploited abundant marine resources, principally shellfish andfish. The quantity of marine products procured for in situ consumption and exportation, even inlight of the considerable duration of occupation, is simply impressive. The site overlooks an ir-regular coast line formed by sandy and rocky beaches, which presents an isolated appearanceamong a line of coastal deserts (Figs. 1-3).

Figure 1. Las Haldas and its environmentalsetting (phototaken on a hill 800 m from the site).It became evident from the extent and complexity of architectural patterns created by the tem-

ple complex and the surrounding structural groups that the architectural remains as a wholewere not a product of contemporaneous construction. In fact, delineation of the extent and con-figuration of a given coterminous construction would be a difficult task. Given our limitations ontime and manpower, a broad-spectrum investigation of this complex and extensive site appearedunfeasible, even if we adopted the strategy of excavating widely dispersed small test pits. Webelieved, however, that the extensive excavation and clearing conducted by F. Engel in 1967 hadserved to clarify the broader architectural configuration.Thus our 1969 field operation focused upon intensive examination of specific problems andlimited areas of the site. As our primary objective was to define the construction date of the tem-ple complex, elucidation of structural and chronological relationships between Terraces III andIV became the major task of our fieldwork. As is apparent in Figure 4, these 2 terraces form themajor section of the temple complex, and their dating is essential in chronological placement ofthe temple within the total occupation span of the site.The terrace designation used here follows that first employed by Engel (1957). However, the18-m wide terrace that bridges Terraces III and IV has been newly designated as the Terrace IIIExtension (Fig. 5). Engel's excavation did not include the crucial transitional zone between theTerrace IIIExtension and Terrace IV, and the Tokyo University team and Rosa Jungexcavated on-ly isolated trenches '58-Pl and '65-RJ1,respectively, in that zone. Clearly we needed a trench link-ing the entire span of Terraces III and IV, as earlier excavations had failed to produce a unifiedstratigraphic picture of Terraces III, III Extension, and IV.The masonry wall (P1W-1) exposed by '58-Pl is inferred to have been the boundary wall be-tween Terraces III and IV. Although the wall stands 1.2 m high today, considering the quantity ofassociated rubble, we estimate an original height of about 2 to 2.25 m. Following the precedingdiscussion, if these terraces formed a part of a functional entity, there must have been a stairwayor ramp to facilitate movement between them. The placement of '58-Pl and '67-RJ1was apparent-ly not dictated by such a consideration. Furthermore, the position of the inferred stairway orramp would most likely have been along the central axis of the temple complex.

654 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


5/23

REPORTS 655

_ 0 _ )

I-

--_ -- ---- LARAMITA

_ ^ ---PACIFIC-1 CFIOCEAAN N

t i t t i _ _ _ _ '

D -,o

0 1000Figure2. Topographyof LasHaldas and surroundingarea.

As the extent and total configuration of Terraces I, II, V, and VI remained uncertain, the cen-tral axis of the temple complex could not be drawn with certainty. The axis was therefore derivedby extending the center line of the circular semisubterranean or sunken court in Terrace IV thatwas partially cleared by Engel in 1967.A major question arose following inspection of '58-P1. In 1958 the area north of masonry wallP1W-1 was excavated through the floor associated with the wall. Much of the exposed deposit lay


6/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

Figure 3. Temple complex, Las Haldas.

below the floor and significantly extended under the wall toward the Terrace III Extension, a factessential in reassessing the date of the temple.METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS AND EXCAVATIONAL PROCEDURE

Attendant to specification of research interests and goals is formulation of an appropriate fieldmethodology within the logistical constraints. In addition to trenches intended to establish the

656 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


7/23

REPORTS

TERRACE 3

TERRACE IS

m

Io3

0Figure 4. Distribution of Trenches and Terraces Mland IV.

