Class Consciousness and Identity: The Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona, Spain

Class consciousness and Identity

The Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona,

Spain

This Bachelor`s thesis is a qualitative research project based on six in-depth interviews with Bolivian immigrants residing in Barcelona, Spain.

Class Consciousness and identity are explored and understood in terms of a sociological analysis of the narratives and experiences shared by the

interviewees.

María José Oomen Liebers

University College Maastricht

June 2010

Class Consciousness and Identity: The Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona, Spain

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Table of contents

Introduction........................................................................................................................page 3

I. Research Methodology...................................................................................................page 5

II. Theoretical Background................................................................................................page 7

I. A fluid conception of Identity............................................................................page 7

II. Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity............................................................................page 9

III. Nationality and National Identity..................................................................page 10

IV. Class, class consciousness and upward class mobility..................................page 12

V. The Intersections between ethnicity and class................................................page 15

III. Historical Background: Bolivian Identities...............................................................page 17

IV. International Migration Patterns and the Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona................page 21

V. Research Findings.......................................................................................................page 23

I. Strong work ethic and internalization of values and beliefs of host society...page 24

II. Aspiration of upward class mobility in Bolivia..............................................page 32

III. A fluid, multi-layered ethnic identity............................................................page 36

VI. Conclusion.................................................................................................................page 43

Bibliography....................................................................................................................page 46

Annex 1............................................................................................................................page 49


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“At a Latin American level we have been made to work...our race is

made for working...”

Alejandro is a thirty-two year old Bolivian residing in Barcelona for six years. The above

quote is an excerpt from a recent study based on six in-depth interviews conducted in April

2010. Questions regarding the lifestyle, beliefs, work as well as migration experience were

asked in order to gain understanding about class consciousness1 and possible reconfigurations

of the identity of Bolivian immigrant workers in Barcelona.

The interviews revealed, among many other things, a prevalent work ethos and work

commitment. The interviewees, all coming from a working-class background in Bolivia,

reflected the determining role their work plays on who they are today; on their identity.

Around the world, ethnicity and class are intrinsically linked, revealing the potential

their intersection has in the structuring of inequalities. Since colonial times, Bolivian class

structures have been divided mainly along the lines of ethnicity. Indigenous people were

exploited during the colony. After Independence from Spain was attained in 1825, the

mestizo elite, of mainly European descent, was kept in power maintaining the traditional

hierarchies of the colony. For more than one hundred years after colonial independence,

indigenous people remained disenfranchised and excluded from mainstream society. It is only

with recent developments, such as the election of the first indigenous-identified2 president,

Evo Morales, that the restructuring of these inequalities and the re-assertion of indigenous

roots has begun.

1 In capitalist societies and late industrialized societies such as that of Spain, classes are formed according to

their members‟ shared positions within the systems of production. Lukács (1923) defines class consciousness as

“the appropriate and rational reactions “imputed” to a particular typical position in the process of production”

(p.109). Hence class consciousness is basically the understanding members belonging to a particular class have

of the society and economic system they live in. Lukács however believed that the only class which can attain

perfect understanding/perspective of their relation to the whole system is the working class of proletariat.

2 Most of the population in Bolivia is of mixed European and indigenous origin, hence categories based on

ethnicity are social constructions, and belonging to either category is based on individual or social

identifications with each.


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Migration provides for the re-shuffling of certain identity categories such as ethnicity

and class; that is, individuals who assume a class position and ethnicity in a certain society,

have the possibility, through migration, of assuming different categories in other societies.

Bolivian migration to Spain has increased abruptly in 2003, and most of its protagonists

belong to the Bolivian working class, from a poor background, and moved primarily for

economic reasons. In 2009, Bolivians became the fourth largest foreign nationality after

Moroccans, Ecuadoreans and Colombians (Fernández García, 2009). These recent

developments provide an interesting immigrant sample within which the fluidity identity can

be explored in terms of class consciousness and ethnicity.

This thesis provides a description of the sociological research conducted as well as an

overview of the theoretical framework, some historical background and demographic data.

Towards the end, it provides an analytical description of the research findings followed by a

conclusion.


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I. Research Methodology

In this chapter the research methodology employed for this research is described and explained.

In order to explore class consciousness and identity among members of the Bolivian

Diaspora, in-depth interviews were conducted from April 17th

to 22nd

, 2010. Interviewees

settled in Barcelona, were chosen, mainly due to the fact that half of the Bolivian Diaspora is

concentrated in this area. Due to a series of constraints such as time, resources and word

limit, only six interviews were conducted, each lasting between one to one and a half hours.

Open-ended questions were asked in order to explore the subjective experiences of the

interviewees, their perspectives, understandings, beliefs and meanings with regards to their

migration experience. No clear-cut answers were expected from the interviewees.

Interviewees were contacted personally3, through social networks, and their age

ranged between nineteen and thirty-two. Four of the interviewees were male, and two were

female. In order to maintain confidentiality, the real identities of the interviewees are not

disclosed, and pseudonyms are used.

This research aims to explore class consciousness of Bolivian migrants coming from

a working class background in Bolivia. Therefore the recruited interviewees come from a

lower or working class background in Bolivia and are employed in low-skilled jobs in

Barcelona. The main push factor for their migration is to improve their economic conditions

this is consistent with previous research conducted on this group, which is mentioned in

chapter III : the demographic characteristics, mainly the age of most of the immigrants which

3 The interviewer has Bolivian heritage, she has lived in Bolivia several years of her life and largely identifies

herself with Bolivian culture and identity. Furthermore she has family in Barcelona through which she was able

to establish contact with the interviewees. For purpose of objective research, it is important to mention that the

interviewer is weaved into the social conventions and standards of Bolivian society as well as the Bolivian

Diaspora since she currently does not live in Bolivia either.


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ranges between twenty-five and sixty, supports the supposition that the reason for migration

was primarily economic (Fernández García, 2009).

An interview guide was set-up (see Appendix 1) which consisted of open-ended

questions and topics to guide the discussion towards exploring class consciousness and

identity. A voice-recorder was used, as well as field notes. The interviews were conducted in

Spanish and then translated to English for use in this study.

One of the interviews spontaneously resulted in a group discussion, as two of the

interviewees lived together, and while conducting the second interview of the two, both

interviewees were present and at times engaged in discussions regarding the questions or

issues being discussed or shared. This resulted in an interesting insight, which added-value to

the research.


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II. Theoretical Background

This chapter provides an overview of the main theories applicable for the study of class consciousness

and identity.

“Classes without ethnicity are blind; ethnicity without class is empty”

Ernest Gellner, 1983

In recent years, the changing patterns of migration across the world and the increased

interaction and contact of different cultures have guided the focus and fascination with

identity and identity politics, focusing mainly on categories such as ethnicity, nationality,

race and religion. Consequently, sociological research in the context of migration has

neglected other dimensions of identity, specifically class consciousness.

Focusing solely on the cultural aspects of identity eclipses the political and

economic conditions which influence cultural differentiation and the interrelationship

between identification and the structuring of inequalities. This focus has furthermore made it

difficult to recognize and understand the possible reconfigurations and conflicts involved in

contemporary migration with regards to class. Therefore, in order to understand migration

from a transnational perspective, it is very important to pay equal attention to the interplay

between cultural aspects of identity, such as ethnicity and nationality, as well as class and

power.

