Creating an Alternative Politics: women’s peace and anti-war movements in Serbia during the...

7/28/2019 Creating an Alternative Politics: womens peace and anti-war movements in Serbia during the Milosevic regime

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Politics of South-East Europe after 1990

Essay

Creating an Alternative Politics: womens peace and anti-war movements in Serbia during

the Milosevic regime

Introduction

With the fall of the socialism there has been significant change in the political arena in the

countries of The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The fall of the communism in the

neighbourhood (Central and Eastern Europe), as well as the nationalism among the republics led

towards the break-up of Yugoslavia. Namely, Slovenia was the first to seek independence,

followed by Croatia and after that Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbia and

Montenegro decided to stay together by forming the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in April

1992. However, the independence didnt go smoothly for all of the former republics. It was the

Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic that opposed the independence through the Yugoslav

National Army.1

The most severe consequences in form of conflict, war and violence were

experienced in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The wars produced deaths, rapes and

refugees. It was not until 1995 that peace was finally established in the region.

The process of democratization was a new phenomenon to the region. After declaring

independence, all with different speeds the countries of former Yugoslavia have been going

through a transformation from socialist to democratic societies. They have all transformed their

one-party to multiparty system and have implemented democratic elections. However, the case

of Serbia is very specific. Although the idea was Serbia to transform into a democratic country

this was not exactly the case. In the first democratic elections held in December 1990 it was

1Donna M. Hughes, Lepa Mladjenovi and Zorica Mrevi, Feminist Resistance in Serbia, The European Journalof Womens Studies 2 (1995) p.510


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Slobodan Milosevic and his party SPS2

that won. Milosevic adopted a nationalistic agenda

implemented into an authoritarian regime. The nationalism of Milosevic was characterized by

chauvinism and propaganda whose aim was to mobilize the locals for war.3

Namely Serbia

directly or indirectly was involved in all of the military conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia and

Herzegovina, although the regime tried to convince the people that Serbia is not part of any war.

Throughout the conflict, the Republic of Serbia has claimed that it is officially uninvolved in the

wars. Other than few conflicts along the border there has been no fighting in Serbia.4 By using

propaganda and production of stereotypes Milosevic managed to create apathy among the people

of Serbia. In order to achieve his nationalistic goals he used the media, the Serbian myths and

the nationalist symbols in a very skilful manner that made it possible for him to put Serbia in

darkness for an entire decade.5

The regime didnt go unopposed. Opposition both political and civic emerged. The

political opposition was formed out of the Democratic Party of Zoran Djindjic, the Democratic

Party of Serbia of Vojislav Kotunica and the Serbian Renewal Movement of Vuk Draskovic, aswell as the Serbian Radical Party of Seselj and Civic Alliance of Serbia of Vesna Pesic. They

fought the regime by establishing different coalitions, such as Zajedno in 1996.6

However,

2 SPS stands for Socijalisticka Partija Srbije (Socialist Party of Serbia)3

Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p.3964Donna M. Hughes, Lepa Mladjenovi and Zorica Mrevi, Feminist Resistance in Serbia, The European Journalof Womens Studies 2 (1995) p.5105Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005), p.136 Draskovic, Pesic and Djindjic in March 1996 fomed the Zajedno coalition. It was formed few months before the

local and federal elections. Up to then Zajedno was the most successful opposition coalition. Dejan Anastasijevic

and Anthony Borden, eds., Out of Time: Draskovic, Djindjic and Serbian Opposition Against Milosevic (London:

Institute for War and Peace Reporting, 2000) p. 31


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provide more feminist point of view to the regime and describe the position of the women

fighting it.

Feminism in Yugoslavia (Serbia)

Feminism in Yugoslavia started emerging during the 1970s. It was in Zagreb, Belgrade

and Ljubljana that the feminism was rapidly growing. The first all Yugoslav womens group

Independent Womens Association was formed in April 1990.10 As a result, womens

movements, feminism and womens involvement in politics was nothing new to the women in

Serbia and the region. However, it was not expected that they will have to be protesting a regime

and opposing a war. The womens group that was the most active and constantly present in

Serbia after 1990 was Women in Black. Women in Black are initially formed in Israel in 1988 as

a reaction to the policy of the Israeli government in the occupied Palestinian territories. Support

groups were formed in the US, Italy in Germany. With the start of the war on the territory of

Yugoslavia, Women in Black was formed in Belgrade. They began their very first protest on

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, 1991. It was a protest against the war, the regime and the militarism.

