Commodity Strategy, April 10, 2018 21:20 Saudi Aramco...
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Commodity Strategy, April 10, 2018 21:20
Saudi Aramco IPO
Can the crown prince deliver?
McKinsey report laid the foundations
Aramco is too big to value
Too many “ifs” and “buts”
Contents
Saudi Aramco IPO: Summary 3
Can the crown prince deliver? 4
Selling the crown jewel 8
Structural shift in oil market 13
Disclaimers 15
Martin Jansson
+46 8 701 2343
Kiran Sakaria
46 8 701 4614
The potential IPO of Aramco offers investors the chance of
gaining exposure to an oil giant sitting on vast reserves.
However, exposure to Aramco means exposure to the
Saudi state, with which the company is tightly entwined.
The IPO is the cornerstone of Saudi Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman’s plan to ‘rewire’ the country, so
a bet on Aramco is a bet on his ability to deliver McKinsey-
inspired economic reforms in a country that faces many
challenges. Conditions for a listing look near perfect, with
stock markets close to record highs, the oil price at a
cyclical high and the electric vehicle revolution perhaps
hinting that peak demand could be close. The IPO has
been delayed, but we argue that reflects a desire to find the
right investors rather than the right price.
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
3
Saudi Aramco IPO: Summary
The potential IPO of Aramco offers investors the chance of gaining exposure to an oil giant sitting on vast reserves.
However, exposure to Aramco means exposure to the Saudi state, with which the company is tightly entwined.
The IPO is the cornerstone of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s plan to ‘rewire’ the country, so a bet
on Aramco is a bet on his ability to deliver McKinsey-inspired economic reforms in a country that faces many
challenges. Conditions for a listing look near perfect, with stock markets close to record highs, the oil price at a
cyclical high and the electric vehicle revolution perhaps hinting that peak demand could be close. The IPO has
been delayed, but we argue that reflects a desire to find the right investors rather than the right price.
It’s now or never
From our point of view, now is the time to finalise the last steps of the Aramco IPO.
The global economy is in the midst of synchronised economic growth, boosted by
quantitative easing from central banks. Asset markets are high and interest rates are
low from a historical perspective, while the oil price has recovered from its lows of
2016. In a nutshell, the stars are aligned.
Not to everyone’s taste
Recent talk about delaying the listing until 2019 signals to us that MBS has not found
the investors he so dearly needs. Investing in oil is already restricted by many
financial institutions on environmental grounds, but investing in an oil company
based in a country ranked lowest in Freedom House’s democracy survey narrows
the pool of potential investors even further.
Events in Russia couldn’t have occurred at a worse time
Investors demand a political risk premium when buying a share of a state-owned
company. The recent share price falls for Russia companies Rusal and EN+ as the
US announced fresh sanctions came at a bad time for MBS and reminded investors
just how quickly things can unravel. Even if MBS is able to find investors in the west,
the two sides are unlikely to settle on a valuation that suits both parties. Investors
will argue that heightened risk justifies a substantial risk premium, while MBS cannot
accept any price.
China might buy, but it’s not a long-term solution
From that perspective, China looks to be the only natural investor, although that
would not provide the Saudis with the acceptance from the west that MBS needs to
secure additional investment in the future. We believe MBS will run out of time, either
through diminished global risk appetite, a falling oil price or some other problem
causing the IPO to be delayed further or even cancelled. If that scenario materialises,
MBS’s days in power look to be numbered.
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
4
Can the crown prince deliver?
The approaching IPO of Aramco offers the chance of exposure to an oil giant sitting on vast reserves. However,
exposure to Aramco means exposure to the Saudi state, with which the company is tightly entwined. The IPO is
a cornerstone of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s plan to redirect the country and a bet on Aramco
is a bet on and his ability to deliver his McKinsey-inspired economic reforms in a country facing a long list of
challenges. Conditions for a listing look near perfect with stock markets at record levels, the oil price at a cycle
high and an electric vehicle revolution suggesting peak demand could be close. Still, the IPO has been delayed,
and we argue that this reflects a desire to find the right investors rather than the right price.