I. A fluid conception of Identity

Identity must be conceptualised as a fluid and mutable entity as opposed to being

static and essential. This conceptualisation of identity, in constant flux is relevant for

understanding how migration can shape and influence immigrants‟ identity. J. Butler‟s (1990)

theory of performativity rejects the notion of identity as unified and static entity. She


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conceptualises identity as fluid; a constant performance, and not emanating from an essential,

inner core, rather as a result of performance. Her theory follows from Lacanian

psychoanalysis, phenomenology and structural anthropology which conceptualize our

understanding of reality not as objective and given, but as a constant fantasy which we

generate and construct with the language we use, our physical gestures and discourse. Butler

states that our belief in an inner, essential core as the source of our identity is due to the fact

that through our constant participation in the social world, be it through the act of speech,

gesture, etc. we use pre-established social conventions embodying them and reproducing

them through our actions hence producing the illusion of an inner core. Although Butler‟s

theory of performativity was conceptualised with regards to gender, it is also applicable to

other categories of identity.

The embodiment of social categories such as ethnicity, nationality and class,

produces the illusion of that intrinsic core as a source of our identity. Although these

categories are artificial, since they are social constructions, the fact that we embody and

reproduce them leads them to have real consequences. Migration can lead to the contestation,

re-shuffling and reinforcement of some of these categories as a source of identity.

We internalise these social classifications and performances and reproduce them

in our performances. Psychoanalytic theory states that identity is constituted through

internalization, which is actually a fantasy rather than a process. However, these fantasies are

not internal, but are structured by an external social framework. Through internalization,

social conventions shape our performances since they become “active principles of

incorporation, modes of structure and signifying the enactment of the lived body in the social

space” (Butler, 1990, p.209).

The social framework which shapes the performativity discussed is precisely the

dominant discourses and classifications surrounding ethnic, national and class identity.


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Immigrants move from different social contexts and frameworks, which leads to changes or

re-shuffling of their performances. Migration is the perfect context within which the fluidity

of identity can be explored, the constant displacement reflects the inherent fluidity of identity;

“a fluidity of identity which suggests an openness to reinsignification and recontextualization,

and it deprives hegemonic culture and its critics of the claim to essentialist accounts of

identity” (ibid, p.209).

II. Ethnicity and Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity is an individual‟s sense of self with regards to their belonging and

participation in a certain ethnic group. Although broadly speaking it is used in reference to

one‟s self-identification or affiliation to a particular group, ethnic identity entails other

features as well. According to J.S. Phiney et.al (2004) ethnic identity encompasses several

different aspects besides self-identification, such as a sense of belonging, commitment to a

group, shared meanings, values and attitudes. Ethnicity does not have a precise definition; it

is defined differently across contexts and disciplines and used to refer and differentiate

groups which share ancestry, as well as culture, place of origin, language, religion and

kinship.

Ethnic identity, based upon definitions of ethnicity, is fluid and flexible.

However, ethnicity and ethnic identity are not necessarily coterminous; in other words, a

particular ethnic identity can be conceived independently from society‟s ascribed ethnicity.

Furthermore, research points out to the fluctuating nature of ethnic identity, and how it

changes as a response to a set of different factors such as the social psychological and

political context. The meaning and conceptualisation that individuals ascribe to the values,

norms, attitudes and behaviours of their group, can be quite different from the idea and

understanding of how these attributes relate to themselves (Phiney, 2004).


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With regards to the conceptualisation of a fluid and mutable ethnic identity, there are

two main debates: the instrumentalist view and the constructivist view. The instrumentalist

conception of ethnic identity views it as a rational decision based on cost-benefit analysis and

dependent on the political context, in this regard ethnicity is a conceptualised as a political

tool, not only for the politician but for the citizen himself. In other words, individuals assume

particular ethnic identities depending on which one brings most benefits, and incurs least

costs. The constructivist viewpoint takes into consideration the intrinsic value of an ethnic

identity, and the fact that there are emotional and historical attachments which lead

individuals to assume certain identities, and not on the basis of pure rational choice

(Papastergiadis, 2000).

Both views have their limitations; the instrumentalist view reflects an arbitrary

perspective since it ignores contributing factors which also play a role in general identity

formation. Furthermore it fails to explain why certain individuals assume particular ethnic

identities of groups which incur high risks or costs. For example, in the many cases of

genocide and ethnic persecution, individuals assumed ethnic identities which involved high

risks. On the other hand, the constructivist view emphasises only on intrinsic aspects of

ethnicity, values and norms, and ignores the fact that identity in general involves the

conscious choice and definition of individuals. It is therefore important that both the

instrumentalist and constructivist views play a role in practice, and are not mutually

excludible (Papastergiadis, 2000).

III. Nationality and National Identity

Nationality, both arbitrary and exclusive, is an important source of identity, especially in the

context of migration, hence for purpose of this research. In contemporary times, Diasporas


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are commonly defined on the basis of national origin. The sense of belonging and solidarity

on the basis of nationality are not only relevant but interesting when analysing and

understanding group dynamics of immigrants in the host country. Furthermore, in line with

the constructivist view of ethnic identity, nation building and the conceptualisation of

national identity is generally coupled with ethnicity.

Nation building can be understood as an “attempt to assimilate or incorporate

culturally distinctive territories in a given state. It is the result of the conscious efforts of

central rulers to make a multicultural population culturally homogeneous” (Hechter, 2000,

p.15). In the case of Bolivia, as will be elaborated in the next chapter, nation building and

especially in relation to ethnic identity has been problematic since colonial independence in

1825. The white minorities or mestizos have attempted to assimilate the diverse indigenous

population into the mestizo conceptualization of Bolivian national identity.

R. Poole (1999) emphasizes the inescapability of national identity as a primary

source of identification: “the nation has so entered our conception of ourselves that it

becomes difficult to address the question of who we are except in terms which presuppose

that we already have a national identity” (p. 271). Nationality as a strong sense of

identification, is product of nationalism which is generated, according to Poole, through the

constant repetition and repercussion of cultural values, norms and narratives. He points out

how nationality, an arbitrary category, can have such a determining role and is essential for

individuals‟ identities.

B. Anderson (2001) defines a nation as an “imagined political community” which is

both limited and sovereign. It is imagined because, although its members do not know each

other, they feel united on the basis of an imagined communion. It is described as limited in

two important aspects, firstly because not only does it count with a finite but also exclusive

population, defined on basis of differentiation with other nationalities. Secondly, it has set


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physical boundaries which define its territory, outside which other nations exist. Therefore

this boundary not only exists spatially, but also within the common conscious of its

population. With regards to migration, the kinship shared by different immigrant groups on

the basis of nationality, is based by this notion of an imagined community which has

repercussions even outside the borders of the nation.

Contemporary migration is characterized by its unprecedented multi-directional

nature. Boundaries are trespassed much easier than before, and the spur of alternative types of

organization other than nations and nation-states represent, a threat to the sovereignty of

these. Furthermore, contemporary migration, as it places in close contact individuals from all

across the world in a single space, as in the case of Barcelona which is one of the Spanish

cities with most immigrant population, contests the arbitrary and stable nature of national

identity (Fernández García, 2009). Therefore nationality as a source of identity for purpose of

this research is an important focus point of exploration.

IV. Class, class consciousness and upward class mobility

Class is an important category and source of identification which, as ethnicity and nationality,

provides individuals with a social framework of values, meanings and norms. In modern

industrialized societies, such as Spain, which is more likely classified as a social capitalist

state, class divisions are based on the positions of individuals within the productive system.

Hence their work defines the class they belong to and determines the lifestyle and identity of

individuals (Rouse, 2006). It determines the identity of individuals, for as K.Marx (1845-46)

stated, work defines the individual. He emphasised the fact that the main characteristic which

distinguishes men from animals is their production of their means of life; by producing their

means of life they indirectly also produce the physical and material world in which they live

in. This production is not only based mere reproduction of individuals‟ physical existence,


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but rather, it is a distinctive expression of the life of each and every individual. Through their

work individuals express their life, and hence what they are and who they are is equated with

their work; what they produce and how they produce it as well: “what individuals are

depends on the material conditions of their production” (p.50).

Migration allows for the re-shuffling of class positions, since immigrants can take

a certain class position in their place of origin and take another one in their host country.