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Women in

Black challenged the nationalism, the given roles to them and the notion that women should go

in private and get out of public after the socialist period.

Redefining the post-socialist woman

When it comes to women and socialism, it is generally accepted among that the socialism

in Yugoslavia promoted gender based equality, although in many ways men and women were

not equal. Both men and women were part of the labour market and actively involved in the

political scene. Women were present both in the household, that is the private and involved

10 Meg Coulson, Looking behind the Violent Break-Up of Yugoslavia, Feminist Review no.45 (1993) p.9411http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=23
http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=23http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=23http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=23http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=23


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outside of the household as workers but also engaged politically, that is in the public. However,

the fall of the socialism changed this notion of equality. The public/private dichotomy was

redefined

12

. Women got different roles. The new woman of the socialism was redefined in the

post-socialist period mainly through the lens of patriarchy. New roles were given to her.

However, in the case of Serbia it was not only the post-socialism, but also the wars, the

authoritarian and nationalistic regime that contributed in a very specific manner in the way the

roles of the woman in the Serbian society were constructed.

Women, Women in Black and the regime

The regime created and at the same time marginalized and excluded the Other that was

different ethnically, sexually or ideologically.13

The role that the regime imposed on women had

the goal of making them passive, helpless and apathetic. For the regime the women became

symbolic foundations of the Serbian state.14The womans maternal body was portrayed as

market and maker of the national territory. The womens position in the state was reduced to aproducer of the Serbian nation. She was the nurturer, the mother of the children, more preferably

the sons of and for the nation.15

It was the duty of the woman to give birth to more babies and

give up on her sons, so they can fight and protect their wives and mother. By portraying the

women as objects for reproduction the governments and politicians through their rhetoric wanted

to make sure that type of role feels natural to women. Images of women presented as brave

12 Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, The politics of gender after Socialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000)

pp.37-6213 Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1997) p.2014 Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p.515 Dubravka arkov, The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break Up of Yugoslavia (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007) p. 69


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victims were constantly present.16 So, the regime in a way contradicted itself. On one hand the

mother was a hero, but on the other she was the passive one that needs to be protected. And there

comes another role that women were given. Apart from being the producer of the nation, the

woman was the victim. This role became present especially with the war in Bosnia and the

growing number of refugees fleeing to Serbia. According to UNHCR figured in May 1993

there were 540,000 refugees in Serbia. In Belgrade alone there were some 170,000 refugees.17

Of course majority of them were women and children, so it was easy to make them victims and

helpless.

In order to make sure women position themselves in society the way the regime wants

them to, the state created legislature that made the protection of the womens reproductive rights

absent. Access to contraceptives and abortions were not guaranteed, and even rape was not

considered as legitimate reason for getting an abortion.18

Moreover, the role of the woman as

producer of warriors was not propagated and supported by the nationalistic regime, but also the

Orthodox Church. The good relations between Milosevic and the Church were based on the

promise that the idea of Great Serbia, that is Great Orthodox Serbia will be realized.19

The

Orthodox Church rhetorically contributed to the war and the nationalistic regime. It encouraged

Serbian women to have more and more children that will be the carriers of the Great Serbian

Orthodox nation.


p.11217 Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York, Columbia University Press, 1999) p. 16418Donna M. Hughes, Lepa Mladjenovi and Zorica Mrevi, Feminist Resistance in Serbia, The EuropeanJournal of Womens Studies 2 (1995) p.52219 Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p.258


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The repression and submissive position that was set for the women was also shown very

obviously in the political scene. In the elections of December 1990 which were the first multi-

party elections there was a huge shift in womens representation in the Serbian Parliament.

Namely the proportion of women in the parliament dropped from 23.5% to 1.6%. Out of 20

ministers in the new government, only one was a woman.20

It is obvious that the shift from

public to private was happening. Women experienced the re-traditionalization of the society and

the patriarchal system to its worst. Even female politicians such as Mirjana Markovic

(Milosevics wife) who at the time was a political leader and an important face in the politics

didnt consider gender issues as important in her career as a politician.