McKinsey’s plan
In December 2015, the consultancy McKinsey published a report on how Saudi could
become less dependent on oil. The report listed ways to inject new dynamism into
the Saudi economy through a productivity and investment-led transformation which
could ensure future growth. The report stated that Saudi Arabia could no longer rely
on oil revenue and public spending for growth. It highlighted how the global energy
market is changing at the same time as a demographic transition means the number
of working-age Saudis is rising, creating opportunities and a need for structural
change in the Saudi economy. The report’s proposed productivity-led economic
transformation suggested a doubling of GDP and the creation of six million new jobs
by 2030 could be possible. This would need four trillion USD in investment. Eight
sectors, mining and metals, petrochemicals, manufacturing, retail and wholesale
trade, tourism and hospitality, healthcare, and finance and construction, have the
potential to generate more than 60 percent of this growth opportunity, the report said.
In order for this transition to take place, the government would need to shift toward
a more market-based economy, according to the report. The labour force
participation rate in Saudi Arabia is currently at around 41 percent, and the creation
of more jobs would lead to a rapid increase in household income. In order to achieve
faster productivity growth, the government requires better business regulation, and
greater openness to competition, trade and investment, the report said. Improved
spending efficiency and new revenue sources, possibly including taxes and higher
domestic energy prices, would help ensure fiscal sustainability, it said.
In 2015 McKinsey
produced a report on
how Saudi Arabia
could become less
dependent on oil
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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Vision 2030
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, Saudi Arabia’s economy flourished. A
high oil price led to a large budget surplus and the rapid amortisation of Saudi debt.
When the oil price fell in 2014, the large surplus turned into deficit and debts started
to rise again, illustrating Saudi Arabia’s sensitivity to fluctuations in the oil price. In
2016, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) presented Vision 2030. Vision
2030 is a strategic plan to make the country less dependent on oil by diversifying
government revenues. There are many similarities with the McKinsey plan.
The vision is an ambitious blueprint built on three pillars:
The first pillar is to make Saudi the heart of the Arab and Islamic worlds. The two holy
mosques, Mecca and Medina, are located in the country.
The second pillar focuses on attracting foreign investors. MBS wants to make the country
into a better investment opportunity for foreign investors.
The third pillar focuses on making Saudi a hub between Asia, Europe and Africa. Because
of its geographical location on water and land routes, the country meets some of the
necessary conditions to become a regional hub for global trade.
Aramco IPO is part of Vision 2030
In order to deliver Vision 2030, MBS has laid out a plan that includes the government
becoming more transparent, efficient, accountable, enabling and high performing. In
the west, the element of Vision 2030 most commonly known is the selling off of a
part of the national “crown jewel”, the huge state-owned oil company Saudi Aramco.
The initial public offering (IPO) of Aramco would be the world’s largest IPO at
approximately USD 2 trillion, according to national valuations. Saudi officials say
they hope to raise a record of USD 100bn for a five percent stake in the company.
The flow of funds that the IPO would bring would be large. According to Vision 2030,
it is to be invested in a state sovereign fund. The government is also working to
increase revenue from non-oil sectors.
Vision 2030 is an
ambitious plan to
make Saudi Arabia
less dependent on oil
revenue
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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State sovereign fund
Vision 2030 is all about diversifying Saudi Arabia’s income streams, expanding the
economic base and creating jobs. In order to finance this, the Saudis need resources
and foreign investment. One way to achieve this is to sell a stake in Saudi Aramco.
The plan is to invest the funds in the Public Investment Fund, a Saudi sovereign
wealth fund. However, neighbouring countries have shown that sovereign wealth
funds do not necessarily lead to more domestic investment in employment-creating
sectors. Instead, their wealth funds have predominately invested assets in foreign
markets. Looking at the Saudi Public Investment Fund’s top holdings now, you find
Saudi companies, but they also hold stakes in Uber, Softbank and Blackstone
Infrastructure Fund. For long-term economic growth, it is important that the
resources from the Aramco listing finance domestic investments and not foreign
investments.
What has happened so far?