Different societies are organized and structured differently according to among other things,

the economic system of production. Spain is an industrialized nation, although it does not

constitute a purely capitalist system, and has a social welfare system, its society and

institutional structure is organized in accordance with the capitalist system of production as

with the rest of the European countries. Hence, arriving from Bolivia, developing country

with low levels of industrialization, where the institutions and societal structures are

organized differently than in Spain, is likely to produce shifts in the class consciousness of

immigrants.

Althusser‟s (1970) theory on ideological state apparatuses can be used in order to

understand how the societal and institutional structures in Spain alter and shape the

behaviour, attitudes and consciousness of individuals. In Ideology and Ideological State

Apparatuses, Althusser theorises how the working class perceives their relationship to society

and the economy i.e. their class consciousness. For capitalism‟s forces and relations of

production to be reproduced dominant ideologies within society and their institutions or,

apparatuses as he called them, have to support the class structure of capitalist societies.

Althusser (1970) focused on the ideological aspects of capitalist societies as a main

source maintaining and reproducing capitalism, without the reproduction of the ideological

aspects supporting capitalism, the capitalist class structures of production would crumble.


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The institutions which ensure the reproduction of the ideological aspects of capitalism are

what he denotes as the ideological state apparatuses, which are institutions such as churches,

schools, the mass media, etc. which teach the necessary knowledge guiding individuals in

accordance with the interests of capital, and ensuring subjection to the ruling ideology.

Individuals must be shaped and endorsed into this ideology in order for them to conduct their

tasks and work accordingly. Therefore, as individuals guide their behaviour and work

according to what is endorsed by the ideological state apparatuses, they reproduce not only

the capitalist relations of production, but also their subordination to the ruling ideology

(Calhoun, 2003).

With regards to class consciousness, P. Bourdieu‟s (1973; 1986) theory of habitus and

social reproduction provides a framework for understanding how upward class mobility can

take place. Bourdieu‟s concept of habitus is understood is a person‟s dispositions which

structure their behaviour within the social structure, and therefore also structure their

lifestyle, choices, practices, etc. Their habitus also shapes a their possibilities, generating

goals and aspirations since childhood when the habitus is internalized by the person. A

person‟s habitus is dependent upon many different factors; however an important one is their

relative class position within society. Individuals belonging to a particular class in a society

share a common habitus which consists of norms, values and an outlook of life. Different

social classes are structured on the basis of their access to different types of capital such as

economic, cultural, etc. Immigrants enjoying greater access to economic capital in their host

country can expand their possibilities exchanging economic capital for cultural capital, if they

choose their children to get higher education for example. In this way, as their possibilities

expand, and that of their children, their habitus also changes, hence their dispositions and

aspirations, so they can climb up the social class ladder (Dumais, 2002; Calhoun, 2003).


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V. The Intersection between ethnicity and class

In the context of migration, an important aspect which is also neglected is the fact

that ethnicity and class segmentation are interlinked in almost in every society across the

world.;“Ethnicity is fundamentally a cultural expression of the structuring of inequality”

(Baker-Cristales, 2000, p.17). Therefore, if ethnicity is reified as a factor according to which

labour is organized, as can be visible in the case of post-colonial nations as well as in nations

with a history of ethnic segregation, then it becomes an autonomous force dividing and

organizing the unequal destinies of different groups. In other words, ethnicity becomes an

independent and unquestioned form of social differentiation with the potential of reinforcing

economic and political inequalities4. In these circumstances, ethnic identity may appear to be

the only relevant aspect for social differentiation, giving the impression that other forms, such

as class, seem irrelevant or nonexistent.

The culture of a society is closely interlinked with its political and economic

institutions. Culture and societal institutions are in constant interaction and interdependence

and play an equally important role for the survival of society. Although many writers do

accept the relative autonomy and importance of all these different aspects, they still have

questioned if one of these institutions has more of a determining role than the others. Marx,

as was discussed previously, emphasises on material production as having a decisive role

upon individual identity, asserting that culture was not independent of society; that it does not

“ exist in a social vacuum” (Parekh, 2006, p.151). but plays the role of legitimizing the

dominant ideology of the existing economic and political systems in place. His emphasis on

material production is misleading, since it is mistaken to believe that material production can

exist in a cultural vacuum, and that material production comes a priori, and that culture has

no potential in shaping and influencing material production.

4 But also has the potential to challenge economic and political inequalities


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Different thinkers stressed different factors, Montesquieu emphasised climate and

geography as main determinants, Weber though religion was the most important aspect, and

Hegel focused on ideas. They all committed the error of emphasising solely on one aspect

and ignoring the relative interdependence among all. Hence, it is important to avoid this

mistake for purpose of this study, and not emphasise on the cultural aspects of identity but

also give relative importance to class, which has been neglected in migration studies, and

acknowledge the relative importance of both cultural factors as well as the conditions of

material production for identity, and be aware that “none of them is wholly powerless or

devoid of independent agency” (Parekh, 2006, p.151).


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III. Historical Background: Bolivian Identities

This chapter provides a brief historical description of Bolivian ethnic, national and class identities

Bolivia is one of the Latin American countries with largest proportion of indigenous-

identified population. Different estimates state that 54% to 66% of the population identify

themselves as indigenous (Assies & Salman, 2005; Psacharopulos & Patrinos, 1994;

Stavenhagen, 1992). In a country that is multi-ethnic and multi-cultural, such as Bolivia,

drawing clear-cut distinctions between indigenous, non-indigenous, mestizo, is not only

arbitrary but impossible. Categories such as race and ethnicity are social constructions,

however it is still important to be aware that these categories, as constructed as they can be,

have real implications for different societies and represent a source of identity.

When discussing concepts so fluid such as identity, it is vital to avoid essentializing

different social categories. Alluding to the previous chapter which discussed the different

viewpoints on the formation of ethnic identity, one must bear in mind that when one mentions

for example, indigenous people or mestizos, one refers to people who, most importantly,

consciously identify themselves or are structurally and socially identified/ placed within that

specific category.

In pre-colonial times, Bolivia was inhabited by a wide diversity of different ethnic

groups; the largest and most dominant ones were those form the Western highlands: the

Quechuas and Aymaras. Spanish colonization in the 16th

century was characterized by a two-

fold process of economic exploitation of natural and human resources. After independence on

August 6th

1825, the small political and economic elite, who were mainly mestizos,

maintained a system of subjugation and marginalization of the indigenous majority. For more

than one hundred years the indigenous people were disenfranchised from society.


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The Civil War of 1899 initiated a period of stigmatization and negative

representation of what was then known as the “Indian race”. Although the victory of the

liberals was clearly due to the alliance between mestizos and Aymaras, the political discourse

was abruptly reversed against the Aymaras and extended towards all indigenous groups,

categorizing them under a single, homogenous group: Indios. This was reflected in dominant

discourses at the time: “Where Liberal newspapers in La Paz once decried Conservative

abuse against indigenous victims in the early period of the war, they now described their

allies as „savages‟ who threatened the precarious federal victory” (Molina, 2007, p.5). A

period of contestation regarding the conceptualization of the “Indian Question” began. Since

the times of independence, the “Indian Question” had been a dominant source of debate for

nation building. For many mestizo elites across Latin America the presence of a majority of

the population being indigenous, and in the case of Bolivia a diverse indigenous population

became an obstacle for their goal of constructing a homogeneous and hegemonic national

identity.

In 1921, a coup d‟état took place, marking the resurgence of the traditional elite into

power. This elite dominance and resilience was maintained during the first half of the

twentieth century, until 1950 when indigenous movements and protests began against the

elite hegemony and contributing to the rise of the new political left and The National

Revolution of 1952. However this so-called „new‟ political left was still headed by leaders of

an elite or middle class background, and as with the pre-revolutionary period, elite

dominance of key social, political and economic arenas of society was maintained. The

National Revolution‟s key policies were universal suffrage, agrarian reform and the

nationalization of mining (Wade, 2005).