However, it was hard for certain groups of women to do nothing about what was going

on. They were fighting against the patriarchal agenda of the Milosevic regime. The most open,

obvious and visible action that Women in Black did was being present on the streets and squares

of Belgrade every Wednesday for more than 5 years. Women in Black were the only

organization that openly and visibly opposed the regime, the war, the nationalism and the

militarization. With their weekly protests and vigils they presented a ritual of disobedience

through bodily resistance to the war. With their silence and bodily-publicity they demanded on

one hand for prosecution of all war criminals and on the other hand for non-violent action and

peace.21

Their black colour was speaking for them and for what they were fighting against. But

their fight was not aggressive or violent, it was creative and feminist. Their presence served as a

reminder that there is need of non-violent action and peace-building.

20Aleksandra Sasha Milievi, Joining the War: Masculinity, Nationalism and War Participation in the BalkansWar of Secession, 1991-1995,Nationalist Papers, 34 no.3 (2006) p.27121Biljana Kai, ed., Women and the Politics of Peace (Zagreb: Centre for Womens Studies, 1997) p.9


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In order to address the issue of refugees, many womens organizations took the role that

was defined for them by the society. Although there was still some political focus, they

positioned themselves mainly as carers rather than decision-makers and activists. Many womens

organizations have mainly worked with women and children refugees and victims of sexual

violence.22

Women in Black also worked with refugees. Many of their activists were actually

women refugees from Bosnia. However, their goal was not only to give humanitarian aid, but

also to be friends with them and to provide not only material, but also moral support.

Women and the media

The pluralist system in Serbia took shape in a strange and distorted manner. Elections and

multiple parties came into being. However, the party and the state did not separate.23

It was

mainly through the state-controlled media that the regime managed to survive, but also to install

fear and oppression among the citizens. Since the media was completely controlled and there

was constant pressure and limitation on the independent press and broadcast media the

opposition to the regime was rarely taking part in the news. The non-party opposition was in the

media even less.

Newspapers and magazines controlled by the government used rhetorical strategies to

convince readers that there was impending danger in order to create an atmosphere of panic and

paranoia to set the stage for popular willingness to wage war. Oppositional media on the other

hand, not only told a difference story, but used rhetorical devices to make explicit and thereby

22 Jovanka Stojsavljevic, Women, Conflict, and Culture in Former Yugoslavia,Gender and Development3no.1(1995) p.38

23 Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York, Columbia University Press, 1999) p.422


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undermine the strategies of government media. But none of these media reported what womens

organizations themselves wanted to express about their own anti-war actions24

Therefore womens movements were invisible although their presence in the public

sphere was regular. It is logical to assume that since the state wanted to control everything, even

small actions of non-violent resistance were perceived as a threat. That is why the regime wanted

to present no alternative and to silence and ignore the both the party and the non-party

opposition. Even though women were conscious of their limited power and of them constantly

being silenced by the regime they again continued their calls for peace. Being ignored made

them even louder and stronger. They didnt want to accept the invisibility and once again they

have proved that women in antiwar and feminist civil initiatives [are] among the most vocal

voices of resistance to xenophobia and political oppression.25

In order to make sure they are heard and to make sure that their messages are radical and

political they started producing books, magazines, posters and pamphlets. Women in Black

produced anthologies of their activities each year which was an alternative way to inform the

public about their goals, positions and actions. Moreover, their posters were thought-provoking

and conveying a message that an alternative way of thinking and alternative politics is possible

and necessary.

Creating Alternative Politics

Worldwide politics is a man dominated-field. In the former Yugoslav countries this is

especially true with the fall of the socialism. Therefore women and womens organizations have


p.10425Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p.288


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been forced to produce alternative politics which provide alternative vision of the world. Not

being able to be directly involved into politics it was the civil society that was the other option.

Civil society has increasingly become an arena of womens political action.26

By opposing the regime with civil disobedience womens movements and Women in

Black opposed the war and promoted peace as an option. Women were part of the population

that disagreed with the roles provided for them. Feminist groups were the loudest ones.27

Women in Black openly asked women not to have children during the times of war. They

completely deconstructed the role of woman as a mother-hero and a victim and presented a

woman that celebrates her autonomy. Women in Black, once again showed that the regime

cannot define them. Their slogan Dont speak for us, we will speak for ourselves, shows that

they refuse the language of hate and death promoted by the regime. Moreover not that they only

reject the regime, but they also present their voice and make sure its heard. One of their posters

that says:

As a woman, I reject war, because it is an annihilation of the other and of differences- Ibelieve in a non-violent resolution of conflicts as a respect of the other and of

differenced- the ability for dialogue is a priceless value of womens culture28

Once again, with this statement that describes their essence in the best manner they create

alternative politics by rejecting to behave according to a predefined set of rules and standards.29

