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AUTHOR Ehman, Lee H.TITLE Social Education by Example: A Social Orf*anizational

Perspective on Student Learning.PUB DATE 21 Nov 79NOTE 19p.; Paper presented at Innual Meeting of the

National Council for the Social Studies (Portland,OR, November 21, 1979)

UPS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Changing Attitudes: Classroom Environment: Discussion

(Teaching Technique): Elementary Secondary Education;Political Attitudes: *Political Socialization; PowerStructure: Research Reedit *School Environment:Social Attitudes; Social Science Research: *SocialStudies; *Student Attitudes; Student Participation

IDENTIFIERS *Hidden Curriculum

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the impact of the hidden

curriculum on students. The hidden curriculum refers to the socialrelations and school climate of the schools. Two theories arepresented as the basis for studying the relationship between schoolclimate andjstudente social beliefs and actions. The generalizationtheory states that students view the school as a small versiGn ofsociety, and that they transfer their political and social beliefsdeveloped in school to the outside world as well. The congruencetheory is based on the relationship between what students aredirectly taught in classes'and what they learn indirectly throughinteAAction With the schoel authority structure. The bulk of thepaper revlews more than 30 research studies about the telationshipbetween school political climate and student attitudes and behavior.Results include the following: (1) in schools with high degrees ofstudent participation in governance, students had high levels ofpalitical efficicy and trust, (21 teachers' support of studentinvolvement it school affairs and school climate is related topolitical efficacy, (3) open classroom climate apvears to fosterpositive political attitudes, and a closed climate is associated withnegative attitudes. and (4) participation in school discussions anddebates is related to higher levels of civic competence. Althoughsome studies did not find such positive relationships, it is apparentthat school and classroom climate are correlates of student politicalattitudes. Social studies educators should be especially aware ofthis when they plan course con';ent, discussion of controversialissues, and political participation projects. (AV)

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__14n9a47 WS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO. Social EduCation by Example: A Social Organizational /46WDUCES) EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FRCW

THE PERSON OR OROANIZA TION OR IGIN.ATIM1 IT PMNTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONSSTATED DO NO7 NECESSARIL Y RFPRE- Perspective on,Student LearningSENT OF F ICIAL NAT IONA% INST1TU YE OFEDUCATION POSITION OR POL ICY

Lee H. EhmanIndiana University

TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCESINFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)."

(NJ

L.Students learn on their own, and from a variety of other sources:

CO,C.) textbooks, peers, parents, teachers and media. But they also learn from theCX)

r-4 social contexts of schools. This paper 11 examine research perspectives onCn

such learning.

Several authors have referred to a "hidden curriculum" in schools.

Giroux and Penna (1979) contrast this latent curriculum with the manifest

school curriculum, which is the "...explicit cognitive and affective goals of

formal instruction" (p. 22). They describe the hidden curriculum as the

...unstated norms, values and beliefs that are transmitted to students through

the underlying strUcture of meaning in both the formal content as well as the

social relations of schools and classroom life" (p. 22). For purposes of

the present analysis, the second part of the description--soci41 relations

of school and classroom life--is of central interest.

Tiler!,..et11 Aspects of the Social Organizational Perspective

Resoarch( rs ;nvestigating this perspeitive use much different theories

than those concerned with other aspects of schbol learning. The variables

studied are also quite different. The varitbles and theories of social

organizational learning research will be d,..scribed in this section.

Outcome variables. Rather than being concerned with factual learning

or intellectual skill acquisition, this perspective focuses on beliefs and

. Paper presented at the annual.meeting of the National Councilfor the Social Studies, Portland, Oregon, November 21, 1979

2

actions as learning outcomes. Beliefs might be convictions about the truth

of particular ideas; or attitudes, which are more generalized and enduring

predispositions toward objects or ideas. Examples of relevant attitudes

are trust in political organization, and confidence in one's ability to

influence decision-making: The beliefs can also be labelled as'values, especially,

when they are central to the "core" of a person's belief structure, and refer

to valuable means to or end state of existence, such as justice, love, or

peace. Actions studied in such research refer mainly to social activity which

characterizes how students relate to One another, to adults, and to parts of

the social structures within which they exist. Examples include cooperation,

competition, compliance, and use of influence in decision-making.