The agrarian reform ended the extensive land ownership, liberating indigenous

workers from their landlords and providing them with their own land for subsistence. As part


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of the nationalization project, the National Revolution aimed to bring together the entire

Bolivian population under a single identity, in answer to the persistent “Indian Question”,

stressing class distinctions rather than ethnic or racial ones. This nation-building strategy was

common around Latin America at the time, was based on the ideology of mestizaje, which is

assimilating the indigenous population into the mestizo culture. This ideology was seen as a

process of national homogenization, which aimed at “hiding a reality of racist exclusion

behind a mask of inclusiveness” (Wade, 2005, p.239).

The emphasis on class distinctions rather than racial ones lead to the suppression of

indigenous identity, replacing the term Indio for campesino, which means peasant, endorsing

the assimilation of the majority of the indigenous population into the mestizo culture: “The

registration of peasant communities and the growth of peasant federations, in particular,

fostered the fiction that the state had turned Indians into peasants and stripped indigenous

ethnicity of its salience” (Yashar, 2005, p.61). This new identity, of peasant, based on class

distinctions, nevertheless maintained the traditional master-slave relations of the past, as the

peasant was at the service of the national bourgeoisie which was still the mestizo elite.

The assimilation policies did not succeed, since the agrarian reform provided room

for indigenous groups to maintain their traditional authority systems and practices within the

peasant unions. In fact, the National Revolution did not effectively guide the inclusion of

indigenous groups into mainstream society, instead maintained them detached in the rural

areas and deprived from the economic benefits which were concentrated in the few urban

areas (Yashar, 2005).

Historically the relations between class and ethnicity in Bolivia have been complex,

as explained above. Today the relationship between class statuses remains intrinsically

related to ethnic background, where those in the upper class mainly identify with the mestizo


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and Western culture, whereas those in the working class identify strongly with the indigenous

culture.

Moreover, among the upper class, indigenous roots are looked down upon, and there

is still a strong negativity and stigmatization to many traits which are related to indigenous

culture across the country. Words such as ´cholo´ which is used traditionally to refer to a

herder in Aymara culture, is used by the upper class as almost an insult mainly referring to

backward and distasteful culture. Among the lower classes, a strive to dress, act and be more

Western is common among individuals who aspire upward class-mobility as well as a strong

rejection of indigenous roots. Although, the rejection is slowly changing now with the

presidency of Evo Morales who is re-asserting the pride of the indigenous culture, however,

the ethnic hierarchies in the Easter cities of Santa Cruz, Sucre and Tarija is maintained, where

Morales´ influence is less prevalent and where there is most economic growth. Furthermore,

Morales´ rejection of Western culture and of the traditional mestizo has lead to stronger

sentiments from the upper classes towards indigenous culture (Wade, 2005).


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IV. International Migration Patterns and the Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona

This chapter provides statistical data and basic facts on the current migration pattern of Bolivians

moving to Spain

Large-scale migration, be it in terms of volume or distance, is not a new phenomenon.

Narratives of people on the move have been recorded throughout history, and these images

are common in western consciousness, bet it as colonizers, warriors, nomads, pirates or

dissenters. The historical meanings we have of migration are intrinsically linked with a notion

of displacement. Exodus and exile are the notions most closely related to our idea of

migration, dating back from stories of Ancient Egypt or for example the Judeo-Christian

narratives of exodus (Papastergiadis, 2000).

What characterizes migration today is its multidirectional and turbulent nature,

strikingly different to previous migration patterns. The expansion of the directions of

migration, the restrictions placed upon settling, the miscellaneous identity of its protagonists

and the wide variety of their resources as well as reasons for moving have increased the

complex nature of migration patterns. Consequently, the conventional, as well as competing,

sociological theories of voluntarist versus structuralist models of migration patterns have

been completely abandoned as possible explanatory sources for the current process of global

migration (Papastergiadis, 2000).

Emigration from Bolivia has been constant since the 1970s, when most undertook

small-scale migration to neighbouring countries, mainly Argentina, in search of better

economic and life conditions. The United States was second on the list of preferred

destinations housing 15 percent of the Bolivian Diaspora. Since the turn of the century up

until 2007, Spain has become the first-choice destination for Bolivian migrants. In 1998

official figures stated a total of 1,249 registered Bolivians in Spain, however ten years later,


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in 2008, these figures sharply rose to 233.871. Bolivians have become the fourth largest

immigrant group in Spain, after Morocco, Ecuador and Colombia. They officially represent 5

percent of the total foreigners, and 8 percent of foreigners proceeding from developing

countries. Up until 2007 no visa was required for the entry of Bolivians, as well as other

Latin Americans. However, their unexpected and massive arrival lead Spanish authorities to

revert this policy by 2008 (Fernández García, 2009).

Some demographic characteristics among the Bolivian Diaspora in Spain include,

the increased and sustained feminization of migration, as well as a majority (87 percent)

being between the ages of fifteen and sixty-five. The latter, according to Fernández García

(2009) can lead to the supposition that the migration was fundamentally based on economic

reasons. Furthermore, with regards to the origin of the migrants, most of them come from the

three main urban areas in Bolivia:37 percent from Santa Cruz, the largest economic hub, 29

percent are from the province of Cochabamba, and 12 percent, from La Paz, the capital city

and the second largest economic centre of the country. On other hand, their geographic

concentration within Spain is precisely half-half, between the province of Cataluña and

Madrid (ibid, 2009).

This new migration pattern among the Bolivian Diaspora has had explicit and

unprecedented economic consequences for Bolivia, such as the fact that in 2007, 10 percent

of the Bolivian GDP consisted of remittances solely from Spain. (Fernández García.2009)


23

V. Research Findings

This chapter provides an analysis of the overarching themes present in the interviews conducted with

regards to class and identity

The main overarching themes present in the narratives of the interviewees were: a strong

work ethic, aspiration of upward class mobility in country of origin, the internalization of

values and beliefs of the host society, a strong desire to return to Bolivia, strong ties to home

country and culture, as well as evidence of a fluid and multi-layered ethnic identity.

After conducting the interviews, one question remains: how should the relationship

between the interviewees and the new context they live in be analysed and understood?

Dominant tendencies in sociological theory over the last three decades has been to view a

one-way relationship of adaptive responses immigrants have or reflect towards their new

environment. This approach focuses on the limits and opportunities they encounter. It

conceptualises individuals as closed entities within a new setting where they are presented

with a matrix of opportunities and choices. This perspective is narrow, focusing on the

rigidity of structures, conceptualising the relationship between social structures and

individuals as binary oppositions, when in reality these are in constant interaction with one

another. Consequently it also neglects the cultural aspects as well as daily social interactions

of these individuals and the fact that individuals are constantly changing and interacting with

their environment (Papastergiadis, 2000).

The standards, practices, ways of life and organization of space encountered by the

Bolivian immigrants in Barcelona are quite different than those in Bolivia. The degree of

industrialization and modernization in Bolivia is low, much lower than in European countries,

and the arrival to a modern capitalist society, consequently has an impact on their identity,

beliefs and the way they construct meaning.


24

Evidence of Althusser‟s (1970) theory on ideology and ideological state apparatuses

is reflected in the narratives of everyday life and experiences of the interviewees. The new

social structures encountered in Spain, influence and shape how they construct meaning and

view their life. They now live in a modern industrialized society, where institutions and

society are organised in line with the systems of production. The new cultural, social and

political structures political only undermine their attachment to the lifestyle in Bolivia; they

shape their daily habits and routines. They are progressively internalized by the individuals,

shaping their values and beliefs, and eventually they are absorbed by the society they live in

and reproduce these societal norms and guide their behaviour accordingly (Payne, 1997). As

Rouse (2006) summarises it: “we should treat proletarianization as an integral part of broader

processes involving the disciplinary production of class- specific subjects” (p.31).