Women in Black adopted the slogan the personal is political. Unlike women in socialism who

were afraid by the notion of bringing politics home, the Serbian feminists during the time of war


p.9527Dubravka arkov, The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break Up of Yugoslavia (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007) p. 8728Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1996) p. 529 Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1997) p. 87


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and transition decided to make the personal political and to protest against the images of

mothers, heroes, brave victims and prostitutes. Although the Milosevic regime worked very hard

to destroy alternatives, and to make them unavailable

30

, the constant presence of Women in

Black on the Squares of Belgrade served as a reminder that there is no more place for war, no

more place for militarization and nationalism. The experience of discrimination and oppression

was turned into action and delivered in form of resistance and pursue for change.

Impact and Reactions

For Women in Black and for the other feminist movements in Serbia and the region,

feminism meant protesting, marching, lobbying and raising awareness about an existence of

specific circumstances that were not supported among those groups of women. However, the

term feminism has had negative connotations and stereotypes related to it. Womens NGOs and

feminism in general have been met with great scepticism not only by the Eastern European

societies as whole, but specifically by the women in these societies.

31

By constantly being out on the streets and squares of Belgrade and other parts of Serbia, Women

in Black have experienced different reactions to what they were they doing. Comment such as

Those are those feminists; they arent women32 made by a woman on a street shows that it was

not that easy to be a part of a antiwar movement that above all it was a feminist movement as

well.

30 Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: nationalism and destruction of alternatives (University Park, PA:

The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999) p.231 Kristen Ghodsee, And if the Shoes Doesnt Fit? (Wear it Anyway): Economic Transformation and WesternParadigms of Women in Development Programs in Post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe, Womens StudiesQuarterly 31 no. 3/4 (2003)32Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1996) p. 10


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Because of their protest, their open opposition to the violation of the human rights, to the

systematic rapes and the mobilization and militarization, Women in Black have been regarded as

traitors to the Serbian nation.

33

Comments such as: Its because of you that Serbia is in this

situation and Arent you ashamed to be working against the Serbian people?34 are but some of

the comments that the women experienced on the streets.

There were people that supported them, but always with certain reserved tone or

scepticism. I agree with every statement, but what good does it do?35 is a comment that makes

Women in Black aware of their limited influence and the inability to stop the war. However, that

didnt stop them to react to it.

Although the Milosevic regime in the end was turned down by the part-opposition,

however with the huge influence of the non-party opposition movement Otpor, one cannot and

should not erase the effects even of the small actions, organizations and movements. The role of

the civil society should indeed not be undermined, although somewhat weak and under constant

pressure and harassment by the ruling elite, it has managed to show resistance to the regime

36

.

The same applies to the feminist peace movements that have not always been political, but rather

in form of being provider of humanitarian aid or working with refugees. Womens participation

in feminine rather than feminist way may allow to under-knowledge womens contribution to the

struggle. 37 The existence of organizations such as Women in Black serves as an example that

the female is not just feminine, but also a feminist. Even today, after the fall of the regime,

33Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1994) p. 534 Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1996) p.1135 Ibid p.1236 Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York, Columbia University Press, 1999) p.337 Melanie M. Hughes, Armed Conflict, International Linkages, and Womens Parliamentary Representation inDeveloping Nations, Social Problems 56 no.1 (2009): 180


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[t]hroughout the region, many still view national politics with suspicion. In contrast,

smaller, noncentralized, more local initiatives- whether organizations of entrepreneurs,health providers, self helpers in the face of disease or crises, supporters of the arts and

local culture or reforming education- promise to make a real difference in everyday life.38

Conclusion

During the transition of Serbia from one illegitimate system (communism) to another

illegitimate system (extreme nationalism), Serbias opposition was unable to effectively

challenge Miloevi even when the regime was seemingly on the verge of collapse at several

points during the 1990s.39 It took ten years to finally begin the transformation to a democratic,

pluralistic society. In this essay I tried to show the role of the non-party opposition that was taken

by feminists and feminist movements. I argued that trough their activities and actions women

have challenged the Milosevic regime, the patriarchal culture, the ethnic nationalism, they

resisted the hatred against them and constantly acted as peace-builders in a non-violent,

constructive way being persistent and visible. By looking at the connection between the women

and the regime, the media, and the people around them I have shown that it wasnt easy to be

part of a society where everything was against them. The roles that were provided by the

nationalistic agenda were thrown away and an alternative was created. They were silenced, but

chose to react. Women in Black was one of the first feminist organizations that had clear and

open agenda. In a visible manner they fought the nationalism, the violence, the militarization and

the oppression. They gave the regime a womens perspective and showed that the regime tried to

shape them so they act (or dont act) in a certain manner. However, they rejected the tasks of


p.9339Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p.8


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birth-givers, mother-heroes and victims and decided to become action-takers. It is through

movements like this that one can understand the role of gender in times of political change. And

what one can understand us that more than ever women do play an important role.