50

657


8/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

Figure5. The Terrace m Extension(center)and circular sunken court (foreground), ookingsouth.chronology of the temple complex, a number of other trenches were excavated for specific pur-poses to be described later (see Fig. 4). Various sampling and related interpretive problems mustbe anticipated when dealing with a site of this magnitude. Even a trench that appears promisingmay yield results of unknown biases.Extension of the line connecting the 2 midpoints of the south and north stairs of the sunkencourt within Terrace IV served as the longitudinal axis of the temple complex. Seven 2 m by 10 mtrenches were contiguously laid along the eastern side of this axis. The following section brieflysummarizes the excavation of important trenches.An unexpected field problem arose soon after excavation commenced. Winds from the sealifted fine dust, creating whirlwinds within the trench and significantly affecting our field tech-nique. We had originally intended to conduct a highly controlled excavation designed to facilitatemicrostratigraphic observations, including differentiation of the "lenses" characteristic ofbasurales. Field conditions forced us to adopt a compromise solution in the form of excavation byartificial layers. Accordingly, the precision of our excavations fell. Excavated materials fromeach layer were transported elsewhere for examination and screening. Profiles presented hereshould be regarded as an approximation of the real stratigraphy.Trench '69-A was intended to clarify the nature of linkage between the Terrace III Extensionand Terrace IV. Because we believed the stratigraphic correspondence established earlier, onthe basis of '58-Pl, was incorrect, Trench A was tripartitioned to facilitate precise stratigraphicobservation. Below a basically homogeneous deposit rich in ash, charcoal, and organic material,we encountered a stairway (designated A St-1) as predicted. The floor surface associated with thestairway extended into Trench '69-B and was nearly exposed on the surface. Investigation of thesubfloor stratigraphy thus became the primary objective of '69-B (Figs. 6 and 8). The subfloordeposit as a whole was composed of interdigitated lenses rich in the remains of terrestrial shells,sea urchins, mussels, mollusks, and seaweeds. A masonry wall remnant, BW-3, was exposed inthe trench.Trench '69-C (Figs. 8 and 9) clarified the outer wall and upper floor surfaces of the sunkencourt, while Trench '69-D defined the relationship between Terraces III and III Extension. Thehard floor surface identified earlier in adjacent Trench A extended southward toward Trench D,where walls DW-1 to 3 occurred (Figs. 6 and 7). The walls were built directly on the floor surfacewhich, in turn, overlay a brown soil layer containing totora bags filled with stones. In otherwords, walls DW-1 to 3 as well as the stairway (A St-1) were underlain by the same artificial fill.This layer of totora bag stone fill was underlain by a dark brown stratum, a fact which proved tobe essential in chronological placement of the structures in the transitional zone between the Ter-race III Extension and Terrace IV.Trench '69-E (Figs. 10 and 11) occupied the northern perimeter of Terrace III, an area of ag-glutinated habitational structures. We exposed a masonry wall, EW-2, on top of which were 2hearths (EFp-1 and 2; Fig. 11) filled with carbonized material. Their broader architectural contextis unclear, and they could not be related to structures EW-1 and 6 exposed earlier by F. Engel.

658 [Vol. 43, No. 4,19781


9/23

REPORTS

'69-B

TERRACE IV

i'65-RJI

TERRACE

' .

IIIEX

cr-) cII c

i C-'c )%) 0

6C) )"ITr

-->--vs (>r~~y,.Q. 2;..... 69-EExE

'69-EESt-I

Figure 6. Trenches and structures, Terrace mnExtension.

Masonry walls EW-2, 3, 5, and 6 and their associated floors combined to form 5 rooms (ER-1to 5)superimposed to form 3 layers.

Subflooring in Trench E revealed a well-preserved plastered stairway (E St-1) of 6 steps (Fig.11), overlain by a hard layer with rock inclusions and a layer of black soil. Subflooring of roomER-5 showed that the foundation of the masonry walls (EW-2 and 3) lay well above the floor andrevealed a black soil layer and a floor associated with a single course of stones. This black soillayer is believed to be an extension of the layer covering the stairway, E St-1. The single course ofstones may well be the first step of E St-1, but this possibility was not resolved.

659


10/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

Eo> E0)

I

DN N

i I1

& G

Figure 7. East face of Trenches '69-A and D.

Trench '69-F (Figs. 10 and 11) spanned a circular depression near the northern end of TerraceIII. Although anticipated structures were within the depression, excavation failed to provide anyclue as to the cause of the depression. The deposits encountered were mainly composed of thediscontinuous lenses peculiar to basurales. On the other hand, the Trench F Extension encom-passed a small, roomlike structure (FR-1)defined by single course stone walls associated with a

660 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


11/23

658-PI

69-C

_c I / - o I^w

_ _ '69-G

Figure 8 - fcf--

Figure 8. West face of Trenches '69-B, C and G, 58-P1.

I69-B (

Ck


12/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

m0 50 5

Figure 9. Circular sunken court and trenches, Terrace IV.

poorly finished floor about 10 cm below the surface and a firepit that contained carbonizedTilandsia. Similar small-scale, roomlike constructions extended farther east.Trench '69-G (Figs. 8, 9, and 12) spanned the lower stairway and inferred basal floor level ofthe sunken court. No plastered floor surface was identified. Trench '69-H (Fig. 9) was set up in theeastern half of the sunken court to obtain an east-west profile across the basal floor. The clearingoperation conducted within the sunken court by F. Engel in 1967 had shown that the court had 2levels. Remnants of these terrace walls were buried by rubble from the upper sections of theoriginal walls, which were, in turn, covered by silt and sand laminations identical to those inTrench G. The rubble was a single homogeneous mass, probably deposited within a short timespan, while the laminations represent a series of recurring precipitations over a long time span.Trench P (Fig. 10) cut through basurales in Terrace III and encountered 2 wall segments atdepths of about 1 m and 2 m, respectively. Their structural relationships to other walls withinTerrace IIIremains unknown. Adjacent Trench Q (Fig. 10) reached a depth of 3.3 m below the sur-face, cutting through deposits largely composed of shell refuse.

662 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


13/23

REPORTS

m \~omI0 5I I0 5

Figure 10. Trenches and structures, northeastern part of Terrace III.