Social Context Variables. What kind of variables are taken to influence

these social beliefs and actions? They will be referred to as school social

context variables, and include two levels--the classroom and the school as a

whole. ClassrOom climate is a construct used to denote the degree to which

the classroom situation allows students freedom of expression and the ability

to have a say in the way that the classroom is structured. This climate,

in turn, is influenced both by the teacher and by the school's administrative

rules anl personnel, especially the principal and his or her expectations for

teachers. What this boils down to are these questionS: What is the basis for

authority in the classroom; who wields and/or shares the authority; and how

is the authority used?

The classroom is n very salient organization setting upon which to focus

research because students spend nost of their school time in classes. However,

the school organizational climate and structure is also ol nterest to the

r(Aearchers. Because of its mainly bureaucratic nature, it is a potentially

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important hierarchical model from which students can learn about some aspects .

of authority, partic.ipation and decision-making. The degree.-to which students

are free to participate in small groups and in school decision-making is

one feature of school climate,that is studied as an influencing variable.

Similarly, the extent to which students can make and change school rules and

administrative patterns can affect students' social learning.

Thebries of Learning from School Social Contexts,

How does learning and change in social beliefs and behavior occur as

1

a function of school social contexts? Two theories explain this connection:

The generalization theory and the congruence theory.

The ileneralization theory, is based on the simple idea that students view

the school as a small version,of society as a whole. They develop beliefs and

practice behaviOr patterns.in school that are generalized to their bbliefs

and actions outside of school. For example, if they believe fhat it is

beneficial to.obey rules in school, and hey actually ( conform to school .'

rules, they might also believe :n and obey society's lawsin.geheral. Or,

students might find that it is not possible to -influence a school rule, and'N.

this conclusion might be generalized so that the students believe fhatsthey

also cannot inthience political decisions in the wider society.

The camruence theory can also explain connections between school social

context vnriables4-avld.student social learning. With this theory, the important(vIA

feature is the relationship between overt messages being communicated to

students about such phenomena as the nature of participation in decision-.

.,

making and authority/power-relationships, and,the perceptions by the students.

of what role they actually have in the school environment. Let us suppose

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that students are told by, school authorities that they can influence such

school rules as those governing smoking, off campus privileges, or how school

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concession money is spent. At the same time the students, when they attempt

to exert influence in these matter's, find that the principal or school board

ignores their ideas and activities, and make the decisions jndependent of

student input. This would be an incongruent situation, and according to the

congruence theory, students would "learn" negative attitude& such as disc

interest in decision-making distruct of authorities, and lack of Confidence

in their aan political influende. Congruent situations would "teach" positive

versions of the corresponding attitudes.

It is interesting to note that the congruence phenomenon, if it is valid,

is a link in a more complex chain. Social and political forces outside the

school certainly attempt to determine how schools contribute to the political

socialization process. State legislatures, for example, enact statutes

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requtring the study of history and government in. hopes that citizen-support

of the political system win. result. But the way in which schools are structured

and operated, also influenced by the same outside forces, might undermine the

goals of future citizen support, if the good.citizen messages of the nandated

curriculum cOnflict with the examples provided by the school's hidden curriculum.

The two'theO'firs are not competing as much as they are complementary.

Suppose students are taught in government or civics class that citizen

participation in politics can have an influence in the political decisions and

policies that are formulated by leaders. They learn that voting, communication

with representatives, and participation in interest group activities are wayb

in which this influence can be used. So far we are referring to the manifest

curriculum, and theories discussed 2fore--psychological learning theories, for

51.1

example--can explain the acquisition of tbis knowledge: But now let us suppose

further that a group of students mobilizes wide support for the purchase, with

student council funds of. two vending machines.which dispense icefor.

drinks in the cafeteria. They vote for student council representatives who

support this idea, and they communicate with student council members, teachers,

the principal and school board members. Reaction is uniformly positive, until

the idea is vetoed by the school board. Although the money has bk..m raised,

the idea is stopped. (This example is a real one.)