There is some scepticism about investing in Saudi Arabia. There is a widely held
view that a lack of political institutions, transparency, democracy and checks on
power make Saudi Arabia unstable, even with big oil reserves. For example, Saudi
Arabia scores lowest in Freedom House’s annual survey of political and civil rights.
Large subsidies and high government spending have also weakened the economy.
In order to dampen scepticism, MBS has launched several campaigns to improve
foreign investment conditions.
Things have been moving fast in Saudi Arabia lately. Women have been given the
right to drive cars, starting in June 2018. Movie theatres and other types of
entertainment are reopening. However, MBS must be careful not to bite the hand
that feeds him. The changes mean a distancing from the ultra-conservative
Wahhabism that is part of the establishment. In order to modernise, MBS has to both
be firm and generous to avoid too much conflict in a country with 15,000 princes.
Anti-corruption campaign
In November, MBS locked up dozens of princes and other officials in what was called
an anti-corruption campaign. The campaign was a way of removing opponents, in
our view, but at the same time made an equal number of enemies. These actions
show MBS’s commitment to Vision 2030, we believe, but it comes at a cost: MBS is
the most dominant Arab leader in a generation, but also one of the most heavily-
guarded men in the world.
Saudi Arabia will sell
a part of Aramco and
put the money in a
fund to invest in
Saudi holdings
Several signs of a
pick-up in the pace
of reform
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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In 2014, when the oil price fell from over USD 100 to USD 27 the budget deficit sky
rocketed. The government started cutting subsidies while trying to increase tax
revenue and invest in new industries. In 2016, it cancelled bonuses for state
employees, which had been taken for granted for a long time. MBS had to go back
on that decision after huge public complaints. Also, women have been encouraged
to work outside the home. These radical campaigns have consequences, and there
is little room for failure. There are likely to be some who disagree with MBS’s vision
and who are waiting for a chance to force him out of the picture.
Radical campaigns
have consequences
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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Selling the crown jewel
Saudi state-owned oil company Aramco is likely to launch its IPO in late 2018 or early 2019. It is still uncertain
where Aramco will be listed. The latest speculation concerns a listing for Aramco on the domestic stock
exchange. We argue that a more strategic choice would be a dual listing, domestic and foreign. In order to
attract investors, a listing on a more widely-used stock exchange, such as Hong Kong, London or Frankfurt
would ease potential risks. Privatisation is an important component of Saudi Arabia’s modernisation effort,
and should not been seen as a desperate attempt to raise money, in our view. This will not be a purely market-
driven IPO, although conditions are close to a perfect with stock markets at record levels, the oil price at a cycle
high and an EV revolution suggesting peak demand is close. The concentration of power in MBS’s hands may
also be at a peak . In many ways, it is now or never for him.
Corporate history
The House of Saud has held a leading position on the Arabian peninsula since at
least 1720. Previously, Saudi Arabia relied heavily on the many foreign pilgrims who
came annually to the Muslim holy cities of Mecca and Medina.
In the spring of 1933, the Standard Oil of Californian was granted a concession to
explore for oil across Saudi Arabia. The subsidiary it formed was the seed from which
today’s mighty Saudi Aramco grew. At the time, the British did not see a lot of
potential in Saudi Arabia, and they focused on Iraq and Kuwait.
Striking oil
In 1938 oil was finally struck, and in 1940 what turned out to be the world’s largest
oil field ever, Ghawar, was found. It is still producing.
In the late 1930s, the Saudi King opened the valve that sent the first shipment of
Saudi oil to a tanker and opened the underdeveloped kingdom’s first commercial
connection to the outside world.
WWII slowed the progress of the Saudi oil industry dramatically, but as it became
clear that the tide of the war had turned in the Allies’ favour, the Saudis positioned
their oil business closer to the US. This was echoed in the name of the oil company,
changed to Arabian American Oil Company, Aramco, in 1944.
The nationalisation of Aramco did not follow the typical playbook, with the
government kicking the foreign management out and taking over; rather, it was a
gradual process and American shareholders were compensated, despite having no
other choice. The process took a few decades and ended with complete Saudi
ownership in the early 1980s. This was a true Saudi success.