BURIALS

During the clearing operation in the southeast quarter of the sunken court, a human burialdesignated ITm-2 (Fig. 9) was encountered. The body has been placed semiflexed in a fetal posi-tion. According to Tamotsu Ogata, the physical anthropologist, the individual was a mature malewith an extremely low cephalic index, indicating artificial skull deformation. Using the Pearsonformulae, he estimated height to have been about 1.6 m.Funerary offerings were limited in number and low in quality. They included a comb, a juncoreed basket containing a small gourd, 2 gourd vessels, and a narrow wooden stick 1.15 m long.None of these artifacts served for comparative dating.Careful evaluation of the burial context indicated that it was not contemporaneous withprimary occupation of the sunken court. Significantly, no outline of the burial pit, which measured20 to 30 cm in depth and 60 to 80 cm in length, was recognized during our earlier clearing opera-tion. The roof of the cavity was formed by randomly stacked stones solidified by white clay, amatrix identical to the surrounding rubble. In addition, the associated gourd partially covered bya woven basket and the cloth that apparently had wrapped the body were underlain by the samerubble accumulation. In other words, the burial dates to a period when the sunken court was no

663


14/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

ELO i

I5)UJ

I

I

I

I

I

E

[Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]

laa

co

Ca

wco00

a._u

00

:1c)

r,

E0L

664

e I1

IU.0430

I

I

.IJII

IIIII

) p II

IIIIIIIIIIII

II-I


15/23

REPORTS

Figure 12. Sunken court after the 1969 excavation.

longer actively maintained and deterioration had already set in. Although the cloth wrappingpointed to some care, the general condition of the burial suggested that the body was simply laidon the ground and not buried. Formation of the cavity may be accounted for by consolidation ofrubble, coupled with shrinkage of the body and decay of the wrappings.Similarly, a test pit near the center of the basal floor of the sunken court in 1958 ('58-P2)yieldedhuman bones (P2 Tm-1). No detailed record of the burial context was made. A segment of an in-trusive pit outline was, however, recognized in the profile of a pit excavated at the center of thecourt in 1969. Considering the proximity of the intrusive pit to the locus where human bones werediscovered in 1958, the bones may well have belonged to a burial interred in the pit. The pit had awidth of approximately 1 m and a depth of 80 cm. It had been dug into the basural that served asthe construction fill for the basal floor. The top of the pit, however, lay slightly below the unevenfloor surface, suggesting that the pit was dug during occupation of the semisubterranean court.

STRATIGRAPHICCOMPARISON AND CORRELATIONThe above excavation results can be organized to show the gradual transformation of the tem-ple complex through several construction stages. In areas covered by Trench F, the present-daysurface roughly corresponds to the floor associated with primary occupation of Terrace III.Significantly, all 19 artificial layers distinguished within the Terrace III basural yielded potterysherds. Although a wall remnant is known from the lowest layer, from Trenches F, P and Q, thelimited scale of our excavation precluded determination of the nature of association between thewall and pottery. Architectural remains found on the surface of Trench F Extension were notdirectly related to the construction and primary occupation of Terrace III.In Trench E, there were 2 major constructions representing 2 periods: (1) the 2 hearths and thedomestic structures located farther north and (2) the sustaining wall of Terrace III, which in-cluded the buried stairway, E St-1. The deposits underlying the 2 major constructions represent 2additional time periods, the lower of which remains largely unknown.Trench D encountered walls built on the upper few layers and an underlying plastered floorthat could be traced to contiguous Trenches A and B and was coterminous with Stairway A St-1.The foundation of this floor consisted of stone fill. Although deposits underlying the floor inTrench B have not been adequately studied, some structural remains were noted. The floor was

overlain by a thick deposit of dark, stained refuse rich in cultural and organic materials.In Trench C, the top layer corresponded to the floor surface of Terrace IVand to the upper ter-race wall of the circular sunken court. Immediately below the floor lay small-scale constructions

665


16/23

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

TERRACE mF/3 1200

410 B.C.

F/15 1650 I

Figure 13. Stratigraphic contexts of C14 samples.

which, in turn, were underlain by a thick refuse deposit. The nature of the deposit is poorlyunderstood. Although we did not excavate below the basal floor of the sunken court in Trench G,'58-P2 revealed the existence of a subfloor basural.In sum, we have a picture of the gradual transformation of the northern margin of Terrace III.The transformation may be seen in terms of 3 stages. During the first period, the stairway andassociated entry were in active use. This was followed by the period during which the Terrace IIIExtension was built. The third stage was the period of occupation of small, roomlike domesticstructures along with closing of the terrace entry. We cannot outline at this moment, however, thecorresponding changes within Terrace IV. Undoubtedly, the lower reaches of Trenches A, D, andE as the subfloor of the semisubterranean court must be examined in the future.

C-14 DATESA total of 5 samples were taken from various contexts within the temple complex (Fig. 13) andsubmitted to the Tokyo University and Gakushuin University for radiometric determination. Thesedates were supplemented by 2 dates obtained from samples taken during the 1958 excavation

(Pits No. 3 and 6; Ishida 1960:518-519). The latter set produced dates of 2690 ? 150 B.P. or 730B.C. (Sample '58-P1/3, Gak-606) and 3590 + 130 B.P. or 1630 B.C. (Sample '58-P1/6, Gak-607). In

Table 1. C-14 Dates (Uncorrected) in Respect to the Tripartite Relative Chronology of the Temple Complex.