S.everal outcomes can result. First, although students are taught in

class that political decisions are made in a participatory system, they discover.

4

, that some of these decisions are actually made in an authoritarian and arbitrary

way, and within a hierarchical, bureaucratic structure which tends not to

respond to bottom-to-top communication and influence. The generalization

theory would predict that it is the latter picturs of politics that students

would tend to learn and use, not the former one "learned" in class. The

congruence theory would predict that the students would have more negative

'political attitudes as a resUlt of the incongruence between thetwo political

("pictures" that are presented in school. 4

Ia a very real sense, we are talking about social education by example.

"Believe as I say, not as I do," is the message. 'In school situationsf,

characterized by mariy examples of incongruencies, it is not likely that

students will heed that message. Instead, they will generalize their resulting

egative beliefs to the wider political and social sphere. The impotent

student council becomes the city council or the state legislature. Their

frustration and disinterest in 'School offairs becomes later voter apathy,

a lack of,awareness, and perhaps political cynicism and alienation.

6

These theories are based on aHnotion of learning by example, but are not

the same as social learning theories in the sense that Bandura (1977) describeS

them. Social learning theory depends upon identification with or imitation

of indivi4ual role models. The present theories depend upon "examples" in

the sense that situations and processes are examples. A participant school

system, in which students do have influence in decision-making, or a classroom

in which students can freely expiess their opinions on controversial matters,

are positive "examples" which students heed in the present theories.

Research Exam les of the Social Organizational Leaming_llerspesciKe

At the school level, there have been several studies which have investigated

the relationship between school political climate and student attitudes and

behavi- All such studies are obviously correlational, not experimental,

and ca, ',;ms cannot be made. Nevertheless, some fairly consistent findings

'do emerge t. support the hypothesis that such a relationshipcausal or not--does

exist.

Ehman and Gillespie (1975), studying thirteen schools, Siegel (1977),

studying five schools,'and Metzger and Barr (1978), who studied two schools,

classified schools into four organizational eategories--elite, bureaucratic,

coalitional, and participant. They found positive relationships, so that the

more participant the school, the higher C.e students' political efficacy,

-trust, and sociar integration.. (Tt should be noted,that Lamperes and Penns

(1978) criticize the organizational categories used in these studies.) Wittes

(1972)' analyzed ten schools according to four different power categoriesdiffuse,

local control, centralized, and differentiated. He Pound that the more dif-

ferentiated the power in schools, the higher the sense of personal control.

This relationsoip in mediated by students' integration with their peer group,

however.

Several have studied the school authority structure without categorizing it

into types, but rather characterizing it as authoritarian (or closed or

custodial) and democratic (or open, or humanistic). This general "school

climate" construct has been related to student'political orientations hy

Rafaledes and Hoy (1971) and Hoy (1971), (45 schools), who found less

alienation in open schools, by Waring (1974), (28 schools), who found that

teachers' support of student involvement in sChool affai7s and school climate

is related to political efficacy, and by Jennings (1974) and Levenson (1972),

(9-7 schooli), who found higher efficacy, trust, civic tolerance and participatory

orientation for various indiCators of school climate. Merelman (1971),

(two schools), found that school input variables, which included student

decision-making, were related to support for democratic norms on a number of

dimensions and to political information, but are not related to political

participation. Davis (1974)., (two schools), foUnd that in authoritarian

schools, activist students used confrontational tactics to effect changes,

while in permissive schools activist students used negotiation tactics in carrying

out their political actions. Thus, school climate might be relatedA3 political

behavior as well as political attitudes:

There is some contrary evidence, however. Grossman (1974), (nine schools),

found that in closed.school climates, students were mote likely to tolerate

dissent. Arkley (1973), (14 schools), asserted that elementary school

organizational climate.is not related to attachment to the political community,

political efficacy, or other beliefs about the meaning of democracy, permanance

of law and appropriate responses to wrong police actions.

