CONCLUSION

India has had a basic stake in Afghanistan not only because it has always indirectly affected her national security, but because it has directly impinged on her long investments in the region. Her investments there are not only material but also of lives, culture and close social and economic prinquity. Geography has been compelling factor in this relationship and India*s historical evolu­tion has all along taken the logical course set by these geographical limits. The evolution of India’s relations ■with Afghanistan have taken place along trade, economic, social and cultural dimensions. However, besides the fixed factors of geography, the fluid factors of international politics have also considerably influenced this relationship.

Afghanistan is a land-locked country. She has derived her political and social status during 20th century as a buffer state — first between the Tsarist Russia and the British Indian empires and subsequently between Soviet Union and American sponsored military Alliances called the CENTO.The expansion of Tsarist Russia into Central Asian region and the consequent subjugation of the area posed a potential threat to the frontier areas of British India. The British rulers became alive to the problem of Russian expansionism as early as the beginning of the 19th century. The Britishers evolved a forward policy that pursued hegemonic designs across the Indus to keep their empire safe from the north­western flanks. Afghanistan beeame a centre of Anglo-Russian

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rivalry - -with Britain trying to stop Russian advance either by seeking to make Afghanistan a buffer state between India and Russia or by occupying it, and Russians persistently trying to harass the British in India, through Afghanistan.

The buffer status saved Afghanistan from being colonised by either of the two imperial neighbours. The tribal-oriented social structure produced a state of inertia, that was reflected in the social and economic organisation of Afgha­nistan. Feudalism remained firmly entrenched and clergy played to the tune of monarchy. Afghanistan's emergence as a nation was the product of royal leadership. Themonarchy was founded on the basis of a tribal confederation that was intended to prevent anorchy and foreign invasion.The kings gave a central focus to the political system first by acting as leaders among equals with the tribal Khans’, later by strengthening central power at the expense of the tribes and other autonomous groups throughoutnthe country.

Afghanistan has always been subjected to a dual policy of diplomatic agility and internal consolidation. Despite her socio-economic backwardness Afghanistan continued to preserve her independence that had been undermined in other Asian countries. In the 19th century, as the British and Russian imperial powers pressed on Afghanistan, the role of kings became more complex. In the 20th century the monarchy struggled to maintain a delicate balancing of external diplomacy and internal repression — Soviet Union had written

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off Afghanistan as being outside of her legitimate sphere of influence. The Simla Conference of 1907 developed a structure of status-quo, that enabled fc the British India to control foreign relations of Afghanistan. Tsarist Russia had to reconcile with this bitter fact because Russia was facing the prospect of an impending Communist Revolution and the Czar had to retreat from the focus.

In the wake of World War I, great political changes were sweeping throughout Asia and to some extent in Africa. These great revolutionary upsurges provoked political consciousness amongst the people of Asia and its impact was first felt under Kamal Pasha in Turkey, Raza Shah in Iran and King Amanullah in Afghanistan. A two-line struggle emerged in Afghanistan where the youthful king Amanullah shared the Afghan youths' dream of making that country as the bastian of Asian resurgence and pan-Islamic renaissance. Amanullah introduced radical measures that purported to bring about systematic and sustained changes in Afghanistan's internal and external policies. He opened schools and encouraged women to study in those schools, abolished purda and established institutions that brought about systematic changes in Afghan society.

In the meanwhile Soviet-Afghan relations became cordial and conversely Indo-Afghan relations reached the nadir of an open third Anglo-Afghan war. Soviet Union concluded some trade agreements with Afghanistan and provided a modicum of military and economic aid to Amanullah in combating the

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Khost rebellion and other insurgencies. British Indian relations with Afghanistan remained cool and sometimes strained because of cordial relations between Soviet Union and Afghanistan and also because of some basic changes introduced by Amanullah.

Amanullah's all round radical changes offended religious susceptibilities of the clergy and the entrenched vested interests of the tribal chieftains. British imperialism*s readiness to restore privileged position of these vested interests provoked conspiracy against King Amanullah and his youthful supporters. The powerful elements were alienated and they conspired to overthrow Amanullah and the natural outcome was the downfall of Amanullah and the assumption of temporary political power by Bacha Sqao. The British Indian government further supported him in his bid to tumble down Bacha Sqao. Nadir Khan succeeded and the paramount interest of his regime was sustained by a dual policy of restoration of vested interests at home and development of pro-British policies abroad. He reversed Amanullah’s progressive policies and gave prominent place to er clergy and tribal Sardars under the new dispensation. Thus the domestic power structure in Afghanistan became favourable to its foreign policy neutralization and also in controlling and curbing anti- British activities in and around Afghanistan. Economic and trade relations — as highlighted by the statistical facts and figures mentioned elsewhere in this thesisi*i improved relations during the same period.

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Zahir Shah succeeded his father and he evolved appropriate responses to the spirit of times by reducing tilt towards British India and developing genuine policies of neutralism in accordance with the requirements of the preservation of Afghan independence. He declared neutrality and, after hobnobbing with Axis Powers for some time, he had to return to a position of being soft and sympathetic towards Allies. Germans and Italians attempted to destabi­lize Anglo-Soviet interests in Afghanistan, but the joint pressure by Soviet Union and British India freed him to toe the line of least resistance. Thus Afghanistan was able to preserve her independence and avoid allied occupation during the crucial phase of World Y-Jar II. In this way Zahir Shah avoided and averted the fate that befell Iran and Turkey during and just immediately after the termination of war.

All things considered, the strategic location of Afgha­nistan at the cross-roads of two dominant imperialisms that struggled for Afghanistan for over a century and took the toll of three Anglo-Afghan wars and many localized battles and tensions between Tsarist Russia and Afghanistan and later between Soviet Union and Afghanistan. Anglo-Soviet rivalry for the domination of Afghanistan orchestrated with fluctuations between the fate of reformist-nodanist forces as represented by Amanullah and the traditionalists as represented by the clergy and tribal Sardars. The clergy-cum-

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tribal chieftains tilted towards British India for safeguard­ing their entrenched vested interests in a tribal-oriented social and political structure and the modernists exuded anti-British aspirations, because they were the product of the impact and implications of Bolshevik Revolution. This struggle continues to redown in the contemporarysituation of Afghanistan.

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b) Encyclopaedias, Yearbooks. Alemanacks

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2. Great Soviet Encyclopaedia

Kabul Almanach: (i) 1939-1940(ii) 19 4 1-1 942

Statesman* s 1892, 1893, 1894, 1895Yearbooks: 1900, 1901, 1902, 19031904, 1905, 1906, 19071908, 1912, 1915, 19191921, 1923, 1925, 1944

5. Whitaker1s Almanack 1930.

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