Critical Analysis of HSR
Transcript of Critical Analysis of HSR
BRUSSELS – LILLE – LONDON
A Critical Analysis of Spatial Planning for Stations along the High Speed Rail Link
May 2011
Pablo Alejandro Abrecht
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Contents
I. Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 4
II. High Speed Rail Stations - Synergy at the Space of Flows .................................................... 5
III. High Speed Rail Stations along the Cross-channel Link ....................................................... 8
IV. Spatial Planning at the Space of Places .............................................................................. 19
V. Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 28
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 29
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I. Introduction
The rationale behind high-speed rail (HSR) appears to be simple if there is a need for
additional capacity to meet increasing demand, as was the case of the overcrowded railway
between Tokyo and Osaka in Japan (Chen and Hall, 2010). But current European Union (EU)
‘spatial development perspectives’ focusing on Trans-European Transport Networks (TEN-T),
appear to rely more on connectivity and competitiveness than in the economic rationale for
the construction of new HSR (Peyrony, 2011a). As argued by de Rus and Nombela (2007, 4),
“HSR projects are often justified by strategic and political arguments, usually related to
regional development objectives”.
Stations along the HSR link have major spatial planning implications given the potential of this
outstanding infrastructure to attract an influx of inter-metropolitan passengers, new
businesses, urban tourism and varied events, as well as to generate large urban
redevelopment projects which stimulate the modernization of the city centres with new
residential, office, commercial and leisure areas (Ureña et al, 2009).
This critique will first look into the synergy generated around HSR stations and the role of the
EU in promoting HSR, to then briefly focus on the five railway stations along the Brussels-Lille-
London HSR link. The reflection will finally turn to institutional responses and spatial planning
considerations facing the areas around the HSR stations, highlighting implications observed at
the different locations.
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II. High Speed Rail Stations – Synergy at the Space of Flows
Extensive research provides substantial insight on the relation between railway station area
development and urban dynamics, showing that “accessibility improvements and proximity to
railway stations have important impacts on job accessibility, public transport user benefits,
office location attractiveness, and real estate values” (Bruinsma, 2008, 119).
But most importantly, when considering spatial planning implications, HSR stations turn out
to be ‘city gates’ (Garmendia et al, 2008, 250). The picture below (figure 1) shows the project
commissioned by the Belgian Railway Company (SNCB) to Eurostation for Gare du Midi’s ‘gate
to Europe’, envisioning a glass V-shape building connecting the station and the city
(Eurostation, 2011).
Figure 1 – HSR station project for Brussels’ Gare du Midi (Demol, 2011)
As noticeable in Lille, King’s Cross and Stratford, urban redevelopment projects of railway
plots and un-built land in relatively central areas of big cities “can stimulate the
modernization of their city centres with an appropriate mixture of residential, office,
commercial and leisure areas [and] …enable them to better compete for the attraction of
high-level tertiary sector activities” (Ureña et al, 2009, 278). In that same line, the
Department for Transport in the UK supports the Government's strategy for the proposed
second high speed rail line (HS2) from London to the West Midlands which “would enable the
UK’s key urban economies to improve their productivity, attract new businesses, […] access
more directly the economic strength of London and the South East, […] and contribute to
major regeneration programs in Britain’s inner cities” (DFT, 2011).
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Portrayed in sketches below (figure 2), railway stations have the potential to become new
‘city centres’, although as argued by early researchers “transport is a necessary but not
sufficient condition [and] …an auxiliary strategy must be developed to capture the
development opportunities” (Chen and Hall, 2010, 15).
Figure 2 – Functional changes in passenger stations (European Commission, 2010)
On the other hand, Albrechts & Coppens (2003, 215) highlight the concern that “the space of
flow often wipes out and replaces the space of places [and] a new financial and managerial
elite is installed at the cost of the local population”. Additionally, several inconsistencies may
arise in the conception and execution of large-scale and complex developments around HSR
stations, as will be further analyzed in this critique.