It is a genet:al weakness- across all'of these studies that no explicit

theoretical approach is used. Neither the generalization theory nor the

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congruence theory--nor any other well-developed theory--supports the interpretation

of findings in these studies. Before we can proceed further into auch

inquiry theoretical development is crucial.

Overall, however, the evidence is fairly convincing that there may be

- relationships between 'School organizational and governance climate and

student political attitudes and behavior. If students attend carefully to

school governance patterns as cues to what the larger political world holds

for them, then it is reasonable to expect some effects on students' attitudes

depending on what they see going on around them in school.

The classroom level also seems to provide "examples" for student social

learning. The construct "classroom climate" is often used in research on this

point. Classroom 'climate refers to how teaching is carried out. When students

have an opportunity to engage freely in making suggestions for strncturing

the classroom environment, and when they have opportunities to discuss all

sides of controversial topics, the classroom slimate is deemed to be "open."

When these conditions do not prevail, and when the teacher uses authoritarian

classroom tactics, it is considered "closed."

Open classroom climate has been found to foster a range of positive

political attitudes, and a closed climate is associated with negative

attitudes. Torney, et al. *(1975) analyzed their national sample of 9, 13

-and 17 year olds to determine the effects of specific civic education practices

on political attitudes and beliefs. Several conclusions result from this

analysis. First,

The use of printed drill in class, the stress on factual

aspects of the subject matter, and the engagement of the

students in various patriotic rituals (such as flag raising,

ceremonies) have, if anything, a counter-productive

effect in civit education. (p. 19)

But they go on to assert that

On.the whole, the results showed that specifit classroom

'practices were less important than what is often called

the I:classroom climate"; more knowledgeable, less

auihoritarian, and more interested students came from

schools where they were encouraged to have free discus-

sion and to express their opinion in class. But students

who have reported having frequent politiCal discussioils

witb teachers were not necessarily more democratic

in their attitudes. (p. 18)

Some specific factors appearing to be related to low authoritarianism

were 1) encouragement of independence of opinion expression; 2) infrequent

participation in patriotic rituals; 3) emphasis on Non:Western cultures in

social studies classes; 4) infrequent use IA printed drill; and 5) will-

ingness of teachers to discuss sensitive issues in class. These same factors

appear to be related to student participation in political discussions, both

in and out of school. It was only classroom climate, however, that appeared

related in a positive way t all of the desired civic outcomes under study.

Grossman (1974) reports results both confirming and conflicting with

these generalizations. He studied nine San Francisco area high schools, and

of the school factors that were related to tolerancerof dissent, the most

important were 1) perception of student freedom to express views in class;

2) closed school environment; 3) strict school rules; and 4) number of

courses taken in which controversial issues were often discussed.

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It has also been found that classroom climate has differential effects

on black as compared to white high school students. Black students appear

to have positive attitude changes with more exposure to controversial issues

classes with an open, rather than a closed, classroom climate (Ehman, 1969).P

Ehman (1970, 1972) reported a two-year longitudinal study of.14 high

school social studies teachers and 100 students. He observed that a very

low proportion of classroom verbal interaction is spent in a "normative"

mode during lessons involving discussions of controversial issues. (This

"ndrmative" mode refers to teachers and students expressing opinions and

judgments, rather than factual statements.) B t for those classrooms in

which above average proportions of time are spent in the normative mode,

students are likely to have lower political cynicism but not higher political

eorefficacy. In another report of this study (Ehman, 1972), it was found that

the number of semesters of social studies classes taken was positively related

to increases in political efficacy, as was exposUre to discussion of controversial

issues. These findings, then, support those of Grossman and, to a certain

extent, those of TorneY, et al.

