Conflict Resolution Gandhian Approach2

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Can the Jews resist this organized and shameless persecution? Is

there a way to preserve their self-respect, and not to feel helpless,neglected and forlorn? I submit there is no person who has faith in

a living God need feel helpless or forlorn. Jehovah of the Jews is aGod more personal than the God of the Christians, the Musalmans

or the Hindus, though, as a matter of fact in essence, He is

common to all one without a second [one] and beyond

description. But as the Jews attribute personality to God and

believe that He rules every action of theirs, they ought not to feel

helpless.

If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned my

livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even as the

tallest gentile German may, and challenge him to shoot me or cast

me in the dungeon; I wouldrefuse to be expelled orto submit todiscriminating treatment. And for doing this, I should not wait

for the [other] fellow[s] Jews to join [you] me in civil resistance

but would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to

follow my example.

If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept the prescription hereoffered, he or they cannot be worse off than now. And suffering

voluntarily undergone will bring them an inner strength and joy

which no number of resolutions of sympathy passed in the world

outside Germany can. Indeed, even if Britain, France and America

were to declare hostilities against Germany, they can bring noinner joy, no inner strength. The calculated violence of Hitler may

even result in a general massacre of the Jews by way of his first

answer to the declaration of such hostilities.

But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for voluntary suffering,

even the massacre I have imagined could be turned into a day ofthanksgiving and joy that Jehovah had wrought deliverance of the

race even at the hands of the tyrant.

For to the god fearing, death has no terror. It is a joyful sleep to be

followed by a waking that would be all the more refreshing for thelong sleep.

It is hardly necessary for me to point out that it is easier for the

Jews than for the Czechs to follow my prescription.

And they have in the Indian satyagraha campaign in South Africa

an exact parallel. There the Indians occupied precisely the same

place that the Jews occupy in Germany. The persecution had also

a religious tinge. President Kruger used to say that the white


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Christians were the chosen of God and Indians were inferior

beings created to serve the whites. A fundamental clause in the

Transvaal constitution was that there should be no equality

between the whites and coloured races including Asiatics. There

too the Indians were consigned to ghettos described as locations.

The other disabilities were almost of the same type as those of the

Jews in Germany.

The Indians, a mere handful, resorted to satyagraha without any

backing from the world outside or the Indian Government. Indeed

the British officials tried to dissuade the satyagrahis (soldiers of

non-violence) from their contemplated step. World opinion and

the Indian Government came to their aid after eight years of

fighting. And that too was by way ofdiplomatic pressure not of a

threat of war.

But the Jews of Germany can offer satyagraha under infinitelybetter auspices than Indians of South Africa. The Jews are a

compact, homogeneous community in Germany. They are far more

gifted than the Indians of South Africa. And they have organized

world opinion behind them.

I am convinced that if someone with courage andvision can arise

among them to lead them in nonviolent action, the winter of theirdespair can in the twinkling of an eye be turned into the summer of

hope.1

Nonviolence is, indeed, emerging as a religion in this age of technology because there is

no other way to protect homo sapiens from ultimate realities of modern conflicts. Theseconflicts are from within and without both.2

Ours is an era replete with human comforts, luxuries and mass consumerist culturalmilieu. These trends are also germinating into fertile conflictual fields sowed with seeds

of perennial massive warfare, professional terrorism, nuclear blackmailing and global

super monitoring.

Effective democratic values and ideological conflicts are being sidelined for good. The inthing is globalisation of the order of George Orwells 1984. But for apex human activity

and profession of politics, everything else is on its way to utmost professionalisation and

technical and managerial training for technological excellence.

Despite state-of-the-art professional fashioning of every human activity, two major areas,

namely, politics and nonviolence, still need global attention anent training and

disciplining. Otherwise cities are least likely to have rest from their evils of promiscuity,

social insecurities and recurring emotional breakdowns. This is required even for recenteconological adjustments and research.


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Nonviolence is a way of life while politics is an act of bringing order to human existence.Former is present in our daily routine though it is seldom noticed for it comes to us

inherently and naturally. We tend to notice merely exceptions of violence, conflicts andtensions. Our continued and primary attention to exceptions of perversion in politics also

applies to us similarly.

It is because of our tendency of noticing only the uncommon. Modern media is also

covering mainly those happenings as news which are exceptionally perverse, violent,

negative and superhuman. Abnormalcy thy name is news! It sells in the form of

advertisements and other media activities. Perversion is being read, seen, heard and even

consumed by most of us nearly all the while. Humanity is becoming ignorant of what is

normal.