Role of the European Union in promoting HSR
The common European market became a key incentive to rethink the competitive positions of
major cities in the European infrastructure networks, and “optimal internal and external
accessibility had become [an] … opportunity for national governments to give their major
urban conurbations a competitive boost” (Vreeker et al in Bruinsma, 2008, 107).
Initially, the EU was mainly charged with economic and social cohesion, although not spatial
planning in specific. With the adoption of a ‘territorial agenda’ in 2007, cohesion policies were
implemented to also address EU spatial development (Peyrony, 2011a). Therefore, the EU
plays a decisive role in the promotion of HSR, since according to the agreed TEN-T, the core
network shall “be multimodal and coherent, spanning the entire Community, be made up of
nodes and links of high strategic importance, and reflect the main long distance/international
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traffic flows” (Peyrony, 2011b). The map below (figure 3) shows the envisioned main
economic integration areas, including linking cities and networks.
Figure 3 – Europe 2030 ‘image’ with economic integration areas, linking cities and networks
(Peyrony, 2011a)
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III. High Speed Rail Stations along the Cross-channel Link
Eurostar is the high speed rail service linking the UK to France and Belgium via the Channel
Tunnel. The link (figure 4) has reduced journey times significantly, with trains from London
reaching Paris and Brussels in less than 2 hours (Eurostar, 2011).
Figure 4 – Eurostar cross-channel route and stations (HS1, 2011)
The five Eurostar HSR stations addressed here have enriching comparison potential given
their different development stages, context, stakeholders and several other particularities.
The table below (figure 5) succinctly highlights key operators and players at these locations.
Figure 5 – Key operators and players in stations along the cross-channel link (Student, 2011)
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As also summarized in table below (figure 6), stations are state-owned and managed in
France by SNCF (Société Nationale de Chemins de Fer Français) and in Belgium by SNCB
(Société Nationale de Chemins de Fer Belges), versus privately owned and managed in
England by HS1 (High Speed 1). HS1 holds the concession from government to operate,
manage and maintain the high-speed railway infrastructure until December 2040, and is the
owner of the stations along the route (HS1, 2011).
Figure 6 – Basic comparison of the five stations and nodes (Student, 2011)
In relation to node development, private investment is a key driver, although partnerships
with government institutions (Stratford) and local authorities (Lille) appear to be crucial for
continued support. Mostly private developer-driven projects like Ebbsfleet Valley
(LandSecurities) and King’s Cross Central (Argent) seem increasingly challenged by uncertainty
and lack of investment, mainly due to the economic recession. As argued by Newman and
Thornley (1995, 239), “it may be the case that competition between European cities is less for
private investment and more for national government and EU funds”.
King’s Cross Central, Euralille, development around Gare du Midi and the newly planned
Stratford City appear to be centred on one of the strongest competitive advantages, given
their valuable transport connections and central city location.
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Gare du Midi in Belgium
Brussels’ Gare du Midi (figures 7 and 8) is centrally located with the very heart of town just 5
minutes away by metro (Eurostar, 2011).
Figures 7 & 8 – HSR Gare du Midi and transport connectivity (Eurostar, 2011)
As a main consideration: Is Brussels’ Gare du Midi a derailed opportunity? It appears that
previous destruction of the urban heritage in Quartier Nord, added to the current economic
recession and the complexity of the multilevel, multi-stake planning system mentioned before,
including fragmented project ownership and leadership (Albrechts & Coppens, 2003), are
considerably challenging the project. On the other hand, the focus on Brussels as Capital of
Europe, the central location of the station, the potential of HSR and transport connectivity for
urban redevelopment, and the interest shown by developers (figures 9 and 10) and local
authorities, should sooner or later bring the project back to rail.
Figures 9 & 10 – Projects for Gare du Midi (Euro Immo Star, 2011)
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Gare Lille Europe in France
Gare Lille Europe in the heart of Lille is just a short walk from Flanders regional station and
the old town (figures 11 and 12).