Too big to value
The Saudi state-owned oil giant is unique. Our simple peer valuation based on oil
majors gives an indication of its value at USD 733bn. What such an analysis misses
are the extraordinary reserves Aramco controls in the ground. Oil reserves alone,
roughly 260 billion barrels, are nearly ten times those of Exxon Mobile. Applying a
moderate value of USD 10 per barrel of oil in the ground, Aramco could be worth
more than USD 2.5 trillion. Those are the levels MBS refers to, but of all the major
state-owned oil groups, only Chinese companies, such as Petro China, have large
market capitalisations. Real or perceived risks reduce investor appetite for Russian
and Brazilian oil companies. If Aramco were treated like those state-owned groups,
it might fetch as little as USD 100bn.
Ghawar was found in
1940…and is still
producing
Aramco controls
extraordinary
reserves in the
ground
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
9
Figure 6: Peer valuation
Climbing the Great Wall
As early as 1989, former Oil Minister and Aramco CEO, Ali Al-Naimi sent two
representatives to explore Aramco’s options in China, which was at the time an
unknown quantity. Al-Naimi’s Marco Polos returned describing a country filled with
hundreds of thousands of bicycles burning coal; the team did not think there was
much future for cars there.
Al Naimi still believed the twenty-first century would belong to China, just as the
nineteenth had belonged to Europe and twentieth to America. He met a lot of
resistance within Aramco, but China and Asia remained vital to the strategy for
Aramco’s long-term success.
Build refineries and they will need your oil
Saudi Arabia started off in Korea, setting up refineries in 1990; it was a successful
story and Saudi Arabia is still the largest crude exporter to Korea. After a failure in
Japan, Aramco turned back to China in 1992; now there were more cars and
indications of accelerating growth everywhere. Aramco started to invest in China’s
refining sector and established a joint venture in Qingdao, ensuring continuity of oil
supply.
Main supplier to Asia
Since these early days, Saudi Arabia has been the largest exporter to each of the
major Asian economies most years. Aramco’s strategic investments in south-west
China work as a guarantee for a long-lasting footprint. Most refineries and the
infrastructure for supplying oil from China to the Indian Ocean are built for Saudi
crude oil qualities.
China is the obvious buyer
It is not only Saudi Arabia investing in China; in 2015, Chinese Sinopec
commissioned the world’s most advanced refining complex on the Red Sea. It would
not be too surprising to see China take the opportunity to buy a stake in Aramco. If
it was only about finding a buyer, we think it would be a done deal with China, but
for MBS, it is also important to bring in Western buyers.
When will the IPO take place?
For almost two years, Saudi officials have been saying that the IPO is on track and
the company will go public in the second half of 2018. Recently, there have been
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Aramco started to
invest in China’s
refining sector
Important to bring in
Western buyers
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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mixed signals from top officials regarding the timeline of the IPO. MBS has shifted
from the second half of 2018 to the first half of 2019, while the CEO of Aramco
defended the existing plans and said that the IPO is ready to take place in 2018, but
he noted that the government has the final say.
MBS has invested a lot in Vision 2030, and in order for the Vision to materialise, the
IPO needs to be successful. It could be argued that MBS’s future as crown prince
relies on Vision 2030, and by extension the IPO. MBS is probably waiting for the
stars to align before he announces the IPO, but time is not on his side. Saudi Arabia
has invested a lot in keeping the oil price high and maintaining OPEC’s production
cap. MBS made many enemies when he locked up Saudi princes and froze their
accounts. They are likely waiting for a chance to bite back.
Taking a chance on Saudi Arabia
So why the delay? We argue that the IPO is more than just the selling off of a part
of the state-owned company. It is so intertwined with the Saudi economy that you
cannot look at the company in isolation. Saudi Aramco is a part of Saudi Arabia and
Saudi Arabia is a part of Saudi Aramco. By investing in Aramco, you are not only
getting a part of an oil company but also a part of Saudi Arabia. By investing in
Aramco, you thereby take a chance on Saudi Arabia. This explains MBS’s eagerness
for new economic reforms. The second pillar of Vision 2030 is to attract foreign
investors and the IPO is a way of doing this. By getting a broad-based ownership
structure from all over the world, MBS hopes to be able to attract other investors to
the country.