Gakushuin laboratory Tokyo University laboratoryTrench Trench Trench Trench TrenchChronology F P1 D A B

Posttemple con- (1) Pit 1/No. 3 (3) LH-Aa/2struction (secon- 2690 + 150 2360 ? 90dary occupation) (730 BC) (410 BC)Temple construction (2) Pit 1/No. 6 (4) LH-D/4(primary occupation) 3590 ? 130 2520 ? 60(1630 BC) (570 BC)Pretemple construc- (6) F/3 (5) LH-BEX/9tion/occupation 3150 ? 90 2590 ? 80(1200 BC) (640 BC)

(7) F/153600 ? 95(1650 BC)

TERRACE t2

666 [Vol.43, No.4,1978]


17/23

REPORTS

Table 1, the 7 dates are arranged in respect to the tripartite relative chronology of the templecomplex discussed earlier.Even a superficial glance at Table 1 clearly reveals the contradictions that exist. The mostnotable discrepancy exists between the 2 samples taken from totora or cattail grass sacks thathad been filled with stones and used as foundation fill for Terrace III. A difference of over 1000years (1630 B.C. vs. 570 B.C.) is simply too large for samples taken from the same substance occur-ring in what appeared to be a homogeneous matrix. Even if we allow 3 standard deviations foreach date, a difference of 500 years still remains. Significantly, the 1958 date of 1630 B.C. formedthe major supportive evidence for the interpretation that the temple complex belonged to thepreceramic stage. However, as noted earlier, the results of the 1969 fieldwork show that despitethe C-14 dates, stratigraphically the temple complex cannot be considered preceramic.The depositions that preceded the temple construction are similarly characterized by divergentdates of 640 B.C. for Layer 9 in the Trench B Extension and 1200 B.C. and 1650 B.C. for Layers 3and 15 of Trench F. As seen in Figure 9, the contexts from which samples F/3 (1200 B.C.)and F/15(1650 B.C.)were taken have similar horizontal coordinates but differ in respect to depth. In otherwords, a time difference of 450 years between Layers 3 and 15 is indicated. Although the degreeand nature of stratigraphic correspondence between the sampling contexts in Trenches B Exten-sion and F have not been determined, both contexts produced quite similar pottery, which led usto expect similar dates. A difference of 560 years between F/3 and BEX/9 is well over our expecta-tions.

The posttemple construction dates, once again, manifest a major discrepency of 320 years be-tween Samples Aa/2 and P1/3. Although stratigraphic designations differ between Trench '69-A(Segment Aa) and Trench P1 (dug in 1958), these nearly contiguous trenches (Fig. 6) cut throughthe same basural formation that overlay the stairway (A St-1). Sample Aa/2 was derived from acontext 30 to 60 cm below the surface, while P1/3 sample came from a depth of about 40 to 60 cmbelow the surface. Because of the spatial proximity and homogeneity of the basural formation, wehad anticipated similar dates.It should be noted that these significant discrepancies exist between samples processed by 2different institutions.Despite the internal inconsistencies, at a general level the dates from Las Haldas may be com-pared with those from other Formative sites in the Andes. Among the coastal sites belonging to theChavin period, the closest to Las Haldas is the site of Cerro Sechin in the Casma Valley. Concur-rent to our investigation at Las Haldas, excavation and restoration of the Sechin site was con-ducted by Peruvian archaeologists. Charcoal samples were secured from floors identified outsideof the carved stone wall that defined the perimeter of the platform of the principal temple. Thesamples were processed at the Tokyo University and yielded dates of 770 =t 60 B.C. (TK-106)forthe fourth layer sample and 990 ? 120 B.C. (TK-107) for the fifth layer.From the highland site of Chavin de Huantar, a series of radiocarbon dates available include

420 B.C. (Sample V 2481, Gif-1007) and 780 B.C. (Sample V 2482, Gif-1078) (Delibrias et al.1971:225), which are in general agreement with the current consensus on the chronology of theChavin culture. However, a charcoal sample taken from a context in direct association withClassic Chavin pottery in the basement of the Chavin de Huantar temple produced a somewhatolder date of 850 B.C. (TK-18). The Chavin phase at the site of Kotosh near Huanuco had evenolder dates of 870 B.C. (N-65-2) and 1200 B.C. (Gak-263). On the other hand, the preceding KotoshKotosh phase had 3 radiocarbon dates of 890 B.C. (N-67-2), 920 B.C. (N-66-a), and 1120 B.C.(Gak-261). In general the pottery from Las Haldas strongly resembles that of the Kotosh KotoshPhase. Dates from Samples 5 to 7, taken from the pretemple construction deposits at Las Haldas,suggest a time period similar to that of the Kotosh phase. The 1630 B.C. date (Sample 2 from Pit 1,excavated in 1958) has been used in the past as indicative of the preceramic date of the templeconstruction. As noted earlier, the 1969 fieldwork did not yield any evidence that substantiatesthis view. Finally, dates of 1950 B.C. to 1170 B.C. have been assigned to the preceramic KotoshMito phase, while F. Engel (1963:10) obtained a date of 1840 B.C. ? 100 for preceramic Rio Secosites on the Central Coast.

