20

CHAPTER ONE

PRE-COLONIAL LOTHA NAGA SOCIETY

The Lotha Naga constitutes one of the major tribes of the state of Nagaland. They

have their own cultural tradition which is different from the rest; they have their

own customary laws and social system not only to exist as a community group but

also to govern them from time immemorial. Like any other Naga tribe, the Lotha

Nagas too rest on oral traditions which are handed down from generation to

generation. This chapter is an attempt made to highlight in brief, the structure of

the Pre-colonial Lotha Naga society. It will also give brief description about the

role of Lotha Naga women in the society.

Originally the Lothas called themselves "KYONG" it simply means man. Till

today Kyong is used popularly among the Lothas .The word Lotha has been

interpreted in various ways, according to one theory, the word Lotha derived from

the khuzas and the Angamis language, "'LA-THA " meaning "gone to a far place"

or "gone ahead". It is possible, because the British first came and encountered the

Khuzas and the Angami Nagas. It is therefore believed that the British must have

acquired the name LOTHA for KYONG from the Khuza word LA-THA. Hence this

view is generally accepted .

1.1 THE VU^LAGE

The Lotha Naga society is generally an egalitarian and democratic in nature. It is a

patriarchal society where lineage is traced through the male members. The

structure of the society is basically rural in character. The village is one of the

outstanding social political institutions of the Lothas .The villages are defensively

located on the top of a hill to protect themselves from any outside aggression. To

21

establish a village, various formalities were observed. First of all the area of the

proposed village is settled in consultation with the nei^boring villages, and then

the survey party is sent to see the boundaries and the site of the village. After a

new village is being established, pvuti (chief) is selected. Before entering into the

new village, the chief sprinkled rice beer followed by prayer, then the pvuti (chief)

killed the chicken to see the omen. Then the warriors first entered and look around

the village to see whether there is any enemy hiding or not. After that a very

important ceremony took place i.e. to drive away the evils. After all tfie formalities

are being done, the chief makes the declaration to enter into the village and after

entering into tfie village every household performs an ofRcial ceremonj^.

The villages were strongly fortified with stockades, and deep ditches. There was

no class distinction in Lotha society. However the citizens of a village were

classified into tiiree groups- I. Ephyosan (Rulers), 2. Ekhyoekhung (Warriors) and

3. Arushurui/Kishiroe (Commoners). The first group belonged to the elected

members of the administration. They were the decision m^dng body and all the

disputes in the village were settled by tfiem. The second group consisted the

people those who had performed Osho (Social feast of merit). They were entitled

to be elected as members of village administration and had tfie right to participate

in fte debates on village issues and decision making. A man from this group was

chosen as Village Pvuti (chief). The third group comprised tfie people who had not

performed Osho (Social feast of merit). TTiey were not entitled to be chosen as

leaders of the village and were not allowed to participate in the debates on village

issues or decision making. However, they were assigned tfie duties for religious

rituals, burial rituals and dt otfier minor rituals of tfie village. Each village has

sufficient forest wealth and land. A large proportion of land was held in common

by all members of the particular clan in tfie village. And tfiere was also common

land belonging to the entire village. This common land was used by landless

22

J. P. Mills writes: Perhaps the most conspicuous object in a Lotha Naga village is

the head-tree "^MINGETUNG" (Big banyan tree). It is usually situated on a mound

in the middle of the village. Against its branches were leant the long bamboos

from which were himg the heads of enemies taken in war, and at its roots are kept

the mysterious oha (luck stones).the fortune of the village is regarded as in a way

dependent on the mingetung. To break a twig off it, would entail the performance

of the oyantsoa genna (village renewing genna) which must also be performed if

the Mingetung dies or a branch falls. TTie place of the mingetung can never be

changed. JWien a village is founded a site is always selected on which there is a

tree suitable for use as a mingetung. It is something like an omen because if the

tree grows well, it would mean increase of the population of the village, but if the

tree withers, it means the reverse. Such a tree symbolizes fate to other Naga

villages' too^ till today in almost all the Lotha Villages

1.2 THE CHIEF (PVUn)

Every village was an independent um't and in the tribe. The Lothas practiced a

peculiar type of democracy with little variation in the nature of its composition.