Listing and investors
From a media perspective, MBS’s primary focus has been on finding investors in the
US and UK. At first, he did this by flirting with a listing for Aramco on a US stock
exchange, which he later decided not to do. Recently, he went on a roadshow in the
US to promote the company and Saudi Arabia as an investment opportunity.
Surprisingly, there has not been as much focus on China, which is the more obvious
buyer because of the close relationship when it comes to oil, among other things.
We believe this is because the Chinese deal is already set in place. Now MBS wants
to get US investors, as he hopes it would signal US acceptance that Saudi Arabia is
taking its social responsibility and by extension signal acceptance of Saudi Arabia
as a legitimate target of investment. Acceptance by US investors could mean other
countries follow. We believe that the listing will take place when MBS is satisfied with
the investors. The right investors are likely more important than the price in the big
picture, in our view.
USDSAR peg: Not an alternative solution
In 1986, the riyal was firmly pegged to the US dollar at a value that has not changed
for almost three decades; so, Saudi Arabia has a long history with a fixed currency.
The dollar peg has served Saudi Arabia well, in our view, and is likely to do so until
it becomes a meaningfully diversified economy, with exports denominated in a mix
of currencies. Over the period between 1986 and the current oil price collapse in
2014 Saudi Arabia has been doing well, with GDP growth of 4% and low and stable
inflation averaging 1.4%. Much of this is, of course, explained by the low engagement
of the local labour force, breaking the usual link between salaries and inflation.
The IPO needs to be
successful
Intertwined with the
Saudi economy
Acceptance by US
investors could mean
that other countries
follow
Long history of a
fixed currency
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
11
The country’s central bank is not statutorily committed to maintaining the peg at 3.75;
the peg can be raised or lowered when misalignment becomes a problem. The central
bank can defend the peg, either through direct intervention in the spot and forward
markets, or indirectly, through monetary policy and domestic interest rates. Most
central bank functions are possible, but are limited, given free capital movements.
Advantages of a fixed peg regime for Saudi Arabia:
Stability, as the peg is credible
Lower interest rates
A clear and easy-to-understand nominal anchor
Moderation of inflationary expectations, especially when oil price is high
Disadvantages of a fixed peg regime for Saudi Arabia:
Susceptibility to currency crises
Requirement of a high level of international reserves
Low ability to absorb shocks, which are instead passed on to the real sector of the
economy. This is what has happened since 2014.
If the depressed oil prices were to last for much longer, there are concerns that Saudi
FX reserves could become exhausted, unless government spending is curbed and
new sources of revenue are established. This explains why Saudi Arabia was so
keen to start raising money from bond markets instead of depleting FX reserves
further. The Saudi government has borrowed this money from both domestic and
international sources, but it comes at a cost, with the country paying twice as much
for its international bond as Qatar did. A combination of targeted cuts in government
spending, particularly on imported goods, combined with the issuance of government
bonds to domestic borrowers, including citizens, and the spending from reserve
accounts, particularly from those funds earmarked for specific capital projects,
should enable the government to maintain a sufficient level of deposits. In this
equation, the Saudi-led change to OPEC’s strategy from flooding the market in 2014
to production cut in 2017 makes sense. Oil has rebounded from USD 45 to USD 65.
Advantages of a peg
Disadvantages of a
fixed peg regime for
Saudi Arabia
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
12
There has been much speculation about the desirability of a devaluation of the riyal
against the dollar as a way to balance the budget “painlessly” by boosting
government oil revenues, which are denominated in riyals. However, such a move
would be far from painless, as it would raise import costs for both the general public
and the government. The current plan was to restrain government spending, raise
non-oil revenue, and borrow the funds necessary to close the revenue-expenditure
gap. As the bond issuance has been too expensive, the modified plan includes
raising money from the IPO instead.