Although after a decade, SPS and Milosevic came to an end there wasnt a big change for

womens official political representation. Actually, numbers have shown that it has been rather

hard for them to get involved in politics. .40

In spring 2000 after the regime failed there were only

2.8% women in the new parliament.41

The impact on society of more than a decade of authoritarian rule, militarization,

violence, rampant corruption, a xenophobic press under the control of government authorities

and a devastated economy has left a shoddy foundation upon which to build a democratic and

liberal political system.42

Although traditionally women have not been regarded as political subjects, in order to

promote and create peace it is inevitable that they get directly involved in politics by becoming

decision makers that will take responsibility.

43

After taking the civil society in their hands, it is

now time that women get involved in politics in order to construct new political agenda that will

promote equal representation and womens involvement in the public sphere. It is about the time

that the women in Serbia get out of the private and share the public.

40Melanie M. Hughes, Armed Conflict, International Linkages, and Womens Parliamentary Representation inDeveloping Nations, Social Problems 56 no.1 (2009): 18041Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Society under Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005) p. 29142 Ibid, p.3143 Biljana Kai, ed., Women and the Politics of Peace(Zagreb: Centre for Womens Studies, 1997)p.104


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References:

(i) Dubravka arkov, The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break Up ofYugoslavia (Durham, N.C. : Duke University Press, 2007)

(ii) Robert Thomas, The Politics of Serbia in the 1990s (New York, Columbia UniversityPress, 1999)

(iii) Biljana Kai, ed., Women and the Politics of Peace(Zagreb: Centre for WomensStudies, 1997)

(iv) Dejan Anastasijevic and Anthony Borden, eds., Out of Time: Draskovic, Djindjic andSerbian Opposition Against Milosevic (London: Institute for War and Peace Reporting,

2000)

(v) Eric D. Gordy, The Culture of Power in Serbia: nationalism and destruction ofalternatives (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999)

(vi) Susan Gal and Gail Kligman, The politics of gender after Socialism (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 2000)

(vii) Sabrina P. Ramet and Vjeran Pavlakovi eds., Serbia since 1989: Politics and Societyunder Miloevi and after(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005)

(viii)

Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1997)

(ix) Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1996)(x) Staa Zajovi, ed., Women for Peace (Belgrade: Women in Black, 1994)

(xi) Ana Devic, Anti-War Initiatives and the Un-Making of Civic Identities in the FormerYugoslav Republics, Journal of Historical Sociology 10 no.2 (1997):127-156

(xii) Aleksandra Sasha Milievi, Joining the War: Masculinity, Nationalism and WarParticipation in the Balkans War of Secession, 1991-1995,Nationalist Papers, 34 no.3

(2006):265-287

(xiii) Donna M. Hughes, Lepa Mladjenovi and Zorica Mrevi, Feminist Resistance in Serbia, TheEuropean Journal of Womens Studies 2 (1995): 509-532

(xiv) Jovanka Stojsavljevic, Women, Conflict, and Culture in Former Yugoslavia, Genderand Development3 no.1(1995):36-41


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(xv) Kristen Ghodsee, And if the Shoes Doesnt Fit? (Wear it Anyway): EconomicTransformation and Western Paradigms of Women in Development Programs in Post-

Communist Central and Eastern Europe, Womens Studies Quarterly 31 no. 3/4 (2003):19-37

(xvi) Meg Coulson, Looking behind the Violent Break-Up of Yugoslavia, Feminist Reviewno.45 (1993): 86-101

(xvii) Melanie M. Hughes, Armed Conflict, International Linkages, and WomensParliamentary Representation in Developing Nations, Social Problems 56 no.1 (2009):174-204

(xviii) Women in Black,http://www.zeneucrnom.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=5&Itemid=

23accessed 02.05.2011
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