II

Normal life style and politics is away from gross perversion and nearer to religion or

universal values of common ethics. While the modern and secular democratic trend is

leading this spaceship earth astray from fundamental values of daily human life. This is

being done in the name of keeping politics clean from personal religious faiths. That is

how politics the main spirit behind all activity moves into scientific realms of

objectivity and truth today!

Fanaticism is not religion. Religion is also not fanaticism, prejudice and bigotry. Thehighest form of self-realisation needs similar religious type of discipline, training and

scientific outlook in every religion. Even spiritual self-realisation is not entirely different

from political statesmanship and professionalism.3

Religion must, therefore, be given its

due place as a source of fundamental common human values. These values need to be

systematically absorbed and applied in every sphere of modern life.

This is possible through a mathematical and scientific practical course of step-by-stepindividuals transformation on a local, national, international and global plane. This has to

be tried and researched in a practical way. This is the road to Mahatma Gandhis

practical-idealism. Despite embracing quite a few ideas of no-tax campaign or non-

cooperation of David Thoreau, John Ruskins individuals good in good of all,barbers work is as valuable as that of a lawyer and eat thy bread by the sweat of thy

brow and Leo Tolstoys extreme nonviolence, Gandhi added dynamic uniqueness to

all these propositions through his own experience and application. His practical route to

conflict-resolution and transformation, therefore, resides in a very unique Gandhianaction programme through:

i) Nonviolenceii) Satyagrahaiii) Sarvodayaiv) Educationv) Discipline


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This is Gandhis vibrant pentagon. No terrorist can even try dismantling it once it is

applied in a proper practical perspective. Here, some relevant quotations of / for Gandhimay be of interest for us:

My honour is the only thing worth preserving.4

Standing on the brink of social disaster in our western world, it

would be rather glorious thing if we could humble our pride

sufficiently to appropriate from the east what we need most

desperately in the west, a strong enough faith in the efficacy of

ethical forces to achieve social justice without wading through

blood to get.5

It is a blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practiced by

individuals and never by nations which are composed ofindividuals.

6

Gandhis nonviolence is a dynamic concept inasmuch as its theory and practice went on

growing and evolving as long as he lived. That is why his ideas are often considered to be

mutually contradictory. What Gandhi says here is that he and his perceptions are always

developing across diverse experiences. For him, in Hind Swaraj, whenever there appearsa contradiction in his writings and even otherwise, the later context or view must be given

precedence over the earlier ones.7

Continuity and change are the two systemic features of nonviolence. It grows with human

tryst with challenges, trials and conflicts. This Gandhian nonviolence is a positiveconcept for it is the nonviolence of the brave that is being aspired for. Nonviolence of a

coward has no room in the Gandhian order of things. Gandhi prefers violence of the

brave instead of nonviolence of a coward.8

This concept or precept of nonviolence is put into practice through individual and

corporate satyagraha. That goes for endless quest for truth alive and not static. Humilityand requestful attitude is the cornerstone of this strategy for peace and harmony. There

are several stages and levels of satyagraha. A number of prerequisites are also there. A

satyagrahi is known as a nonviolent soldier. He has to be trained as such.

This training includes education and discipline. Only a select lot of determinedindividuals with unflinching faith in the power of nonviolence can be a part of such a

nonviolent army of satyagrahis. Nonviolence cannot succeed without this faith and

universal belief in the efficacy of nonviolence or ahimsa.

What are these discipline, training and education in the Gandhian mould? These arefundamental principles of Patanjalis Yogapradeep known as Pancha Yama. Ahimsa,

Satya, Asteya, Brahamcharya and Aparigrah are Pancha Yamas.


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Ahimsa is compassion for all living beings.Satya is truthfulness. Asteyameans not to

steal. Brahamcharya is control of senses. Brahamcharya is used mostly in the sense ofabstinence, particularly in relationship to sexual activity. Brahamcharya does not

necessarily imply celibacy. Rather, it means responsible behavior with respect to our goalof moving toward the truth.Aparigrahais not even to aspire to acquire and hoard wealth

and mundane things of this world such as comforts etcetera. Aparigraha means to possess

only what is necessary, and not to take advantage of a situation or act greedy. Aparigraha

also implies letting go of our attachments to things and persons.

There is a process of soldier like training of satyagrahis for attaining the ultimate goal of

Sarvodaya or good of all. This is not a Bethamite principle of the greatest happiness ofthe greatest number.

Gandhian nonviolence has to be practiced. Reading alone would not do. Even otherwise,

from a scientific perspective, a real researcher is one who goes into the field and tests thepracticability of an idea already proven in a particular situation.