They were nominally governed by the chieftains of their respective villages,

chosen for tfieir bravery in war, skillfiil diplomacy, richness in tfie form of cattle

and land or power of oratory in contrast to the hereditary system in which the

office of king passes to tfie eldest son on the death of his father, or to Ae youngest

one if tfie king dies issueless, to the nearest descendent*. J. P. Mills wrote: In the

days when villages were constantly at war each village was ruled by apvuti (chief)

assisted by an informal council of elders. The Chieftainship was hereditary in the

family of the man who originally founded the village, but did not at all necessarily

pass from father to son. ITie most suitable man became chief by force of

character^ In this regard, Mr. Ntsemo Ngullie stated: A village without chief

23

(pvuti) was considered to be incomplete in traditional Lotha Naga village. For the

Lothas the chieftainship was not hereditary. To become a chief, a person has to

fulfill certain qualifications:

I .He must be from the family who originally founded the village,

n. He must have a virtue of capability in the war.

in .He must have skillful diplomacy.

IV. He must be physically fit and strong.

V. He must have good moral value.

VI. He must possess wealth.

VII. He must have powers of oratory etc.

Being the head of the village, the chief enjoyed the supreme power of tiie village.

The chief played a dual role namely secular and religious. He was assisted by an

informal council oTdders-YINGAE, CHUCHANG, and DUNG77S. Yingae was the

attendant of Hie pvuti, while chuchang was selected from among the ritual experts

of the village. Dungtis were selected from among the elders of the village. The

pvuti performed important ceremonies such as inaugurating harvest undertaking,

inauguration of sowing founding of new village and holding of other festivals. He

is responsible for flie defense and security of Ae village. His first priority was to

look after the welfare of the people. In return he got the privilege of free labor

from the villagers; he enjoyed tribute in cash and in kind. The pvuti enjoyed a

highly respected position in die village'.

Being tfie head of die village, the pvuti was die repository of God's favor and

people's obedience and has a special status and certain privileges, though confined

to the reserved paddy field, a house constructed by the villages, testing the first

brew of rice beer made for the purpose of entertainment of the villages in socially

24

prestigious feast and sharing of a tiny portion of every animal killed on such

occasion and in hunting*.

1.3 LOTHA NAGA HOUSE

The ancient Lotha Naga house varied in size from the wretched hovel of some old

widow to a rich man. To build a fine house as a show of wealth a Lotha would

regard as great waste of money, and a Lotha liked to waste nothing. The walls

were of bamboos and the roof of tishu (thatch) or oko (palm-leaf) .The interior of a

Lotha house strike a stranger as very cramped and uncomfortable. Unless one is

very careful one bumps one's head at every step. Where the ground was suitable

and bamboos were plentiful there was a khantsung (split bamboo raised platform).

The houses were poorly ventilated, had only one small opening resembling a

window. As there was no chimney, the smoke had to find its way out as best as it

could.

In an ancient Lotha Naga house hold, each wife has a separate sleeping cubicle

with nchu (a fire place) in the middle A well to do Lotha man usually possessed

two three wives. The main building of his house therefore contained three sleeping

cubicles and a little store-room at the back. The cubicle nearest mpongki (front

porch) is called Lhuhrui and was occupied by the third wife. The middle one is

called olongo and was the abode of the pvuti (chief). The back cubicle is called

tachungo and was used by the second wife.

In the front room of the house were kept heavy articles such as the tsumpo

(pounding table), ochen (liquor vat), and wokochakpvu (pigs feeding trough). For

cooking, earthen pots were generally used. For drinking bamboo cups were used,

and folded plantain leaf were used. The usual type of dish was a shallow wooden

one, with no legs called -opyi. Some house holds also used wooden plate on a

25

raised standard rather like a dessert dish, called pyhalqjyL Bamboo spoons were

being used for several purposes. The hollow bamboo jars were used for carrying

up water from the spring/pond'.

The hearth was in the middle of the large room and the windowless walls, roof of

bamboo and thatch were seasoned by continued smoke from the hearth. The rooms

were warm and mosquitoes and other insects could not thrive in the smoky

atmosphere. From above the hearth hang meat of all varieties getting smoked and

preserved for rainy days. The merge but clean pots and pans and wooden spoons

were arranged properly in a comer. The large room with the hearth was tfie living

room, dinning room and bed room too. The courtyard was frill of pigs, dogs and

chicken'**.