667


18/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

DISCUSSION AND INTERPRETATIONOF THE DATARelative Chronology

The problems surrounding the growth of the site and its long occupation are complex and inter-related. As a framework for the discussion, I suggest a 4-phase relative chronology. The "Initial"phase refers to the postulated preceramic occupation of the site, while the following "Early"phase designates the time span of the basural formation which constitutes the base of the templecomplex. The latter ceramic phase is characterized by construction of small-scale permanentstructures. The "Middle" phase is the period of temple construction and primary occupation. The"Late" witnesses compartmentalization of the original temple into a number of small habitationalunits and secondary occupation. This last phase marks a major change in temple domain and cor-responds to the time of basural formation that covers A St-1 (Figs. 6 and 7). Further temporal sub-division and detailed characterization are postponed until completion of artifact analysis and fullpublication of F. Engel's work.Although a detailed socioeconomic reconstruction of the continuous occupation of Las Haldasis inappropriate at this moment, we may productively consider a number of issues with variousramifications for future studies of coastal Formative settlements.Subsistence Logistics

A major problem for the continuoupasccupation of Las Haldas would have been the procure-ment of water. Despite some local opinions arguing for the existence of a nearby spring, none hasbeen located. If there has been no major climatic change since establishment of the site, naturalprecipitation alone could not have been the source of fresh water. During the 1969 fieldwork, ourdrinking water was transported daily from the town of Casma some 30 km north of the site. Out-side of regular importation of water, a possible climatic change or seasonal occupation must beconsidered.Related to the above problem is the nature of food procurement. Abundant seafood remains andproximity to the Pacific Ocean indicate subsistence based upon intensive exploitation of marineresources. In this respect, determining the number and proportion of specialists involved in food

acquisition and distribution to other segments of the population at the site becomes a major futuretask. Aside from abundant organic refuse, our excavation recovered a variety of artifactsdocumenting a maritime economy, including a shellfish hook assigned to an Early phase basuraland a metal hook from a Late phase basural. Various fishnets, with different mesh sizes,demonstrate a high degree of technical sophistication in weaving. Weights for nets include un-modified and grooved stones, the latter offering greater security. The artifacts suggestcooperative activities and the use of boats. Bottle gourds were probably used as floats for certainfishnets.Two masonry hearths were identified in a cluster of habitational structures corresponding tothe Late phase occupation. In addition, cana brava (cane) sticks with scorched grooves recoveredfrom the same phase basural were probably used to light fires. Furthermore, the large quantity ofcarbonized Tilandsia recovered from our excavation suggests that dehydrated Tilandsia con-stituted a major source of fuel at the site.In respect to lithic implements, only crude percussion tools have been recovered. No points orarrowheads for hunting have been discovered. On the other hand, wooden implements of uniden-tifiable function, a number of gourd vessels, and various ceramic vessels including neckless jars,short-neck jars, and long-neck jars with graphite decorations were recovered from the Earlyphase basurales. However, only a handful of sherds are known from the Late phase basurales.Despite the marked differences in their artifact content, both Early and Late phase basurales aremainly composed of marine remains, such as quantities of seaweed, various mollusks from sandybeaches, inedible oliva shells, mussels (Mytilus), and chanques (a large gastropod known as Con-cholepas concholepas or Concholepas peruanus) that are found in a rocky littoral environment. Inaddition, remains of crab, sea urchin, and various mollusks associated with seaweed, as well as

668 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


19/23

REPORTS

diverse fish, sea bird, and mammal bones are the other major constituents of the basurales. Smalland large, shallow- and deep-water fishes are represented, attesting to intense, sophisticatedmaritime activity. Fish remains include gray shark (Carcharinidae), hammerhead shark (Sphyr-nidae, Sphyrna sp.), sardine (Clupeidae, Sardinops cf. sagax), hake (Merluccius cf. gayi), pampano(Carangidae. cf. Seriolella sp., Trachurus cf. symmetricus, Oligoplites sp.), grunt (Pomadasyidae,Anisotremus sp.), drum (Sciaenidae, Paralonchurus sp., Menticirrhus sp.), wrasse (Pimelometoponsp.), mackerel (Scombridae), mullet (Mugilidae), and halibut (Bothidae, Paralicthys sp.).Birds identified so far include guanay cormorants (Phalacorax bougainvilli), pelicans(Pelecanus erythrorhynchus, Pelecanoides cf. garnotii), boobies (Sula sp.), puffins (Puffinus sp.),gulls, and sandpipers (Scolopacidae), while sea mammals such as seals and sea otters (Lutrafelina) were also exploited. In some localities, large concentrations of land snail remains were ex-cavated. The only land mammal thus far identified is Canis or Dusicyon.Intersite Economic Interactions

Although a long inventory of marine resources is expected from any coastal settlement with amaritime economy, the presence of agricultural produce requires careful consideration. While incomparison with marine products the quantity of cultigens represented at the site is small, theirvariety is quite large, encompassing corn, cotton, avocado, lucuma, common bean, squash, andgourd. In addition, cania brava (cane) and grama grass have been identified.The presence of these cultigens gives rise to significant questions as to the location of their pro-duction and the past climatic conditions. Some argue that there was formerly a more humidclimate on the coast (e.g., Lanning 1963); if the coastal climate has been substantially the same forthe past several millennia, how could Las Haldas have been established and continuously oc-cupied? This question is directly related to the nature of occupation at Las Haldas and of its rela-tionship with inland populations.Corn remains from the site all come from the Late phase basurales; none has yet beendiscovered from the Early phase basurales. Significantly, the corn is represented solely bykernels; no remains of leaves or stalks have yet been identified. Although this fact argues forpossible importation from elsewhere, the possibility of local cultivation should not be ignored.We will proceed in our evaluation of Las Haldas with the premise that cultigens such as corn,beans, squash, cana brava, and gourd were grown in the Casma Valley for food, constructionmaterial, and floats and transported to Las Haldas. The importation of agricultural produce wasprobably a 2-way economic transaction involving exportation of marine products. Inlandtransportation of the marine products may have been facilitated by weight reduction throughdehydration by sun or fire. The closest inland Formative site in Casma Valley is Chankillo (Fig.14), 20 km away by straight line distance. Translated into walking time, the distance wouldamount to approximately 5 hours at a casual pace. However, considering the nonlinear routes tothe Casma Valley and the relatively rapid pace of the modern highlanders, the above estimate canonly serve as a gross measure of travel involved in the postulated economic interactions.Another line of evidence in support of this hypothesized linkage between Las Haldas and theCasma Valley populations is the longitudinal alignment of the temple complex and terraces at LasHaldas. From the top of the temple looking northwest along the major alignment of the terraces,one sees stone lines that seem an extension of this very alignment. The width between the stonelines approximately matches that of the temple. Field examination of the lines revealed that,although they are not as distinctive as stone walls, they clearly continue intermittently toward awhite sand hill with a light growth of Tilandsia some distance away. The hill is situated between 2mountains which merge into adjacent higher peaks. The coastal mountain is known as CerroMongon, and deer are still said to be found there. The hill is located in a break between 2 con-trasting environments.