As an alternative to dominant tendencies discussed previously, this study will view

the interviewees‟ experiences as a constant struggle within a social space which is organized

and disciplined in line with the system of production, hence a society in which its classes are

more strictly divided in accordance with the interests of capital, in contrast with Bolivian

society which is less capital-driven.

I. Strong work ethic and internalization of values and beliefs of host society

The interviewees encountered new societal structures and faced a new lifestyle different from

what they were used to in Bolivia, which brought new challenges and hardships for them.

Most of the interviewees expressed that they had a rough time adapting, for example Gustavo

stated:

“It‟s very different here... the company of people...everything is so monotonous...

I had a hard time adapting...you know because people don‟t feel well here....”


25

This section will focus on the impact the organization of space and environment has upon the

interviewees‟ attitudes and beliefs.

The way in which the interviewees spoke about their work, reflected a strong work

ethic. They demonstrated pride in their hard-working attitude. For example the case of Frida,

only nineteen, was strongly committed to her work and emphasised her inherent honesty and

loyalty towards her boss:

“My boss tells me: I have had many Spanish girls cleaning for me...but how you

work, and for the age you have... you work much... because you value your work”

Frida talks fondly of her boss, and how she has gained their trust and respect through her hard

work:

“All the Spanish people think we steal their jobs... but the truth is we work harder

and better.... we are more loyal to our bosses.. they have been so good to me, but

it is all because I have demonstrated them I can work hard even if I am only

nineteen”

Carmen works cleaning two homes for the past six years. She sends money to hey family and

has bought her parents a second house recently. She is proud of the person she has become:

“All of which I have is due to my hard work... no one gave me charity... I am who

I am because of my hard work”

Clearly for Carmen, her work is an inherent part of who she is and the woman she has

become today. She compares herself to her younger sisters who live in Bolivia, complaining

that they do not know the value of work:

“I told them, you do not know/value the effort it takes to earn money...I learned

here in Spain to value my work”


26

Alejandro, who was the eldest of the sample interviewed, is living in Barcelona for six years.

He also reflected a strong work-ethic and compared it to that in Bolivia:

“Here they show us reality...of what we live over there..because in Bolivia we

earn enough to save..only we don‟t know how to save.. That is the problem... We

don‟t know how to save”

At many points during the interview Alejandro talked about how saving is important for life,

he reflected how people in Bolivia could learn to save and invest in their future. He also

reflected how in Spain work is strongly linked with wealth accumulation:

“Here you work... for working...over there you have an illusion, I have my

children, my parents, this that...which motivates you.. but here.. no...it doesn‟t

motivate you...you get your salary...1000, 1500.. and it´s there..I‟ll maybe buy

something...I’ll accumulate...save...only save”

The narratives of the interviewees reflect how the structures, guiding a modern

industrialized society have an impact not only in the behaviour of individuals, but also on

their attitudes. They all reveal a strong commitment to their work, and how it has a

determining role of who they are today; their identity is inherently linked to their work. For

example, Alejandro has internalized the general working class attitude of accumulating

wealth, saving, spending according to the possibilities provided by that same structure.

Carmen explicitly states how who she is today, what she has is based solely on her effort and

hard work.

The goal of these capital-driven processes is to generate workers, who commodify

their labour and deliver in a predictable and steady way. They are expected to follow a

patterned routine, going to work every day, producing in a standardized and consistent

fashion, using their time efficiently and exclusively for work. The societal structures don‟t


27

only influence the working life of individuals, but extend to other areas. The archetype

proletarian is more than just a steady and efficient worker, but also a “good” consumer. These

so-called “good” consumers follow a lifestyle of active spending and capitalist exchange.

The homes of the interviewees were packed with expensive consumer goods and

gadgets such as plasma television screens, a surround sound system, etc. In this regard homes

become the space for the exhibition of these consumer goods, a reflection of their capitalist

consumer patterns.

Furthermore the interviewees reflected how they felt constantly observed and

stigmatized by the society, Frida shared the following:

“They look at you…. as if you were an insect….an alien…. from some other

planet..just because you look different”

The threat of looking out of place and being interrogated by the authorities also guides

consumer behaviour. The consumer patterns, especially in the dressing styles of the

interviewees reflected this, as most of them dressed in accordance with the Spanish fashion

standards. Another of the interviewees was dressed with very items from the known Spanish

brande: Desigual, and had a trendy haircut. Carmen, for example, expressed how she changed

her dressing patterns:

“When I first came I dressed so differently, now I dress like a European....I love

fashion here...”

Hence, once again it is visible how the societal structures have influenced the consumer

patterns of the interviewees. Migration officers are more likely to pick-out people who look

and dress differently, or just out of place. This provides strong motivation for immigrants to

assimilate to the ways of the majority of the population. Hence, indirectly, through the

control procedures not only are the societal structures generating “good” proletariats, but also


28

“good” consumers. They do not only dress like the Spanish, they also talk and decorate their

homes with the latest technological goods available5.

Although indeed these societal structures influence all individuals within a modern

capitalist society and not only the working class, the demands of this new society varies

according to class distinctions. In general what is expected from those belonging to the

working class differs to a large extent from what is expected from those belonging to middle

and upper classes. The latter are generally involved in higher positions within the productive

system, such as managerial jobs, hence what is expected from them varies according to the

interests of the capital.

An important aspect which reflects the impact of the organization of a modern

industrialized society upon the interviewees was their emphasis on the monotonous character

of life, as expressed in a previous quote by Alejandro, as well, as an inherent alienation from

their labour which they did not experience in Bolivia. When asked about the working

conditions, Gustavo expressed the following:

“It‟s very harsh... very harsh because in any job you take, you can‟t work like you

do in Bolivia calmly...any job you have to do quickly...its a chain besides, unlike

in Bolivia, where the bricklayer fulfils the entire job... He does the entire work...

here if you get delayed you delay the next worker.... It‟s boring and monotonous”

Although the interviewees came from a working class background in Bolivia, the new

societal structures had an impact on their behaviour and their outlooks of life. The division of

5Indeed one cannot ascribe the change in consumer patterns solely to the influence of the economic

environment, since other aspects such as cultural influences which determine consumer tastes play a role

influencing the behaviour and attitudes of individuals, however since this analysis is mainly concerned with

class consciousness, emphasis is made upon the material conditions.


29

labour, strongly present in the construction site, as well as in any late capitalist society, has a

mechanization effect upon workers, as expressed by Gustavo in his quote. It is repetitive and

monotonous, the individual is alienated from his work in the sense that he is not intrinsically

linked to the final piece of work. Felipe, for example discussed how he recently got a job

where he has to renovate a complete apartment all by himself, he expressed how different this

experience is from working in regular working sites in Barcelona:

“I had to renovate an entire apartment all by myself... I like it more.. there is still

time pressure of course.. but it is not so monotonous as with my other

jobs..[...]..every day I can choose what to do... and I everything, from the

structure of the wall, then putting cement, painting.. I see the final work...like I

used to in Bolivia”

The organization of space with regards to immigrants is very much determined by

migration authorities. Their presence has the potential of disciplining individuals into

appropriate along class distinctions. Migration officers stand outside metro stations,

patrolling common locations where immigrant workers go to as well as bars and other leisure

places, checking the residence status of random individuals. Those who are undocumented

are taken to a special centres for illegal immigrants in the outskirts of the city where they

await their deportation. In this aspect, individuals without the necessary credentials avoid

drawing attention to themselves, they also avoid these leisure spots in order to avoid

incurring the costs of imprisonment and deportation. Four of the interviewees had finally

obtained residence permits, while two were still waiting to be lucky. Still most of them had at

one point been undocumented and experienced the hardship of having to restrict themselves

from daily social activities, avoiding the streets as much as possible and mainly spending

their time at the workplace of at home where they would not be found undocumented by the


30

police or migration authorities. Still those who already had a residence permit, avoided or

raising attention to themselves. Most of them travelled as fast and swiftly as possible

between their home and work avoiding large-scale gatherings in public spaces. Althusser‟s

theory of how repressive state apparatuses or institutions such as police authorities guide and

shape the behaviour of individuals, is clearly reflected in the daily practices of the

interviewees. These institutions have the potential of guiding individuals in accordance with

the interests of the production system: that of delivering “good” proletariats, who are not

drunk at the bar every night and therefore, are working efficiently every day, avoiding

trouble.