III

Long established methods of conflict management, conflict resolution and conflict

transformation are mostly arising from a present day context of a sheer helplessness inview of numerous national, regional, international and global conflicts and challenges to

peace and prosperity. The Gandhian nonviolence, on the other hand, is such an area of

managing, resolving and transforming diverse types of conflicts that it starts not from

helplessness but from courage of conviction and essential belief in the caressing power ofnonviolence.

Nonviolence cannot be discussed on and on. It needs i) courageous negotiators, ii)soldiers without weapons iii) unflinching faith in ahimsa iv) self-confidence withpatience and perseverance and v) certainly not the bullish audaciousness.

Such nonviolence is replete with great potential to deal with a number of modern day

dangerous conflictual human concerns. Nonviolence empowered with the tools of

satyagraha has succeeded, among others, in gaining political independence both for India

and Pakistan form our dear British counterparts upon whom Sun never set! Indeed, the

initial hitch is that of taking a meaningful initiative and lead. The essence of the matterhere is what Gandhi said immediately after his Dandi March on 05 April 1930:


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The usual conflict resolution is a well established process of resolving a dispute or a

conflict by providing each side's needs, and adequately addressing their interests so thatthey are satisfied with the outcome. Conflict resolution aims to end conflicts before they

start or lead to physical fighting. Resolution methods can include conciliation, mediation,arbitration or litigation.

Sometimes disputes and conflicts may simply be avoided without actually resolving

them. At times, it may even be desirable that the concerned parties may disagree.

However, one thing is clear. It is that a conflict is a state of opposition between two

parties.

There are different types of conflicts. This list can never be fully exhaustive. Broadly

speaking, about eleven types of conflicts are recognized: i) intra-personal conflict, ii)

interpersonal conflict, iii) group conflict, iv) organizational conflict, v) community

conflict, vi) intra-state conflict, vii) inter-state conflict, viii) international conflict, ix)global conflicts, x) regional conflicts, xi) communal or conflicts between differentreligions, xii) racial conflicts.

For resolving these conflicts, several diplomatic tracks are also already there. As regards

quite a few apparent and friendly conflicts between United States (US) and India, Track 6

diplomacy is also proving to be highly fruitful for evolving short-term and long-term

relationship of mutuality and growing commitment and faith.9

All these methods of conflict resolution are also highly dynamic. These are being appliedwidely for several years now. The present day conflict resolution methods are, however,

not really so nonviolent for they arise from an intense interest based orientation ofcooperation and ever more cooperation out of a mutual assured fear among nations and

individuals alike.

Nonviolence of the Gandhian order, on the other hand, does not suffer from such a, as it

were, clich. Therefore, what is the harm if this approach is also developed alongsideother prevalent ways of conflict resolution? Nonviolence is also highly free from any

religious bias in nature inasmuch as it is presently coming from a secular mind of Gandhi

who is regarded as an undisputed leader not only the downtrodden but also of the saner

minds in the world.

The need is to make experiments with an open mind and objective scientific outlook.Gandhi had this faith in social and political experimentation. A positively practicalattitude to evolution of ever new avenues and vistas of knowledge must never be put

aside.

There are quite a few masterly works by Gandhi and his commentators anent his views

on conflict resolution, discipline, life style, political, military and economicdecentralisation, stateless society, development, peace and a federation of nations leading

to security, i.e., social, military, political, legal, economic and ecological etcetera. A two

volumes study by M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War; Gopinath Dhawans


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The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi; H. J. N. Horsburgs Nonviolence and

Aggression: A Study of Gandhis Moral Equivalent of War; S. C. Gangals GandhianThought and Techniques in the Modern World; Joan Bondurants Conquest of Violence:

The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict; Johan Galtungs A Gandhian Theory ofConflict, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of

Jayaprakash Narayan and Gene Sharps Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on

Ethics and Politics are a few noted and well known works throwing ample light on

Gandhis concept of conflict, security and peace.10

These studies, among others, point understandably to a Gandhian security and peace

strategy comprising three concentric and systemic spheres or circles leading to a securer

world.

Human relations are not hierarchical, horizontal, vertical and pyramidal. They are

spherical and ocean like. It is perennial process. Each thought and act interacts fromwithin and without. This is an endless mutually interwoven melting of one into another.

Moving to and from one to another. Inner energies must be provided creative outlet notonly for all purposes but also for defence policy, security network and foreign policy etc.

What Gandhi suggests here is an inherent formula for foreign relations among nations

and communities:

Gandhis Conflict Reduction Security Buffer

These spheres, in an international perspective, represent:

A countrys immediate neighbours as immediate sphere.