.in,a differentlkhirteen-school, two year longitudinal study of Classroom

climate effects, Ehman (forthcoming) found very consistent positive effects

of open class climate variables on political trust, social integratpm, and

political interest, and negative effects on political efficacy. The three

climate indicators in this study were 1) frequenty of controversial. issues

/ exposure; 2) range of viewpoints encouraged by teacher; and 3) openness of

student opinion wression.

Other recent evidence supporting this idea has emerged from a secondary

analygis of the 1976 National Assessment social studies and citizenship data.

ii

11.

Mullig °(1979) performed a regressIon analysis in iihich it was shown that school

effects were substantial predictors of both political knowledge and atiitudes

(valuing constituttonal rights, respect..for others opinions, and willingness

to participate politically) of seventeen year old students. A classroom

climate indicator--the frequency of student centered discussions--is one

such predictor of these political attitudes.

Almond and Verba (1963) lso found that remembered participation in'

school discussions and debates is related to higher levels of civic

competence., Levenson (1972) fouhd that in classrooms whose teachers reported .

frequent political discussions in class, students were more likely to define

good citizens in participatory terms. Allman-Snyder et al. (1975), in studying

elementary clagsrooms, found that in open vs.'closed classrooms students

we,..e more likely-to find democratic solutions to conflict situations. Glenn0

(1972), also studying elementary school students, established that positive

feelings about classroom participation were related to higher sense of political

efficacy; 'The highest correlations in this study were between efficacy and

students' "feeling free to say, what ,they, want in class." 8tudent classroom

verbal initiations have been correlated with increased political efficacy

and decreased cynicism (Ponder and Button, 1975). Dillon and Grout (1976).

found, decreased alienation with open classroom climate, as indicated by both ,

teacher and observer data on'openness of students to initiate learning activities

and control classroom structure. Hawley (1976) and Hawley and Cunningham

(1975), in their preliminary reports, also found a positive linkage between

classroom climate variables and student political attitudes.

Long and Long (1975) cast.some doubt on this picture, however. In their

1971 study of 588 high school students in T'Linois, they found a low negative

relationship between amount of discussion of controversial issues and-political

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cynicism. Vaillancourt (1972) supports, in part, th earlier,evidence, howevar,

by finding a positive relationship between efficacy and student perceptions of

teacher openmindedness, one ingredient of classroom climate. She failed to

find a relationsbip between amount of controversial issues discussion andc

,

political efficacy, however. Baughman (1975) and Mleixel and Haller (1973)

:also have reported studies that find no effects of classroOm climate indicators.

Although there are a few contradictory studies, it is impressive that

the evidence from a variety of studies lines up solidly in support of

classroom climate as a potent coreelate of s,udent political attitudes.. The

different studies use different indicators of this rather vague construct,

but the relationsbips show remarkable consistency. Open classroom climate

generall) is related to higher politital efficacy and trust, and lower

, political cynicism and alienation--to more(i.Pemocratic attitudes. The near

uniformity of' the findings, given the diversity in conceptualization and

mea:Airement, points to.a very promising area for 'future.research, and

certainly suggests the need for confirmatory experimental work.

The theoretical bases used to interpret the findings of these several

studiee again seem e ith e r thin or non-exist:mt. 'Ehman (forthcoming) dcies

.forward.the consistenGy theory as helping to explain the. findings-from

longitudinal study, but it is admitted that this is mainly the use of post ,hoc

theorizing, rattler,than basing the original conceptualization On an explicit.

theory.

USe of the Social OrgAnkltion.11.1.41Q11.2NLyrna!stives in the-StndLof Soaal

Studies Education-This perspectiVe is important for,the study of social education. .We must

be as sensitive to the unintended outcomes of schóol experiences ns to those

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, that we plan. In subjects such 33 maLhematics and, science, there is little

reason for concern that unplanned school experiences will somehow contradict

what is learned in those classrooms. But for social studies, quite the contrary

is true. Giroux and Penns (1979) warn social studies curriculum developers

that the hidden curriculum has "...capacity for undermining the goals of social

education" (p. 23).