Figures 11 & 12 – HSR Gare Lille Europe and transport connectivity (Eurostar, 2011)
As a main consideration: Is Lille a successful benchmark? Gare Lille Europe, embedded in
“strong leadership, integrated levels of government, and powerful technical elites” (Newman
& Thornley, 1995, 244), allowed the project to run expediently. The pragmatic synergy
between ‘partnership, leadership, continuity and participation’ provided a key learning
experience, and the challenge is now to develop ‘real’ neighbourhoods (figure 13) with
shopping areas and the right proportion of the population (Baert, 2011).
As summarized by Ureña et al (2009, 278): “Agreements which involve different types and
levels of investment, public authorities and participants, and which include a new high-quality
transport system, private-public cooperation and regional planning, have proved to have
excellent results”.
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Figure 13 – Euralille’s sectors and new neighbourhoods (SAEM Euralille, 2010)
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Ebbsfleet International Station in the UK
Ebbsfleet International (figures 14 and 15) is situated on the Thames Gateway, just 17
minutes away from St. Pancras International on HS1. It has the potential to considerably
stimulate local development and regeneration, as well as opening up new travel opportunities
in north Kent (HS1, 2011).
Figures 14 & 15 –Ebbsfleet HSR station and transport connectivity (Eurostar, 2011)
As a main consideration: Is Ebbsfleet another ‘failed new town’? As argued by Kathryn
Anderson, appointed by the French Government in 2009 to guide their nationwide ‘eco-cités’
project, the ‘eco-towns’ in Britain showed a flawed process from the outset since proposals
were sought from the private sector, including relaxed planning process in exchange for
investment and innovation, while by contrast, the French Government sees eco-cités as a
collective civic responsibility (Barton Willmore, 2010, 12).
In the case of this location, most of the land by the station and to the west is owned by
LandSecurities, the private developer that envisions Ebbsfleet Valley as one of the largest
urban development projects in the UK (figure 16). Construction is currently on hold given the
current economic recession and lack of government support (Ebbsfleet Valley, 2011).
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Figure 16 – Ebbsfleet Valley master-plan (Ebbsfleet Valley, 2011)
Stratford International Station in the UK
Stratford International (figure 17) is key to the London 2012 Olympics as well as a massive
new development called Stratford City to be created around the International station, “the
largest single mixed-use urban regeneration project in Europe” (HS1, 2011)..
Figure 17 – Stratford HSR station project (Building, 2011)
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As a main consideration: Will Stratford City become an after Olympics’ mammoth? According
to the Local Authority, a key aspiration is that “Stratford Metropolitan Centre will be seen as
London’s future Third City after the City and Westminster” (London Borough of Newham,
2011). Monumental projects like the 2012 Olympics, centred on massive single-time events,
usually struggle to integrate spaces ‘back to normal’. Even though some of the facilities will
afterwards be dismantled (Legacy Company, 2011), the size of the development (figure 18)
and the after Olympics’ investment need, seem once again to be challenged by the poor
economic perspective.
Figure 18 – Map of Stratford City with HSR station, Olympic Park and new neighbourhoods
(Legacy Company, 2011)
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St. Pancras International in the UK
St. Pancras International (figures 19 and 20) together with King's Cross is Europe's largest
passenger interchange. Over 50 million passengers will pass through these sites every year,
on a par with London's busiest airports (HS1, 2011).
Figures 19 & 20 – St. Pancras HSR station and transport connectivity (Eurostar, 2011)
St. Pancras international is already an outstanding regeneration project, including the
following three landmarks:
The magnificent Victorian-era Barlow train shed (figures 21 and 22)
The former Midland Grand Hotel, the ornate face of St. Pancras designed by Sir George
Gilbert Scott, and now reopened as the St Pancras Renaissance London Hotel (figures 23,
24, 25 and 26)
The Granary, designed by Lewis Cubitt, now the new home of the Central Saint Martins
University of the Arts London building (figures 27 and 28)
The careful conservation of these landmarks provides strong character and attraction to an
urban development project, differentiating both the space of flows and the space of places
from other locations.