Significantly, the same sand hill is clearly visible on the horizon from the inland site ofChankillo as one looks toward Las Haldas. Chankillo is characterized by masonry constructionand has been described as a Chavin period "fortress" (Tello 1956:68-71). The locations of Las

669


20/23

AMERICAN NTIQUITY

Figure 14. Las Haldas and other nearby Formative sites.

Haldas and Chankillo in respect to the sand hill seem symbolic of the postulated linkage betweenthese 2 sites.Ethnographically, the people of San Marco, situated 8 km downstream from the famed site ofChavin de Juantar, herd their llamas loaded with various highland products across the CordilleraBlanca and Negra in order to reach the town of Casma, where they purchase marine products andother materials unavailable in the highlands (Artemio Trujillo, personal communication). The trip

spans a straight line distance of over 80 km; the roundtrip is said to consume 6 days on foot. Thesettlement of Casma is situated several kilometers inland from the Pacific coast; Las Haldas isstrategically located right at the edge of the coast and has easy access to abundant marineresources which could have been subsequently distributed to the inland populations.On the other hand, various Middle Formative (Chavin period) settlements within the CasmaValley (Tello 1956) such as Cerro Sechin, Sechin Alto, and Moxeke, in addition to the aforemen-tioned Chankillo, are situated in areas with direct access to a large expanse of fertile valley bot-tom land for large-scale cultivation of corn and other staples. In the upper Casma Valley, 50 km in-land along the Casma River, lies the Chavin period site of Pallka (Tello 1956). It occupies a valley-neck position where the valley suddenly narrows as it approaches Cordillera Negra. Here again,a variety of marine shells were recovered.As material evidence of highland-coast linkage, pendants made from oliva shell (Olivela) and"knives" and "spoons" made from mussel shell (Mytilus) were recovered from the preceramicKotosh phase and first ceramic phase of Waira-jirca at Kotosh (Izumi and Sono 1963; Izumi andTerada 1972), respectively. Although interchanges in the form of either barter or trade must beentertained, the inhabitants of Las Haldas appear to have been primarily full-time fishermen, whoperhaps maintained their families and communal ties in the Casma Valley.

670 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


21/23

REPORTS

ArchitectureIn general, the architectural remains uncovered in the Early phase basurales are small in scale.Their overall layout or plan, as well as their relationship to the temple construction, remainslargely unknown. Whether the principal temple is the result of a single construction episodewithin the Middle phase or not remains questionable, but a series of partial expansions and con-solidations during the phase can be recognized. The construction materials are stone and mud.Wall stones were quarried at 2 locations: on the south side of the natural outcrop upon which Ter-races I to III were built and near the seashore. Masonry walls were constructed of large stonesshaped out of blocks that break along their joints and smaller split stones. "Mortar" betweenstones was a clay-based whitish mud, apparently formed by mixing clay and sea water; althoughit has not been subjected to detailed analysis, its distinctively salty taste attests to this interpreta-tion. This mixture solidifies to a hardness that is difficult to penetrate even with a heavy pick. Atleast some wall faces were plastered with this same substance.As I have already mentioned, loosely netted totora sacks filled with crushed stones were usedas backing for the retaining walls for enlarged sections of Terrace III. Sacks in different locationssometimes contain different rocks (Fig. 15). We recognized examples of these different stones inthe desert surrounding the site, suggesting purposeful transportation for specific constructions.During excavation of the temple stairs and the rubble overlying the human burial in the cir-cular semisubterranean court, we noticed certain peculiarities in the collapse of the associatedstone walls. The mortar between fallen wall stones was solidified and appeared to have retainedits original bond, creating a false impression of a bona fide wall. This effect was best illustrated inthe '69-H sectional profile. Rubble from the wall collapse is densely concentrated within atriangular area lying about 1.8 m above the lower floor along the lower terrace wall. Above thisrubble accumulation is a zone of alternating layers of fine silt and somewhat coarser sand. Thefan-shaped rubble seems to be the product of a rapid, single-period deposition, and the overlying

-t. -- - V.:;X..-i/

--1E O0-4;.S'

Figure 15. Stone-filled totora reed sacks.