Researchers need to do more work in describing the hidden curriculum,

and to use more sophisticated methods oftesting hypotheses about the relation-

ships discussed above. At the school level, experimentation is not practically

possible, and correlational studies will have to be the rule. But better;

description of social Organization attributes in schools can lead to better

understanding of,the relationships, even though we must depend on expost facto,

studies. So far we have used very gross mieasures of school climate in such

studieS, and better concepthalization and measurement will contriBute significantly

to our understanding of-what school climate factors are most important for

student social learning.

It is at the classroom level that the most interesting new research can

take place. It appears that there are influential variables over which social

st ud4t,s_teache r s hav du c -cent rovers ia.:1

issues at the secondary level, for example, seems to be one key to student

attitudes about politics. Investigating a wider range of potential variables

amenable to teacher control, ahd replicating existing findings, should be pf

priority in research in this area. Lengitudinal re:2arch presents thekgreatest -

challenge. To find effects over significant periods of time--especially into

adult years, is of major importance, and also of major diificulty. The Almond

and Verbs (1963) conclusion that remembered school experiences shaped adult

attitudes is an intriguing one, but badly needs longitudinal verification.

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Research in this area should also be aimed at a wider range of outcome

variables. Rather than political attitudes and behavior, a more comprehensive

.understanding of the phenomena could be gained through studying such social

learning outcomes as the way students respond to rewards, to evaluations of

their work, to cooperative and competitive task situations, and so forth.

Both the generalization and congruence theories could be used to analyze

relationships involving these social outcomes, and they would increase the

breadth of our knowledge about the hidden curriculum as a whole. Even though

these outcomes are more general than those usually thought of as objects of

social studies curriculum, nevertheless they.seem very pertinent for a general

.theory Of social educaiion.

One needed feature of future research is the use o theory'base. It

has already been pointed out that nearly all studies in this arena lack such

a base. Until some theoretical guidance for research is used, findings will

have little explanatory power, and summing them'up into generalizations is

difficult. The two theories pro sed Ft this paper may or may not be u5ed in

'this way. But theoretical development and use is an important research need.

Of central methodological concern'are the issue of independent observation

_and the pr atior_una_of analys Ls . U p_ta_th Ls _po t ,, moat studies_b av a_ralied___

upon student perceptions as the data source for measuring school or classroom

climate. But it is also student data, in the form of beliefs'and behavior,

that is being related to the climate variables. Because the data sources are

not independent,,obviously, a "built i " correlation exists in such.data, and

some relationships "discovered" by researchers may be artifacts of that condition.

The obvious dolution is to gatbvr school and/or classroom climate data independently

from students, preferably through the use of trained and objective observers.

k.

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The unit of analysis choson in organizational climate studies provides a

perplexing analytic problem. Conceptually, if it is the school or classroom

that is having an impact on student beliefs and actions, then the unit of

analysis should be the-school or classroom, not the individual student. The

analogy is in teacher effectiveness research, where researchers have agreed that

it is misleading to analyze data at the individual student level in correlational

studies. Instead, they aggregate data to the classroom level, and then ana/yze

for teacher (or classroom) effects. It appears that this should also be,ti*l'e

choice for the present kind of .esearch, even though needed sample sizes are

difficult to achieve for such analysis.

Conclusion

.It alight be as important hpw we teaPb. as, what_we teach, when considering,.

social beliefs and-behavior. Thi,s idea is an important one, and needs more

inve4tigation. The theories underlying the idea needjurther development.

The two theories described in this paper are not so much explicit inventions

by 'researchers as they are observations about how to e4lain a variety of

research findings already reported. Theoretical work will lead to better

description and measurement of phenomena, as well as explanation of pertinent'

relationships. Compared to the other thre'e approaches discussed in this

symposium, the social organizational approach appears to have equal promise

,in terms of importance for social education, but also has the least developed

theoretical biise and the thinnest ampirical findings.

16

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