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Other poor, less developed, underdeveloped, developing and smaller countrieslike India are in the mid sphere.

Bigger, more developed, developed, militarily and otherwise very powerfulgreat powers or superpower countries constituting the outer sphere.

As Gandhi says, in this global conflict reduction security buffer design, there will be:

ever widening, never ascending circles. Life will not be a

pyramid with the apex sustained by the bottom. But it will

be an oceanic circle whose centre will be the individual

always ready to perish for the village, the later for the circleof villages, till the last becomes one life composed of

individuals, never aggressive in their arrogance but ever

humble, sharing the majesty of the oceanic circle of whichthey are integral parts. Therefore, the outermost

circumference will not wield the power to crush the innercircle but will give strength to all within and derive its own

strength from it No one [will] be the first and none the

last.11

Utmost priority, apparently, is to be given to good understanding and relations with

immediate neighbours like Pakistan and others. A holistic security climate has to be

expanded from the inner most circle of neighbours and beyond. That is how three broad

conflict reduction security buffer spheres may be created through very friendly relations

based on utter mutual faith and nonviolence.

In the absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence and love, i.e., truth, this

pattern must still be strengthened despite continuing armaments race and overkillcapacities of WMDs or nuclear, biological and chemical (NBCs) weapons. These

weapons cannot provide us security inasmuch as they are there for mutual massive

destruction and spreading terror. These weapons do not defend us. They are meant to killduring wars and terrorise during peacetime. About thirty countries already possess these

WMDs. Anti-tank nuclear bullets are also in use. Nearly 100, 000 nuclear bombs are also

there among these states. United States and Russia alone share more than half of this

arsenal.12

Only less than an iota of present-day stockpiles of armaments was there in Gandhis time.

Practical-idealism of Gandhi emerges even more clearly when he says in this context:

It [nonviolence] is of universal applicability. Nevertheless,

perfect nonviolence, like Absolute Truth, must forever

remain beyond our reach.13

Perfect nonviolence is impossible so long as we existphysically, for we would want some space at least to


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occupy. Perfect nonviolence whilst you are inhabiting the

body is only a theory like Euclids point or straight line, butwe have to endeavour every moment of our lives.14

This impossibility of perfect nonviolence does not prevent an initiative in this

direction. As long as there is absence of general, fundamental, practical and political

belief in the efficacy of nonviolence as a way of life, till then at least a Nonviolent

National Defence Army, Navy and Air Force can be evolved on Gandhian lines of

nonviolent spirit and nonviolence of the brave. This nonviolent national defence system

can work alongside existing defence forces in every country.

IV

What more is needed today concerns not so much the conflict resolution outlook forGandhi. It is the conflict reduction, conflict prevention, nonviolent perception and action,

and Gandhian nonviolent foreign and defence policy orientation among nations isrequired more than anything else. An action programme on a global scale can also be

developed:

Gandhian Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security Action Plan

1. Army, Navy, Air Force, Police and other related forces may be there inthe absence of a general belief in the power of nonviolence.

2. Conflict Reduction Comprehensive Security will be the most fruitfulphenomenon when citizens and nations of the world do not have tobother about it as their top most priority.

3. Security without weapons is necessary as an ultimate aim. It is inherentin human nature. An increasing sense of insecurity goes with weapons.

Real security is when one does not even have to think of armaments.

That means a very positive and healthy security environ.

4. Concentric spheres of conflict reduction and security must be graspedproperly for creating a comprehensive security environ globally step by

step.

5. Development, Environment protection, Employment for all, Balancedpopulation, Eat thy bread by the sweat of thy brow, Universal

disarmament, Unilateral disarmament, doing away with nuclear and

other weapons of mass destruction.

6. Security must not become afetish of an age or era.7. Nonviolence is possible only in a gallant and brave world of citizens.


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8. Cowards cannot be nonviolent.9. Violence is preferred vis--vis nonviolence of a coward.10.Highly decentralised pattern of economy will be less prone to

instantaneous and long-term conflicts.

11.Highly decentralised political setup helps wider participation alongwithlesser abuse of political power.

12.Nonviolent Brigades must also be developed and trained in panchyama.

13.All armed forces and Nonviolent Brigades must be given training inpanch yama discipline.

14.Comprehensive Conflict Reduction policy must be visionary based onexperiences of history, present-day situation and prospective

possibilities and every potential visualisation.

15.The most powerful country in the world must be an important aspect ofa defence policy formulation.

16.Collaborations with foreign mercenaries must be avoided to the greatestpossible extent.

17.Exports from foreign countries must be made only in such areas wherethere is no other alternative in the interest of citizens of a country.