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Figures 21 & 22 – Restored Victorian-era Barlow train shed (BBC, 2011 and KCC, 2011)
Figures 23, 24, 25 & 26 – Reopened St. Pancras Renaissance London Hotel (Marriott, 2011)
Figures 27 & 28 – Regenerated Granary by the University of the Arts London (CSM, 2011)
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As a main consideration: Will King’s Cross Central become an isolated and disconnected piece
of London? Even though the project’s marketing positioning is centred on transport
connectivity, the project’s master-plan seems disconnected from the city, with few narrow
streets accessing mostly eastern areas of the development (figure 29). Accessibility is a key to
functionality, although potential dwellers and activities may deliberately choose this specific
enclosed particularity. A promissory start might be the appealing University of the Arts
London (UAL) facility in final stage of construction, which is planned to open to 4,500 students
and staff in September 2011 (Argent, 2011). A worrying aspect of the project appears to be
the over-reliance on the provision of office space, since the project assumes the development
of 4.9 million square feet of office space in the currently oversupplied office market in London.
Figure 29 – King’s Cross Central master-plan (Word Press, 2011)
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IV. Spatial Planning at the Space of Places
As highlighted before, substantial investment in railway station infrastructure, added to large-
scale railways station area development, significantly impact the urban landscape and
dynamics. Success stories provide valuable learning experiences. As argued by Jason Prior,
Chief Executive of Planning, Design and Development for AECOM at the 2012 Olympics’ site,
in order to find solutions and replicate ideas, he ‘goes to places where things work’ (Prior,
2011). On the other hand, urban development projects around HSR stations seem to also face
strategic and planning inconsistencies, including complex planning challenges and demanding
governance arrangements.
1. RENT PRODUCTION
Focusing on the implications of the neoliberal project in spatio-temporal relations, Harvey
(1989) stresses the transformation in urban governance from a ‘managerial approach’
based on local provision of services, facilities and benefits for urban populations during
the 1960s, to an ‘entrepreneurial approach’ in the 1980s, mainly generated by inter-urban
competition and the quest for local development and employment. As a key critical
debate, this entrepreneurial-driven urbanization generated a new physical and social
landscape. In this same line van Criekingen (2011) argues that there is a “persistent
politics of rent production”.
Figures 30 & 31 – Quartier Nord before and after ‘redevelopment’ (van Criekingen, 2011)
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One side of the overemphasis in rent production is the potential destruction of valuable
urban heritage. As an example (figures 30 and 31), the city of Brussels underwent a
traumatic experience with a development project and commercial failure in Quartier Nord
in the early 1960s (van Criekingen, 2011).
An additional consequence of overemphasis in rent production is the potential disruption
of local communities. Quartier Nord also exemplifies of the challenges to the social
landscape in the area, as portrayed by a local community poster rejecting the destruction
of local neighbourhoods around Gare du Midi (figure 32). Looking at the distributive
consequences of ‘urban entrepreneurialism’, once again Harvey (1989, 12-13) argues that
it usually generates greater polarization, since investment “amounts to a subsidy for
affluent consumers, corporations, and powerful command functions to stay in town at the
expense of local collective consumption, [designing] urban fragments rather than
comprehensive urban planning”.
Figure 32 – Local community poster (van Criekingen, 2011)
A third implication of rent production is related to density considerations. In contrast to
the name assigned to the green ‘Bois Habité’ neighbourhood in Lille, pictures below
(figures 33 and 34) show no forest (except for a painted wall), but massive high-density
concrete towers. Planning’s involvement is crucial to balancing issues related to density,
the protection of urban landscape, and the inclusion of the local community in planning
decisions.
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Figures 33 & 34 – Bois Habité new neighbourhood in Lille (Student, 2011)
2. SPACE SUPPLY
Related also to private sector’s investment, most of the HSR nodes show oversupply of
office space with apparent little planning guidance on office space concentration and
location. Such is the case in Brussels (figure 35) with an already saturated supply of office
space (van Criekingen, 2011).