1.4 HEAD HUNTING

Head-hunting was very much in practice among the Lotha Nagas Inter-village

wars culminating in the taking of tfie enemy's head were a part of everyday life

until the Pax Britannica established its sway over the Naga Hills. It was a

ritualistic practice considered to bring individual glory to a man and prosperity to

his village in the form of good harvest or bumper crops. To the Nagas, head taking

was considered to be equivalent to winning a trophy. To quote Horam:" it was that

a young man, eager to prove his mettle, would long to take a head, bring it home

in triumph to be feted as a warrior, gain the wearing of the coveted warrior's

ornaments and having at last proved his worth and manhood, acquire a bride**. The

infirm or insane people were spared. The heads of women and children were

considered more precious, because women and children were usually protected in

the heart of the village and could only be killed through exceptional feats and

courage. A person who did not have a sin^e head to his credit had difficulty

26

getting a bride and became the object of ridicule with the giris, commented Randip

Singh".

When a raid had been decided upon, those who would be taking part in Head­

hunting have to sleep apart from their wives the night before, assembled in the

morning at the pvuti's (chief) house. There a cock and a pig was killed and ate

together. If the cock squawked when its throat was being cut it was regarded as a

bad omen and the expedition was usually put off. Similarly any person who hi-

coughed when he was eating the meat stayed behind, for misfortune would befall

him. The credit for every head taken was shared equally by the men who got in

first, second and third spear. It did not matter who actually cut off the head. As the

party reached within an earshot of their village, they began to shout saying, "O

Shamashari!" ("Oh, we have killed an enemy?^. With the hearing of this in the

distance all the villagers rushed out to meet the returning heroes and see the

trophies, replying to each chant of "O Shamashari!" with "O Emhayile!" ("0

Bless us?**). From each head few hairs were taken and put on a stick set up outside

the village gate. When the heads were being brought in, anyone who wished to do

so and proposed to perform the proper ceremonies afterwards could touch them

with his spear and thereby share in the credit of the raid. The procession of the

warriors went round the village, and halting in front of the house of each man who

had taken part in the expedition sang for a few minutes. Then all the men went to

Ae "morung" where the old men brought them food and rice beer and sat and

listened to their account of tfieir exploits. If there was time that day the heads were

hung up immediately on the mingetung (head-tree).

It was most important that every Lotha should either take a head or at least touch

an enemy's corpse, for unless he had done so he could not put on the ornaments of

a warrior: hombill tail feathers in his bearskin wig, boar's tusk necklace, red-

fringed gaimtlets, red Dao-belt, and dark blue lengta with red lines. One hombill

27

tail feather could be worn more than six or eight at the outside, as to how many

times he had perfonned the ceremony .

1.5 MORUNG (CHUMPHO)

Morung or dormitory was considered to be an important educational, political and

social institution. Asoso Yonuo stated "they learn manners, discipline, art, stories,

songs, war tactics, diplomacy, religious and customary rites and ceremonies living

in it. In other words, it has been a school for the young to learn the art of

livelihood, responsibility and co-operation before the Nagas came in contact with

the modern education and life " .

For the Lothas chumpho (morung) was a bachelor's dormitory, it was a house for

vmmarried young men. It was an educational institution or a place where young

people sleeps. Learned discipline, come to know each other and plan various

activities etc. In the traditional Lotha Naga society, boys after the attaiimient of

puberty (at the age of 12 years) sleep in dormitories till he gets married. Chumpho

(morung) was a large hall in which, the bachelors sleep at night. All the unmarried

young men and old would gather in Chumpho after every day's work in olden

days. Unlike the rest of the Nagas, Lotha Naga did not have Chumpho (morung)

for women. A woman entry was strictly prohibited in Chumpho (morung), it was

held in h i ^ esteem. For this, Mrs. Milada, one of the first European writers who

came to Lotha region, asked the Lothas, during her visit to Wokha, Nagaland,

saying that if there was no Chumpho for women, then how could boys come to

know the girls and how would the yoimg boys visit the girls. Mr. Ralamo Lotha,

one of the elders from among the Lotha tribe replied that, from morning till

evening they were working together, working in the fields, at the same time young

man can visit the girls in their parents' house almost every evening*'*.

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Every village had at least one Chumpho (morung); some of the big villages had

more than one Chumpho (morung) each It was in Chumpho (Morung), where an

important discussions took place, and planning were made, especially raids (head­

hunting) were plamied and discussed .J.P.Mills, stated rightly that, the Lotha talks

of his happy Chumpho days much as an English man talks of his school days. The

most senior man in the Chumpho (morung) carried on the administration of the

Chumpho, on the advice of the village elders. The functions of the Chumpho were

divided according to age groups. Some were in charge of discipline, some for war

and vigil, some for the social functions and some for the distribution of works for

day to day affairs. The juniors were taught marmers, obedience and discipline etc.

The disobedient boys were given heavy punishment. There was no distinction

between rich and poor in the Chumpho.