18.Mechanisation and modern technology is to be adopted in areas whereit is necessary for national self-reliance and not otherwise.

19.Open borders with immediate neighbours must be preferred.20.Free people to people contact must be given priority.

Several thousand people are being massacred daily in the world today. This is quite a war

like situation on a larger plane. This is no small matter when it relates to precious human

lives of so many global citizens. Every human life is as precious as the life of all other

individuals. It is not only weapons, wars and terrorists but also diplomatic instruments ofpeace are also singing the cacophony of violence. That is why T. Schelling says:

The power to hurt is nothing new in warfare, but modern

technology enhances the importance of war and threats


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of war as techniques of influence, not of destruction; of

coercion and deterrence, not of conquest and defence; ofbargaining and intimation War no longer looks like just a

contest of strength. War and the brink of war are more acontest of nerve and risk taking, of pain and endurance

The threat of war has always been somewhat underneath

international diplomacy... Military strategy can no longer

be thought of ... as the science of military victory. It is now

equally, if not more, the art of coercion, of intimidation and

deterrence... Military strategy ... has become the diplomacy

of violence.15

This diplomacy of violence is not the only concern of conflict reduction in this age of

globalisation and emerging global village. Other major dimensions are there in varied

areas of rising human needs and expectations such as:

(i) threats to political stability of different regimes, (ii) operational aspects of democracy,

(iii) widespread terrorism for avowed self-determination, (iv) ethnic crises, (v) economic

exploitation and determinism, (vi) political and economic violence, (vii) expandingfrontiers of security and threat perception of modern states, (viii) widespread economic

deprivations, (ix) dangerous fallout of modern technology, (x) population

imbalances, (xi) widening gamut of corruption in higher echelons of economic and

political power, and (xii) poverty, (xiii) unemployment and (xvi) proliferation ofarmaments etcetera.

Conflict resolution must be given a sustained release booster of nonviolence through asystemic understanding of conflict reduction, foreign policy, defence policy and

econological aspects. Otherwise, Platonic dwellers of the cave will not be able to come

out unto the open skies.


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1Harijan, 26 November 1938 (emphasis added).

2 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), Declaration and

Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace, UNESCO's Office of Public Information, Paris, 2000.3

It is because both have to pave the way for self-government.4

Ronald J. Terchek, Gandhi: Struggling for Autonomy, Vistaar, New Delhi, 1998, n. 3, p. 214.5

Reinhold Niebuhr, What Chance has Gandhi ?, Christian Century, 1931, p. 1276.6For Pacifists, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1949, p. 89.

7Hind Swaraj, Navajivan, Ahmedabad, 1948, preliminary pages just before Contents.

8 Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume I, Navajivan, 1948, pp. 303, 451; See also Young India,

12.08.1926, p. 201.9

There are currently nine tracks of diplomacy recognised more widely: i) government to government, ii)

unofficial policy oriented non-governmental exchanges, iii) businessman to businessman, iv) citizen to

citizen exchange programmes of all kinds, v) media to media based efforts and exchanges, vi) religion, vii)

activism, viii) research, ix) training, and education.10

M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume I, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad,

Third Edition, 1948; M. K. Gandhi, Nonviolence in Peace and War, Volume II, Navajivan PublishingHouse, Ahmedabad, First Edition, 1949; Gopinath Dhawans The Political Philosophy of Mahatma

Gandhi, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957; H. J. N. Horsburgs Nonviolence and

Aggression: A Study of Gandhis Moral Equivalent of War, OUP, London, 1968; S. C. Gangals Gandhian

Thought and Techniques in the Modern World, Criterion Publications, 1988; Joan Bondurants Conquest

of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, Princeton, 1958; Johan Galtungs A Gandhian Theory

of Conflict, in David Selbourne (Ed.), In Theory and Practice: Essays on the Politics of Jayaprakash

Narayan, OUP, New Delhi, 1985 and Gene Sharps Gandhi as Political Strategist: With Essays on Ethics

and Politics, Boston, 1979.11 Pyarelal, Mahatma Gandhi: The Last Phase, Ahmedabad, Navajivan Publishing House,1958, Volume II, pp. 580 581.12 E.J. Hogendoorn, A Chemical Weapons Atlas, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,September/October 1997 Vol. 53, No. 5.13

Harijan, 05 September 1936, p. 236.14Harijan, 21 July 1940, p. 211.15 T. Schelling, The Diplomacy of Violence, in R. Art and R. Jervis (Eds), International

Politics, fourth edition, Harper Collins, New York, 1996, pp. 168 182.

Conflict Resolution Gandhian Approach2

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