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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Structural shift in oil market
Today, the US, Canada and Mexico produce more oil than the three largest OPEC members, namely Saudi
Arabia, Iraq and Iran. The cartel’s position of power finally came under pressure when production started to
grow rapidly outside the cartel in 2010 and US shale became a commercial source of new supply. Supply growth
broke all records and production disruptions decreased; oil fell by 50% in 2014 as a consequence and the fall
marked the end of that cycle.
EV revolution: tipping point for oil demand
The automotive industry is on the verge of major change as manufacturers race to
meet new fuel economy regulations. The IEA predicts that electric vehicle sales will
reach 25 million units by 2030. Using a consensus growth estimate for the global car
fleet of 3 percent annually, but assuming a rising penetration of EVs, results in a
scenario of 5 percent of the global installed car fleet being EVs in 2027.
That is a critical point. From 2027 onward, oil demand growth for personal cars will
be flat, and during the 2030s, we expect it to begin to decline. From 2025, we believe
battery costs will be low enough to incentivise consumers to choose EVs over fossil
fuel cars, and governmental subsidies could be phased out. OPEC expects a similar
scenario, but over a longer period. It expects oil demand to peak in the early 2030s
instead of in 2027 as it does in our scenario.
History repeats itself
The EV scenario might sound too futuristic, but it echoes almost perfectly what
happened in the 1980s.
OPEC makes its presence felt in 1973
OPEC’s first effective action was the embargo against the US and the Netherlands
in conjunction with their assistance to Israel in 1973. In parallel with the embargo,
OPEC reduced production as a reaction to the US having implemented import
quotas in 1959, which rewarded the import of oil from Canada and Mexico. This
discriminated against oil from the Middle East and forced it to be sold at a discount.
It was the reduction in production, rather than the embargo, that was responsible for
the price increase associated with the first oil crisis.
In parallel with the
embargo in 1973,
OPEC reduced
production
Commodity Strategy, April 11, 2018
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As a reaction to the high oil prices of the 1970s, the major oil-consuming countries
started to reduce their consumption. Substitutes, such as coal, natural gas and
nuclear power, started to emerge alongside new oil production outside OPEC.
Norway, UK, Colombia and Angola all developed into significant oil producers during
this period. As a result of rising supply and lower demand, oil prices collapsed and
stayed low for 20 years, until the next cycle started in 2001. Needless to say, there
were limited options for OPEC during this period; a cartel does not function when oil
prices are low, due to rising supply outside the cartel, it only functions during shorter
periods of slower demand (i.e. economic crises).
The second oil boom: the self-playing piano
The end of the dot.com bubble in 2001 coupled with the 9/11 terror attacks in the
same year saw the next upswing, this time with China surging ahead as a central
player. China’s economic progress contributed to increased demand for almost all
commodities, including oil. At the same time, the US started to retaliate for 9/11, with
the invasion of Iraq in 2003 as a central factor. There then followed more than a
decade of production disruptions and destabilisation in the Middle East. This process
culminated with the toppling of Libya’s Gaddafi in 2011 after the progress of the Arab
Spring. At the same time, President Obama imposed sanctions preventing Iran from
exporting oil to the US, which Europe sympathised with. With the exception of the
financial crisis, OPEC has therefore needed to do very little to support the oil price.
Will MBS change the economic rules?
There is a clear link between OPEC’s current strategy of cutting production and
MBS’s time in office. There is also a clear link between the Saudis’ current financial
situation, the IPO and the need for higher oil prices. Saudi Arabia’s challenges are
vast, and the IPO will not provide a quick fix to those issues; rather it should be seen
as a small part of a long-lasting campaign of structural change.
In this context, we do not think Saudi Arabia and OPEC will be able to change the
established way of things; if supply is growing outside the cartel, marginal costs will
determine oil prices. If demand simultaneously slows for structural reasons, that
might accelerate the shift. Right now, we think US shale has the capacity to fill the
supply/demand gap.