Chumpho (morung) was an institution which served the important functions for

the people in various ways. It was a training centre for young men where they

learned crafts, arts, singing, legends, story, games etc. Every young boy has a

compulsion to undergo the disciplinary training in the Chumpho. Most of the night

the Chumpho members listened to the stories shared by the village elders and the

old man on war, discipline, manner, love stories, stories of brave warriors etc.

Late Rev. Longri Ao one of the prominent church leaders in Nagaland also called,

Morung as Aeropagus for Nagas, (Aeropagus was a place where the Greeks

intellectuals gathered together for debate), where most of the critical issues were

sorted out. We find Chumpho (morung) as an educational, political and social

institution for the Nagas. It has made an immense impact on the life of the Nagas

through the ages* .

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1. 6 FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES

The festivals and ceremonies of the Nagas reflected its culture. The life of the

Nagas was well punctuated by ceremonies and festivals. There were quite a

number of festivals celebrated during the year among which cultivation, harvest

and prestigious feast were important. The cultivation festivals marked the end of

sowing and growing of all seeds and paddy of a year and propitiation of crops'

god for good harvest whereas the harvest festival was celebrated at end of the year

and commencement of the New Year. In the festival, religious rites were also

performed to depart or wash off the evil things a man does in the year: the graves

of ancestors or monoliths were sprinkled with rice beer to seek their blessings; in

some cases, when a man dies, a farewell to the departed soul was given in the

same year. These festivals which last for 5 to 10 days were great occasions for an

unlimited consumption of rice beer, meat, dancing and merry-making etc'^.

The festivals of Lothas aimed at fertility to the different agricultural seasons.

There were several numbers of festivals which were rest upon some beliefs.

Among the festivals the most popular festivals was Tokhu Emong (harvest

festival). It was the greatest festivals of the Lotha Nagas. In the olden days Tokhu

Emong was celebrated by the people after the harvest according to their

convenience and not on the same day for all. Therefore, to make it uniformity, the

Lotha Naga elders decided to select T"" of November as Tokhu Emong, which was

also approved by the Government of Nagaland. From then on, the Tokhu Emong

has been officially celebrating by all the Lothas on the T*** of November every

year.

Tokhu Emong is a time of thanksgiving and reconciliation among the Mends,

relatives and neighbors. Friends in other and distant villages are also remembered

through exchange of Tokhu food and drink^'.In the olden days, the Tokhu Emong

30

celebration was observed for 10 days and the last day of the celebration was the

Tokhu Emong (Halting day). The month of Tokhu festival has been fixed basing on

situation. The chief cannot declare or announce the date of Tokhu if there is any

death in his village. If, so the chief is to extend another six days (if male) and five

days (for female).The declaration is to be done by the chief for the Tokhu festival.

Therefore before an announcement of the festival, the chief himself is to certify

whether any one died in his village or whether the paddy has been brought into the

village granaries or not He also made an enquiry whether there are any quests

inside his village if there are ,the chief requested him/her to go beyond the village

pikhfu (village gate) before sunset ,if not, the quest is instructed to remain inside

the village till the festival is over and he/she can join in any party for merry

making. And in the evening the chief calls the village elders and Chumpho

(morung) boys together at his house, and he makes the declaration of the tokhu

festival, immediately after the declaration the Chumpho boys convey the

declaration message to the villagers. From the next day of declaration, the chief

and hisyingae (his assistant) start performing ceremonies and rituals.

The Tokhu Emong lasted for 10 days and within the ten days, several rituals and

ceremonies takes place and the entire villagers engaged themselves in merry

making, dancing, drinking and feasting. The tenth day or the last day of the

festival is Tokhu Emong. All the villagers are restricted to go beyond the village

gate on this day as it was a mass genna (restricted day)day .Both young and old

engaged in merry making, dancing and feasting on this day'* .Thus ends the Lotha

Naga agricultural year with Tokhu Emong. The New agricultural year starts again

from the next day. After Tokhu Emong, young boys and girls engaged during the

previous year were happily married, new houses built, feasts of merit were

performed and land surveyed for fresh cultivation. It was also time for renovating

village gates, clearing wells repair, and construction of new Chumpho (morungs)

etc'^

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1.7 FEAST OF MERIT (OSHO)

Feast giving was an important part of Lotha Naga life. The feasts of merit are the

hallmark of social distinction for a Naga village. As the Nagas are very conscious

of their status, a rich Lotha Naga is never satisfied with a large holding, a bumper

crop or a rich wealth of cattle unless his distinct social stand is recognized. Thus,

the feast of merit converts material wealth, such as cattle, rice-beer into social

status and it allows men to advance in society. Stones each represent a certain

amount of wealth expended, for on setting them up a great feast is given to many

men by some individual who thus perpetuates his own memory. It is noted that the

feasts were intended to enhance the prestige of the feast giver, and that some

large-scale collective act-such as dragging a huge stone into the village was often

culmination.