671


22/23

AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

lamination to be the result of long-term, gradual deposition by water. I postulate a sudden, torren-tial rainfall and attendant erosion as the underlying cause of the observed rubble accumulation.Bonding effected by salt water would be susceptible to weakening by humidity. Thus, large-scale,single period destruction of the architecture can be argued. A return to the normal arid climatewould also assure dehydration and concomitant solidification of the mortar weakened earlier bywater.Some masonry walls of the Early phase structures exposed in the basurales exceed 1 m inheight. In contrast, most stone walls of Late phase structures stand no more than 1 or 2 coursesHigh. Information pertaining to the roofing and other upper portions of these structures is lacking.How should the circular semisubterranean court in Terrace IV be functionally characterized?In spite of its obvious functional relationships with the adjoining terraces, our investigation hasnot advanced far enough to adequately deal with the question of its role. Although the humanburial discovered during the 1969 field season postdates occupation of the sunken court, theburial found in the 1958 test pit near the center of the court is contemporaneous with occupationof the court. The occurrence of the burial must be accounted for in any functional characteriza-tion of the semisubterranean court. There is the distinct possibility of more human burials withinthe court.At the Chavin de Huantar, which has been under investigation since 1966 (Lumbreras 1971), acircular sunken court was discovered in front of the main temples that houses the Lanzon statue.The sharing of this architectural feature by 2iteturaleates is significant and suggests it was the setting forsome kind of widespread religious ritual.The temple complex is a large-scale construction, measuring 60 m wide by 600 m long. Variousquestions arise as to the nature and size of the labor force and the leadership involved in con-struction. Do the size and complexity of the project necessarily imply a large number of fishermenand farmers as laborers (cf. Terada 1967:109)? Similarly, does the temple construction imply theexistence of powerful priests who presumably organized and directed the large labor force ofspecial personnel who served as architects as well as religious leaders?The preceding discussion touches upon only a few questions relevant to a characterization ofthe function and nature of the occupation at Las Haldas. We need to proceed with furthercharacterizations based on the premise that there were definite social and economic links be-tween Las Haldas and the Casma Valley populations.

CONCLUSIONSOur 1969 fieldwork at Las Haldas, despite small scale and limited research interests, has wideand important ramifications. The complexity of occupation, the physical dimensions of the site,and our limited sampling may have produced a biased picture of the site. A fuller reconstruction

of the lifeway of the prehistoric inhabitants of Las Haldas, however, calls for more comprehen-sive research. Concomitantly, there is a dire need for more intensive, problem-oriented ap-proaches. Field research based on simple, superficial clearing of rubble and/or small-scale testpit excavation is far from adequate for the achievement of our goals. In addition, there is a need todevelop new field techniques to improve the recording of excavational progress and an overallorganizational framework for field operations.

Acknowledgments. We wish to note our indebtedness to our late director, Seiichi Izumi, who gave us the op-portunity to carry out fieldwork at Las Haldas and without whose guidance and stimulation this project wouldnot have succeeded. In addition, Frederic Engel kindly provided us with a copy of his base map of Las Haldas(scale 1:750) and a cross-sectional profile of the longitudinal axis of the temple complex (scale 1:200). Figure 1is a 1:1000 scale map with 10 m intervals, based on the topographic map of the 4 km2area produced by theAsia Air Survey Co., Ltd. Lastly, we wish to thank the people of Casma for their support and cooperation andto express our deepest condolences for the 1970 earthquake which affected many personally known to us.This report is dedicated to the people of Casma.

672 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]


23/23

REPORTSEPORTS

REFERENCESCITEDDelibrias, G., M.T. Guillier, and J. Labeyrie.1971 Gif natural radiocarbon measurements VI. Radiocarbon 13:213-254.Engel, Frederic Andre1957 Sites et establissements sans ceramique de la cote Peruvienne. Journalde la Societe des AmericanistsXLIV:67-155.1963 A preceramic settlement on the Central Coast of Peru: Asia, Unit I. Transactions of the AmericanPhilosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 53, Part 3. Philadelphia.1964 El preceramico sin algodon en la costa del Periu.Actas y Memorias del XXXV Congreso Internacionalde Americanistas 3:141-152.1970 Las lomas de Iguanil y el complejo de Haldas. Universidad Nacional Agraria, La Molina, Lima.Ishida, Eiichiro (Editor)1960 Andes I: report of the Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes in 1958. Bijutsu-shuppansha, Tokyo.Izumi, Seiichi, and Toshihiko Sono (Editors)1963 Andes II: excavation at Kotosh, Peru, 1960. Kadokawa, Tokyo.Izumi, Seiichi, and Kazuo Terada (Editors)1972 Andes IV: excavations at Kotosh, Peru, 1963 and 1966. Tokyo University Press, Tokyo.Jung, Rosa1969a Las Aldas: su ubicacion dentro del proceso historico del Peru antiguo. Dedalo 5:(9-10).1969b Loz anzuelos de concha de las Aldas: un analisis comparativo. Boletin del Seminario de Arqueologia4:29-47. Instituto Riva-Agiiero, Lima.Lanning, Edward P.1963 A pre-agricultural occupation on the Central Coast of Peru. American Antiquity 28:360-371.1967 Peru before the Incas. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.Lumbreras, Luis G.1971 Towards a re-evaluation of Chavin. In Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Chavin, edited by E.P.Benson, pp. 1-28. Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.Moseley, M.E.1975 The maritime foundations of Andean civilization. Cummings, Menlo Park, California.Schweigger, Erwin1964 El litoral peruano. Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal, Lima.Tello, Julio C.1956 Arqueologia del valle de Casma, culturas: Chavin Santa o Huaylas Yunga y sub-Chimu. UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima.1960 La cultura matriz de civilizacion andina, primera parte. Universidad Nacional Mayor de SanMarcos, Lima.Terada, Kazuo1967 Development of ancient cultures on the central Andean coast. Latin American Kenkyu (LatinAmerican Research) 8:101-118. Tokyo.Willey, Gordon R.1971 An introduction to American archaeology, Volume 2: South America. Prentice-Hall, EnglewoodCliffs, New Jersey.