China’s progress
contributed to
increased demand
for almost all
commodities
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The Bank has adopted Guidelines concerning Research which are intended to ensure the integrity and independence of research analysts and the research department, as well as to identify actual or potential conflicts of interests relating to analysts or the Bank and to resolve any such conflicts by eliminating or mitigating them and/or making such disclosures as may be appropriate. As part of its control of conflicts of interests, the Bank has introduced restrictions (“Information barriers”) on communications between the Research department and other departments of the Bank. In addition, in the Bank’s organisational structure, the Research department is kept separate from the Corporate Finance department and other departments with similar remits. The Guidelines concerning Research also include regulations for how payments, bonuses and salaries may be paid out to analysts, what marketing activities an analyst may participate in, how analysts are to handle their own securities transactions and those of closely related persons, etc. In addition, there are restrictions in communications between analysts and the subject company. According to the Bank’s Ethical Guidelines for the Handelsbanken Group, the board and all employees of the Bank must observe high standards of ethics in carrying out their responsibilities at the Bank, as well as other assignments. For full information on the Bank’s ethical guidelines please see the Bank’s website www.handelsbanken.com and click through to About the bank – Sustainability at Handelsbanken – Sustainability – Policy documents and guidelines – Policy documents – Policy for ethical standards in the Handelsbanken Group. Handelsbanken has a ZERO tolerance of bribery and corruption. This is established in the Bank’s Group Policy on Bribery and Corruption. The prohibition against bribery also includes the soliciting,
arranging or accepting bribes intended for the employee’s family, friends, associates or acquaintances. For full information on the Bank’s Policy against corruption please see the Bank’s website www.handelsbanken.com and click through to About the bank – Sustainability at Handelsbanken – Sustainability – Policy documents and guidelines – Policy documents – Policy against corruption in the Handelsbanken Group.
When distributed in the UK Research reports are distributed in the UK by SHB. SHB is authorised by the Swedish Financial Supervisory Authority (Finansinspektionen) and the Prudential Regulation Authority and subject to limited regulation by the Financial Conduct Authority and Prudential Regulation Authority. Details about the extent of our authorisation and regulation by the Prudential Regulation Authority, and regulation by the Financial Conduct Authority are available from us on request. UK customers should note that neither the UK Financial Services Compensation Scheme for investment business nor the rules of the Financial Conduct Authority made under the UK Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (as amended) for the protection of private customers apply to this research report and accordingly UK customers will not be protected by that scheme. This document may be distributed in the United Kingdom only to persons who are authorised or exempted persons within the meaning of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (as amended) (or any order made thereunder) or (i) to persons who have professional experience in matters relating to investments falling within Article 19(5) of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 (Financial Promotion) Order 2005 (the “Order”), (ii) to high net worth entities falling within Article 49(2)(a) to (d) of the Order or (iii) to persons who are professional clients under Chapter 3 of the Financial Conduct Authority Conduct of Business Sourcebook (all such persons together being referred to as “Relevant Persons”).
When distributed in the United States Important Third-Party Research Disclosures: SHB and its employees are not subject to FINRA’s research analyst rules which are intended to prevent conflicts of interest by, among other things, prohibiting certain compensation practices, restricting trading by analysts and restricting communications with the companies that are the subject of the research report. SHB research reports are intended for distribution in the United States solely to “major U.S. institutional investors,” as defined in Rule 15a-6 under the Securities Exchange Act of 1934. Each major U.S. institutional investor that receives a copy of research report by its acceptance hereof represents and agrees that it shall not distribute or provide research reports to any other person. Any U.S. person receiving SHB research reports that desires to effect transactions in any equity securities discussed within the research reports should call or write HMSI. HMSI is a FINRA Member, telephone number (+1-212-326-5153).
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Macro Research and Trading Strategy
Macro Research and Trading Strategy Head of Macro Research and Trading Strategy & Chief Economist Ann Öberg +46 8 701 28 37Lena Fahlen Deputy Head +46 8 701 83 29
Christina Nyman Head of Forecasting +46 8 701 51 58
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Senior Economist Johan Löf Senior Economist, Sweden +46 8 701 5093
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Janne Ronkanen Senior Economist, Finland +358 10 444 2403
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Halfdan Grangård Senior Economist, Norway +47 22 39 71 81
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