It is visible how the interviewees have internalized the inherently strong work ethic

that fulfillment and progress is related closely to their capacity of earning a decent salary as

well and guiding their spending patterns in an “appropriate” fashion, according to capitalist

standards of capital exchange and wealth accumulation.

The organization of space also plays a role in guiding the behaviour and attitudes of

individuals. In Bolivia, the opposition between public and domestic still can be seen and is a

significant factor shaping family structures and gender roles. That is, the dichotomy between

the domestic sphere of society as being the safe space, dominated by women, the typical

house-wife taking care of the children, and the husband who is the one who goes out to the „

dangerous‟ and chaotic public sphere and represents the family interests. In this context,

women and children belong solely to the public sphere. However in Barcelona, as with other

modern capitalist societies, social space is mainly divided between the home and the

workplace. The workplace is not seen as „ dangerous‟ or chaotic as in the previous case, but

as in the domain where labour takes place, and the home as the place of rest. Women are not

secluded to the home, and are expected to work and also freely move between both domains.


31

In fact, the high demand for domestic workers meant that the migration of Bolivians to Spain

experienced an increase feminization. All of the male interviewees worked in construction

sites, and their work was seasonal, whereas the female interviewees had stable jobs as

domestic workers cleaning homes as well as taking care of children or the elderly. In general

women were in a better economic position, bringing if not higher, a stable income for their

families. This generated a shift in traditional gender roles still strong in Bolivian society.

Furthermore as Spain is currently one of the European countries which was mostly hit by the

financial crisis, all of the male interviewees were unemployed, however all the female

interviewees had kept their jobs and were the main source of income for their families or

partnerships. This also demonstrates a shift in economic power and increases the decision-

making power of women in their families. For example, Gustavo expressed how he,

differently from his own father, devotes more time to his son. He is currently unemployed,

while his wife works eight to nine hours daily, meaning he is in charge of taking care of his

son throughout the day:

“Now that I am not working, I try to devote all my time for my son.... like 70% or

80% of my time... and when I am working... I try to devote all my free time with

him... when I arrive at night I want to talk to him, play with him, because I can‟t

see him in the morning, kiss him goodbye because I have to leave for work

around 5.00 am..”

When asked if this is different than in Bolivia, he answered:

“of course its different, my mother was always present but my father did not even

know what grade in school I was in!..Coming here helped me, because I am

closer to both my son and wife... instead in Bolivia, the man is more social, the

one who leaves the home, very macho...it seems as if the wife and family are not

his priority...”


32

He was then asked if he thinks the father plays a larger role raising his children in Spain, he

answered:

“When I took my son to the park, I always observed all the mothers chatting on

the bench, while all the fathers were playing with their children... I would tell my

wife.. look, Mariela how different it is here... and now I see I am starting to act

this way too.. when we go to the park, I am the one chasing my son and playing

with him while Mariela is chatting with her friends..”

Gustavo believes this is mainly due to the fact that, once you are in a foreign environment

you unite an get closer with your nuclear family than you would in your home country.

Clearly the societal structures as well as the organization of space don‟t only shape

the behaviour of the Bolivian immigrants; the organization of space does not only regulate

people‟s patterns of action but also through repetition, as they values and norms of the new

society are progressively internalized absorbed into their routines and lifestyle, they

reproduce the necessary relations of production to maintain the current productive system in

place.

II. Aspiration of upward class mobility in Bolivia

As was discussed, international migration generates changes in an individual‟s identity. For

working class migrants, such as the ones interviewed, greater access to economic resources is

a main push factor for moving to richer countries. This generally coincides with class

mobility and transformations in class consciousness in the immigrants. However since they

may take different class positions in the host country and in the country of origin, their

overall class consciousness as well as class position must be analysed from a transnational

perspective.


33

For example some migrants in the host country may have the possibility of

accumulating economic capital to buy land or property in their country of origin, or take

entrepreneurial activities and invest the money in businesses. Such as the case of Alejandro,

Felipe and Gonzalo. Alejandro bought a large plot of land and recently finished building a

house in his home-town. Felipe has not yet accumulated the necessary amount, dreams of

building his own house back in Bolivia, and Gonzalo wishes to finish paying the mortgage of

his house in Bolivia and buy some property for his children:

“ Once I pay the mortgage I will be free from debts.... I am also setting aside

some money to buy more land where my children can build their homes when they

grow up”

The class-consciousness of the interviewees remained ambiguous, since they have

the possibility of assuming different class positions in Spain and in Bolivia. For example,

they can be employed in low skilled and low paying jobs in Spain, and simultaneously be

entrepreneurs in Bolivia and hence move up the social class ladder. That was the case of

Gonzalo, who quit his job as a manager of a catering business back in Santa Cruz de la

Sierrra due mainly to the low salary, and embarked on his journey to Spain. He wishes to

accumulate enough money working in the construction site in order to establish his own

catering business back in Santa Cruz.

Some immigrants can come from the middle class in the country of origin and

possess a university degree, however in the host country they are unable to convert this

cultural capital into economic capital and hence climb down the social class ladder in the host

country. That is the case of Gonzalo, who attained some university education in business

administration, and worked in a managerial position in Bolivia, however in Spain was unable

to convert his cultural capital into economic capital, and moved down the social class ladder,

working in low skilled jobs. Consequently the possibility to assume different class positions


34

in their country of origin and in their host country means the class consciousness of the

migrants is not clear cut but ambiguous.

Desire of upward class mobility was present among all the interviewees. In Bolivian

cities, the lower class generally does not own their own homes, and most of their salaries go

to paying their rent. Hence, home ownership in the cities is representative of middle and

upper classes. Most of the interviewees expressed their desire to build their own home in

Bolivia. Alejandro, who already finished building his, described how he always wanted a

large house, he managed to build a three story house with a large garden. He links home

ownership with upper-class status. Since he was eight he was worked, he believes hard work

is the only way to strive in life. Although he does want his daughters to finish their education

as he expressed:

“I hope my daughters finish their education.... I really want them to.... so that

they don‟t have to work in low-skilled and low-paid jobs like their mother and I”

Still he does not believe education necessarily leads to upward class mobility:

“...the labour market in Bolivia is saturated... I knew so many engineers who

were working as chauffeurs for private companies or even bus drivers... I did not

even finish high school and worked as a bus driver like some of them.... in many

cases working is better than studying in Bolivia”

Furthermore he believes that the rich in Bolivia, are not rich because they have important

degrees or good education, but because they inherit property from their ancestors:

“The rich in Bolivia, like the monarchs here in Europe in previous times, are only

rich because they inherit property from their ancestors... regardless if they go to

university...”