THE PROVENIENCEAND CONTENTS OF THE PORFIRIO DIAZ ANDFERNANDEZ LEALCODICES:SOME NEW DATA AND ANALYSISEva Hunt

The Codices Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal have not been satisfactorily analyzed as to content, nor havetheir origins been explained. New data relevant to their history are presented, establishing a definite Cuicatecorigin and content. They were utilized in a court case (ca. 1562) concerning nobility succession rights.Historical sections contain dates of founding and conquest of Cuicatec towns. Toponymics written inhieroglyphics, in Spanish, and in Cuicatec using the Latin alphabet mark Cuicatec district landscape featuresstill called by the same names. The codices cover approximately 260 years and correlate with a written docu-ment. Where, how, and why the codices were created and mutilated is discussed, and evidence is presentedwhich corrects previous analyses.

REFERENCESCITEDDelibrias, G., M.T. Guillier, and J. Labeyrie.1971 Gif natural radiocarbon measurements VI. Radiocarbon 13:213-254.Engel, Frederic Andre1957 Sites et establissements sans ceramique de la cote Peruvienne. Journalde la Societe des AmericanistsXLIV:67-155.1963 A preceramic settlement on the Central Coast of Peru: Asia, Unit I. Transactions of the AmericanPhilosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 53, Part 3. Philadelphia.1964 El preceramico sin algodon en la costa del Periu.Actas y Memorias del XXXV Congreso Internacionalde Americanistas 3:141-152.1970 Las lomas de Iguanil y el complejo de Haldas. Universidad Nacional Agraria, La Molina, Lima.Ishida, Eiichiro (Editor)1960 Andes I: report of the Tokyo University Scientific Expedition to the Andes in 1958. Bijutsu-shuppansha, Tokyo.Izumi, Seiichi, and Toshihiko Sono (Editors)1963 Andes II: excavation at Kotosh, Peru, 1960. Kadokawa, Tokyo.Izumi, Seiichi, and Kazuo Terada (Editors)1972 Andes IV: excavations at Kotosh, Peru, 1963 and 1966. Tokyo University Press, Tokyo.Jung, Rosa1969a Las Aldas: su ubicacion dentro del proceso historico del Peru antiguo. Dedalo 5:(9-10).1969b Loz anzuelos de concha de las Aldas: un analisis comparativo. Boletin del Seminario de Arqueologia4:29-47. Instituto Riva-Agiiero, Lima.Lanning, Edward P.1963 A pre-agricultural occupation on the Central Coast of Peru. American Antiquity 28:360-371.1967 Peru before the Incas. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.Lumbreras, Luis G.1971 Towards a re-evaluation of Chavin. In Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Chavin, edited by E.P.Benson, pp. 1-28. Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.Moseley, M.E.1975 The maritime foundations of Andean civilization. Cummings, Menlo Park, California.Schweigger, Erwin1964 El litoral peruano. Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal, Lima.Tello, Julio C.1956 Arqueologia del valle de Casma, culturas: Chavin Santa o Huaylas Yunga y sub-Chimu. UniversidadNacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima.1960 La cultura matriz de civilizacion andina, primera parte. Universidad Nacional Mayor de SanMarcos, Lima.Terada, Kazuo1967 Development of ancient cultures on the central Andean coast. Latin American Kenkyu (LatinAmerican Research) 8:101-118. Tokyo.Willey, Gordon R.1971 An introduction to American archaeology, Volume 2: South America. Prentice-Hall, EnglewoodCliffs, New Jersey.

THE PROVENIENCEAND CONTENTS OF THE PORFIRIO DIAZ ANDFERNANDEZ LEALCODICES:SOME NEW DATA AND ANALYSISEva Hunt

The Codices Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal have not been satisfactorily analyzed as to content, nor havetheir origins been explained. New data relevant to their history are presented, establishing a definite Cuicatecorigin and content. They were utilized in a court case (ca. 1562) concerning nobility succession rights.Historical sections contain dates of founding and conquest of Cuicatec towns. Toponymics written inhieroglyphics, in Spanish, and in Cuicatec using the Latin alphabet mark Cuicatec district landscape featuresstill called by the same names. The codices cover approximately 260 years and correlate with a written docu-ment. Where, how, and why the codices were created and mutilated is discussed, and evidence is presentedwhich corrects previous analyses.

Eva Hunt, Department of Anthropology, Boston University, Boston, MA 02215va Hunt, Department of Anthropology, Boston University, Boston, MA 02215

67373

Cronologia de Las Haldas

Documents

Transcript of Cronologia de Las Haldas