Figure 35 – Office space stock in Brussels (van Criekingen, 2011)
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Similarly, the five office towers in Euralille (figure 36) were said ‘not to have the expected
success’ (Baert, 2011), while at the same time additional space is under construction or in
planning stage in the surrounding area. Once again, strategic spatial planning can play a
decisive role in the coherent distribution of uses and spaces.
Figures 36 – Euralille office towers across the railways (Student, 2011)
3. URBAN DESIGN
One key aspect of urban design is related to scale. In Brussels “since about 2000 there is
an apparent ‘resurrection’ of the large-scale urban projects as prime planning models”
(van Criekingen, 2011). In many instances, although subjective, these large-scale
modernistic structures appear to be out of place and proportion, considerably impacting
the urban landscape, such as the proposed urban project Loi in the European Quarter of
Brussels (figure 37).
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Figures 37 – Selected large-scale urban project Loi in Brussels (van Criekingen, 2011)
Similarly, Euralille’s massive shopping centre and towers seem to portray a modern
‘Titanic’ arriving at historic down-town Lille (figures 38 and 39), arguably disturbing the
sense of place.
Figures 38 & 39 – Historic Lille Flanders station and old-town, across modernistic HSR
station (Student, 2011)
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4. PLANNING POLICY
The challenge imposed by these large-scale urban development projects is hardly
considered in current national planning systems, which usually complicates a
comprehensive project execution. In Lille and Stratford, most of these challenges were
circumvented by the establishment of parallel partnerships and institutions which avoid
more democratic and regulatory procedures (Newman and Thornley, 1995).
Aware of these challenges, the EU recently highlighted that there is a “need for
metropolitan governance and planning” (Peyrony, 2011a), since as argued by Albrechts &
Coppens (2003, 218), “the development of mega-corridors became trapped between the
global and the local scale: between the European policy for an efficient, fast and reliable
communication system and local policies aimed at enhancing the quality of the
environment and the protection of resources”.
With Brussels’ particular multi-level, multi-stake planning system (figure 40), the recently
established Agency for Territorial Development (ADT) seems to be paving this way,
although, as stated in their presentation, they are not supposed to be “an additional level
of power, a subsidising actor, a project owner, a delivery authority”, but an agency that
“identifies the actors, coordinates the projects, ensures that budgets are available, alerts
government in case of difficulty, proposes operational structures, and communicates”
(Rouyet, 2011). The complexity required a ‘facilitator’, although this appears again not to
be enough.
Figure 40 – Guide to Brussels’ particular planning system (AATL, 2011)
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5. URBAN GOVERNANCE
Related to complex planning systems are the increasing urban governance challenges. The
clearest example is again evident in Brussels (figure 41), where “many specific
competencies needed to conceive a coherent policy related to HST are scattered across
European (basic decisions on the lines), federal (national railway company or SNCB),
regional (construction of roads) and local/municipal level (building permits)” (Albrechts &
Coppens, 2003, 219).
Figure 41 – Brussels’ governance challenge (Rouyet, 2011)
Looking at the governance arrangements of the Thames Gateway, Allmendinger and
Haughton (2009, 618) argue that there is “an intriguing usage of strategic and delivery
interventions at scales other than those of the statutory planning system (local and
regional), as planning activities necessarily learn to work within complex multilayered,
fluid, and sometimes fuzzy scales of policy and governance arrangements”.
Therefore, Albrechts & Coppens (2003, 223) propose what they describe as an alternative,
open, fair and transparent approach, where this type of “controversies must be seen as
political problems and not as mere technical/rational management and economic
problems. This demands a governance structure that allows the local level – within a clear
temporal and budgetary framework – to influence how these programs and projects are
realized.”