35

Perhaps, the strong emphasis of many of the interviewees to obtain property and

build homes in Bolivia is based on this belief that providing inheritance will allow their

predecessors to climb upwards the social class ladder. Gonzalo also emphasised on leaving

some inheritance for his children:

“... If I am successful and can establish my own business in Bolivia, someday my

children can take charge...they will be better off, and not have to work in low-

skilled jobs as I have even if I have some university education”

Gustavo, who shows a strong desire to stay in Spain, also revealed a desire for

upward class mobility, however in Spain. He discusses the possibility of one day having his

own apartment:

“Now that I have papers...its all easier... when the economic situation

improves.... I can earn more money and perhaps buy an apartment... a nice one in

a nice area of the city”

One of his main reasons for staying in Spain are based on his strong desire to provide a better

future for his son:

“I want him to go to university... here he has all the opportunities open to

him...he can someday become a doctor or an engineer... someone important”

This is also something common among working class, reflecting a strong work ethic in their

aim to achieve a better future for them and their family through their hard work (Dumais,

2002).

Frida, only nineteen first came to Spain hoping to be able to become a nurse at

medical school. Although her family came from a poor background in Bolivia, they always

invested in their children‟s education; her mother worked two jobs in order to pay for a

private school for her and her five siblings. Frida expressed her belief in that a good

education would bring her many satisfactions in life:


36

“I was always a good student... I have a strong will to get far in life.. have a

career”

When she arrived in Spain, her educational aspirations were shattered when she realised her

mother, who worked cleaning houses, would not be able to support her and she would have to

work herself to pay for her living expenses. She later had an argument with her mother, left

their shared bedroom and never heard from her again. She still wishes to get into university in

Spain and obtain a degree. Once she has finished with her studies she wishes to return to

Bolivia and get a good job there:

“ I will try it out one more year here... try to get into university, so I can learn

and get a good job back in Bolivia with my European degree...if I don‟t manage

within one year... I will go back anyhow and get into medical school back there...

I don‟t want to stay here.. this is not life..its only work”

III. Strong desire to return and strong ties with their home country

Although the desire to return to Bolivia was present among all of them, their narratives reflect

how most, and especially those who are living there the longest, have been absorbed by the

modern and rapid lifestyle in Spain. Some were more keen on returning immediately such as

Alejandro:

“Since I arrived, until now I always wanted to go back [...] because this is not

life..you can earn money but..its not life...”

However others, such as the case of Carmen did not consider a future in Bolivia. When asked

if she would like to return someday she answered:

“Maybe when I‟m old, what would I do there now? There is no future there for

me”


37

Carmen and Alejandro both have obtained residence permits and are the interviewees

who have lived longest in Spain: six years. Hence it is clear that their desire to stay does not

depend on the time they have spent there, but on other factors. Although Alejandro arrived

with his wife to Spain, their two young daughters are still in Bolivia, therefore he has a strong

link which is a main contributing factor for his desire to return:

“ I came here to make some money, but six years is enough.... I want to go home,

I want to be with my family in my country”

While Carmen, arrived single and has met a partner from Peru with who she is currently

living in a nicely furnished apartment. He has a successful business and she has two stable

jobs cleaning homes. She has the possibility of visiting her family in Bolivia almost every

year, and asserts that the main reason she wants to stay is because she knows she could not

earn as much in Bolivia or maintain the same quality of life back there:

“ I could never have this quality of life in Bolivia doing what I do, I could have

never afforded an apartment like this, the plasma television, the modern

kitchen.... I could have never bought my parents their house or paid for my

sister‟s tuition fees”

Gustavo, who is in Barcelona already five years and also has a residence permit,

expressed some desire to go back, however stressed the fact that in Spain he could provide

more opportunities for his son‟s future:

“ If I stay here, my son will have many open doors for him.... one day when he is

twenty he will say, Father, I want to go to Holland, or England... I want to

specialize my career somewhere else...and I want to be able to provide him for

that... I can only to that here, and not in Bolivia”

Strong ties with Bolivia and pride were shared among all interviewees. They all

criticized some cultural practices and traditions in Spain, which they could not understand,


38

and they all as well disregarded the food, emphasising that the food in Bolivia was much

better. They missed the lifestyle they had, the parties and family life.

Many of them mentioned football as something that they missed from Bolivia, and

as something which united Bolivians especially during the weekends. Frida had recently

joined an Bolivian female football team. She was so passionate about it, she devoted a large

part of the interview expressing her pride for representing her country at the local Catalan

Football League. Nationality became an important source of identification and unification for

her and the members of the team. She expressed how happy she felt when the entire team

would walk down the streets of Barcelona wearing the green uniform, which stated

“BOLIVIAN FOOTBALL TEAM”. She felt united with her team-members, they were

progressing in the football tournaments and gaining the respect from all other teams:

“I like wearing the Bolivian team t-shirt, I am proud of it... we are quite good,

people talk about us, we were on the radio....”

she later added:

“I feel proud of wearing my green t-shirt, which says Bolivia on the back...we

[the team] go everywhere together, representing Bolivia”

Football is her only distraction, since she has been in the team she takes the ball everywhere

she goes, after and before work, she trains every Sunday. Her narratives reflect how

important it is for migrants to have a sense of belonging. Furthermore, the uniform is a

symbol of that unity and identity of which they are all proud of. She wears that uniform and

she can walk proud, with all her fellow teammates, all homogenous, together, in a foreign

environment. Borrowing from the theories on performativity by Judith Butler, this narrative

also reflects how identity is a constant performance, which changes and adapts under certain

circumstances and contexts. In this regard identity is "performative in the sense that it

constitutes as an effect the very subject it appears to express"(Butler.1991) therefore action is


39

not a product of identity, but what constitutes it. Once Frida wears the uniform, she can

proudly perform her identity as a Bolivian woman, football player, united with her

teammates.

III. A fluid, multi-layered ethnic identity

As discussed in chapter III, identity is a fluid and mutable entity, contingent upon many

factors, and in constant flux. Ethnic identity can be ascribed to region of origin as well as

nationality. The interviewees revealed strong links with their region of origin within Bolivia,

increasing national pride, as well as the emergence of strong links and kinship with the Latino

community in Barcelona.

Interviewees share pride of their respective regional identity, for example Alejandro

emphasises his city of origin as a main aspect of his identity:

“First and foremost, I am Cochabambino6... then I am Bolivian”

However when they wish to distinguish themselves from other immigrants they emphasise

their Nationality and National pride, such as the case of Felipe:

“I am proud to be Bolivian, a hard-working Bolivian...”

Alejandro´s narrative also reflected how his migration experience increased his awareness of

his National identity and solidarity with people from other regions of Bolivia:

“I know people from all around Bolivia; although I still mainly hang out with

other Cochabambinos...I got to know many people from all across our country...”

he later added:

“When we first started arriving here in Spain... the communication among us

Bolivians was excellent, we would know exactly how many people were arriving

in each airplane, who they were, what city they were from... there was a lot of

6 Cochabambino is the term used to refer to the people from the city of Cochabamba, Bolivia.


40

solidarity... we would offer our homes to those who didn´t have a roof to cover

their heads....in many cases we had never seen them, but it didn´t matter they

were Bolivians, just like us, striving for a good future here in Spain..”

Narratives such as the one of Alejandro, provide evidence for Anderson´s (2001) theory

of national identity as a sense of belonging and to an imagined community. Although

Alejandro had not even met many of the people he helped out by offering his house for

them to stay, he did so on the basis that they were Bolivians. He felt a link with them, a

sense of community and kinship. This, as he also revealed earlier has clearly become

relevant in Spain, where he feels ties not only to those from his same region in Bolivia,

but also with others from across his country.