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6. LOCAL LEADERSHIP
Effective leadership reflected in an individual role or expressed by cohesive teamwork
make a difference in the execution of ambitious projects. As stressed by Newman and
Thornley (1995, 237), in the case of Lille “the strong political and technical leadership of
the project and its institutional form contribute[d] to its success in attracting development
resources and international prestige”.
On the other hand, coordinated and pragmatic teamwork in London seem to have
released the right forces for the timely execution of Stratford’s 2012 site (Prior, 2011),
with “less reliance on the leadership role of an individual and different relationships with
central government” (Newman and Thornley, 1995, 244).
7. PROJECT PROMOTION
Verpraet (1992) argued that the primary role for the public sector in this sort of large
urban development projects is promotion, since an active institutional and government
role provides solid backing and opens doors to powerful and successful relationships. In
the case of Lille “architectural prestige, the support of experts in the ‘quality circle’ and
the nominal shareholding of foreign banks were all important in presenting Euralille as an
exemplary development (Newman and Thornley, 1995, 241).
Figure 42 – Initial rendering by Rem Koolhaas to promote Lille (OMA, 1990)
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A salient trend associated to the promotion of these large-scale urban regeneration
developments is the selection of architects with renown to lend prestige to the project. In
the case of Lille, “one of the first actions of the political leadership was to secure an
architect with an international reputation” (Newman and Thornley, 1995, 241), and the
choice was Rem Koolhaas (figure 42). Eurostation chose Jean Nouvel for the HSR Gare du
Midi project (Quartier Midi, 2011).
8. ECONOMIC SYNERGY
The economic rationale for the construction of new HSR is mainly based on the expected
volume of demand, but according to de Rus and Nombela (2007, 21), “HSR investment is
difficult to justify when the expected first year demand is below 8-10 million passengers
for a line of 500 km”. In spite of this conclusion, and as highlighted previously, the weight
is being proactively placed in competitiveness and growth, since “infrastructure and
accessibility are, together, considered as a conditio sine qua non to survive in a world
economy that is more dominated by global flows and international transactions”
(Albrechts & Coppens, 2003, 217).
Although regional development growth and multiplying effects seem evident, there
appears to be a risk of HSR network over-expansion to financially unsustainable and
strategically questionable areas such as the Spanish countryside, the French ski resorts
(figure 42), and some British intermediate stops.
Figure 43 – Eurostar line reaching French ski resorts (Direct Rail, 2011)
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V. Conclusion
HSR stations are an extraordinary infrastructure at the space of flows with the potential to
considerably enrich and advance urban landscape and dynamics at the space of places. EU
spatial perspectives, oriented towards a more strategic and political rationale, envision HSR
stations not only as ways to enhance connectivity and competitiveness, but also as an
economic growth opportunity based on large-scale urban redevelopment with powerful
multiplying effects and strong long-term benefits.
As portrayed in this essay, varied strategies have been envisioned and implemented to
capture these development opportunities. In Brussels, Lille, Stratford, St. Pancras and even
Ebbsfleet, HSR stations consolidated their status as city gateways. This on the other hand
gives place to major spatial planning implications related to the protection of urban heritage,
the consideration of adequate density, scale, urban design, and land-use distribution, and the
need for metropolitan governance and planning.
In spite of these challenges, fascinating transformations can be achieved with the sometimes
rare balance and synergy between empowering and solid planning policies that promote
initiative and manage entrepreneurial excesses, democratic and enriching governance
structures that involve the local level, decisive and consistent leadership that effectively
achieves project execution and promotion, and proactive and pragmatic partnerships that
boost project promotion and investment.
Figure 44 – Envisioned skyscrapers around the HSR station in Lille (SkyscraperCity, 2011)
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References for Pictures (second page)
Picture 1 – Project for Gare du Midi in Brussels (Pierre de Salle ADT, 2011)
Picture 2 – Gare Lille Europe (Lille Métropole, 2011)
Picture 3 – Ebbsfleet HSR station (HS1, 2011)
Picture 4 – Stratford HSR station (HS1, 2011)
Picture 5 – St. Pancras HSR station (HS1, 2011)