Furthermore, Felipe described how when he first arrived he stayed in an

apartment with eighteen other people, all of them Bolivians, of whom he only knew his

sister. He described how the day after he arrived he had already found a job in a

construction site:

“Information among us Bolivians travels fast... we have a good network...when

there is a job opening anyone of us hears... we immediately know who to call,

who needs it... there is a lot of solidarity and help... it doesn´t matter if you are

from La Paz, Cochabamba or even Santa Cruz...we all help each other”

Dominant discourses in Spain have the tendency to group together all

immigrants from Latin America, showing little or no sensitivity for national differences

among them. This in turn influence all Latin American groups in general as they

progressively identify themselves as Latinos. This ethnic identity is furthermore

reinforced due to the fact that immigrants from different Latin American countries

share many commonalities, such as a common language, and the history of Spanish


41

colonization. Furthermore most of them also share the same religion, similar traditions

and the majority also come from a poor class background in their countries of origin

and have arrived in Spain, mainly in search of better economic opportunities

(Fernández García, 2009). All of these shared aspects reinforce ties and solidarity

among Latinos, as well as a sense of belonging and kinship. Anderson´s (2001)

definition for a nation as an imagined community, can also apply for the Latino

community in Spain, since they share a set of common characteristics such as a

common history, language, as mentioned previously, which reinforces their ethnic

identity as Latinos and establishes boundaries from other ethnicities such as those from

the host country, as well as other immigrant groups.

This discourse establishing a strong Latino identity and sense of community was

present among all the interviewees. They have leisure activities with other Latinos, as

well as football tournaments and common clubs and bars they go to often. Carmen for

example, is now living with her Peruvian boyfriend for five years, she expressed she

would never date someone who is not Latino:

“Us..Latinos... we have more charisma than the Spanish, they are dry and

empty... we have feelings... sympathy... I could never date a Spanish guy, the most

I could date was a Peruvian...”

Carmen reflects how strongly she feels part of the Latino community, she establishes

strong boundaries in order to distinguish her group, from the local Spanish.

Frida, who is dating a Brazilian man now for two years also demonstrated her

strong linkages with the Latino community:

“ The Spanish are involved in drugs and have lost all of their values...they have

no solidarity and are as cold as stones... the Latinos.. we bring some colour and


42

music into the Spanish landscape, we are always smiling and try to keep our

important values”

The intersection of a common identity as well as one related to a strong work

ethic was present in the narratives of Alejandro. He discussed how most of his co-

workers at the construction site were Latinos, and how they were all efficient, honest

labourers:

“ At a Latin American level we have been made to work...our race is made for

working...”

Alejandro insisted that the local Spanish, believed that the Latinos were here to steal

their jobs, and that they were all thieves, but he insisted that they were all honest

workers, as he expressed in the previous quote, he does not only conceptualise all Latin

Americans under a single Latino ´race´, but he also proudly states that they are hard

workers:

“...of course.. Our race is made for working and working.. not

stealing...generally stealing is not common among us...”

Ethnicity and class distinctions are reflected from the narratives of the interviewees

they distinguish themselves, as Bolivians or Latinos, as a hard working group of people, all of

which are involved in low skilled and low paid jobs in Barcelona.


43

VI. Conclusion

This study has outlined a way of understanding the experiences of recent Bolivian immigrant

workers in Barcelona differently than dominant tendencies which focus on cultural aspects of

identity. The research findings revealed a strong emphasis on work as a determining factor of

identity of the migrants interviewed.

While emphasizing the importance of cultural aspects have upon identity of the

immigrants, this study challenges the conceptualization of these as the determining factors

upon identity. Through an analysis focusing on migration from Bolivia of the experiences and

lives of six interviewees, this study has aimed to illustrate the importance of having a

perspective which also gives value to transnationalism and class reconfigurations as

consequence of migration. To conclude, this chapter will rearticulate the main findings and

arguments.

First, the narratives of the interviewees revealed the determining factor work, i.e. the

material world, has in their lives and the people they have become since they arrived in

Spain. Hence further research on migration should focus more on the relationship between

migration and the transformation as well as reproduction of class consciousness and class

relations. This study does not aim to suggest that the Bolivian immigrants underwent a

process of proletarization; that the capitalist structures shaped them to become efficient

workers consistent with the interests of the capital. The individuals at stake have an agency,

and also a choice. What this study does wish to state is that when analyzing migration

experiences, it is important to trace class trajectories and reconfigurations. For example Many

of the interviewees gained economic capital in Spain, which they could use in Bolivia,

investing in businesses which in turn would shift their class positions in Bolivia, as they

would be business entrepreneurs, while in Spain they are working class immigrants. Hence,


44

when analyzing migration experiences it is always relevant to pay attention to the hardships

and transformations that take place when individuals move from different countries and alter

not only their lifestyle, but their working conditions, since these have an impact on their

consciousness and class position.

Furthermore, and very important, is to note that economic and working conditions are

not the only factors which play a role in the establishing, reproduction and transformation of

class positions and relations. “It is also a cultural and political process in which people are

subject to a wide array of disciplinary pressures working to shape their subjectivities in class-

specific ways” (Rouse, 2006, p.46). For many locals, these processes simply reinforce their

behaviour and attitudes, however for the Bolivian immigrants, coming from a country where

they are used to different cultural, political and material7 conditions, and have to adapt to in

order to make a living, these processes and class distinctions can represent a challenge to the

way they guide their lives. Many of the interviewees expressed the hardships they endure,

and how difficult it is for them do adapt to their host society.

The fluidity and multi-layered character of identity was revealed in the interviews as

well. Their ethnic and national identity became relative, depending on the context and

circumstances. When they were relating with other Bolivians, their city of origin or region

became a relevant factor of identity. In other circumstances, their national identity became a

prime characteristic of their identity, such as when they were engaging in team sports against

other nationalities. The emergence of a Latino identity became relevant when dominant

discourses of society placed all Latin American immigrants within this category, as well as in

situations where other Latin Americans were facing the same situation. The common history,

7 Material conditions with reference to the Marxist notion, so the economic conditions, the system of production


45

language and roots are decisive in the establishment of kinship and solidarity among Latin

Americans.

Identity is inherently about establishing boundaries, establishing a difference, between

you and the other, us and them. In the context of migration, the fluidity of identity is strongly

revealed.


46

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Annex 1

Interview Guide

I. Introduce yourself, topic of research, explain purpose of investigation

a. Ask permission to use a recorder, explain that their identity will be kept

confidential.

a. Break the ice with general / basic questions

II. Begin more specific questions, divided into five categories:

Category I: Explore Economic conditions, Quality of Life

a. Do you feel your quality of life has changed since you arrived in Spain, in

comparison to Bolivia?

-Discuss: Habits, routine

b. What do you do in Spain? Work?

c. Has your access to resources increased/decreased?

-specifically consumer goods, property, business opportunities

-access to education

d. Do you feel your values/perspectives on life and the world have changed since you

arrived?

e. Do you feel your opportunities/possibilities have increased/decreased living in

Spain? If so, how?

Category II: Explore perspectives on Inequality

a. What is your opinion about social inequalities in Bolivia?

b. What kind of social inequalities did you see in Bolivia?

c. Do you see any social inequalities in Spain?

d. Why do you believe there are social inequalities in Bolivia? in Spain?

Category III: Ethnicity

a. Do you feel strong ties with Bolivia?


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b. Do you celebrate, here in Spain, some traditions/customs typical of your region in

Bolivia? Examples

c. Do you speak any of the native languages of Bolivia?

d. Are you religious? Do you practice any religious traditions here in Spain?

Category IV: Identity

a. When someone asks you where you are from, what to you answer?

b. What is more important to you, your regional origin or your national origin?

c. What does it mean to be Bolivian to you?

d. Do you feel Bolivian?

e. Do you have any contact with other Bolivians here in Spain?

f. What does it mean to be Latin American?

g. Do you feel Latin American?

h. Do you know other people from Latin America here in Spain?

i. Do you feel any similarities/commonalities with other Latin Americans?

Category V: Migration

a. Reasons for migrating

b. Desires to return

c. Future perspectives

III. End of Interview

a. Close of with smoothly, ask about future plans, allow the person to ask any

questions.

Class Consciousness and Identity: The Bolivian Diaspora in Barcelona, Spain

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