Feasts of merit were optional feasts performed by an individual. They are distinct

from life-cycle and from agricultural-cycle, though all of these share the notion of

genna (restriction or prohibition) and sacrifice. TTie feasts were ranked in

importance and scale, each stage carrying rights to new kinds of personal

adornment and house decoration, and prohibition in terms of permitted foods.

Each stage burdened the feast giver with whatever greater expense in terms of

slaughtered cattle and vats of rice beer. The final gennas in the series, which not

all men will attain, may involve not only stone-dragging, but also the sacrifice of a

Mithun.

These ceremonies both mark and create distinctions in social status. The feasts

converted material wealth into social rank. A man who has enough wealth to give

feast would at the same time obviously be a man possessing fertility his wealth is a

32

sign of this. The feast was therefore recognition of his ritual status, and a

mechanism for spreading his 'fertility' among his fellow villagers.

The feasts allowed all men the opportunity to advance in social status. The unit of

celebration in the feasts of merit was predictable, given the spectrum of Naga

social structure. The relatively egalitarian Lotha Nagas, the feasts involved a feasts

for the individuals clan members, the second and third a feast for the clans of the

husband's of the women of the sacrifice's clan (that is: certain other village clans),

and the final a feast for the whole village. In other words, the feasts expanded out,

starting from the primary stressed structure, the clan .

The actual feast of merit ceremony took for five days long which was marked by

ceremonies, rituals and feasting. The fifth day is the formal conclusion of the great

feast called TSIROTSOA (Mithun sacrifice). This great ceremony was followed by

OZUSUA-it means stone pulling (Ozu-stone specially cut to size for the purpose,

and sua-pulling). This stone pulling or stone Dragging was a big ceremony

symbolizing a social status of the performer. For this ceremony the individual has

to sacrifice the Mithun first; because until a man sacrifices a Mithun he was not

entitled to the stone pulling ceremony. In this stone pulling ceremony the Pvuti

(chief) and the village elders select a stone fi-om a river side and dug out to be cut

into size and then the able and young men of the village dragged it from the river

bed to the village. It may be noted that the stone was not dug out in ordinary sense

of the term, but in a different way. They selected the stone and made a huge fire

over it to make it hot. Then they poured water on it. Thus, as result of heat and

cold, the stone cracked and broke, and then they pulled it up to the village. It has

to be mentioned that originally when the stone dragging started, there were no

heavy iron implements in use in this area to dislodge a stone. After the stone is

dragged up the village, it is embedded in the earth in fi-ont of the house of the

performer. Tben a feast followed. This was a very big ceremony, some people

33

performed this ceremony even 5-6 times or more and for each such ceremony one

stone is placed in his court-yard. It has to be noted that each stone-dragging

ceremony was preceded by the Mithun sacrifice or tsirotsoa and followed by

another feast.

The celebration of particular feasts of merit was vividly commemorated not only

in the stones and posts erected, but also in the clothes worn by the celebrant.

Among the Lothas, a person who has performed the stone dragging ceremony was

entitled to wear a shawl called LONGPENSU. Longpensu is the status name of a

Lotha Naga shawl (long means stone, Pen means possessing, and Su means cloth).

In the olden days this shawl was used only by the person who has performed the

stone dragging ceremony 'Osho' (feast of merit), and not by others^'.

In our discussion it is found that the daily lives of the Nagas were marked with

festivals and ceremonies which were closely associated with religious beliefs. In

the course of our discussion on the pre-Christian society, we have mentioned

about singing, dancing and the drinking of rice-beer. The Baptist missionaries in

general preached that strict Christian teachings and the environment which

brought them up in their native places to some extend affected the teachings. They

were not willing to allow certain customs to remain. Although the British

government tried to preserve some of the Naga culture, the Baptist missionaries

felt differently. They enforced a strict ban on drinking rice-beer for the new

convert and traditional songs and dances were discouraged by the missionaries,

since they seemed devilish and animistic. Everything done in this connection with

the Naga ceremonies and festivals was regarded as an act against Christian

principles or Christianity. This led to the cultural setback and gradual decay of the

Naga culture.

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1.8 RELIGION AND BELIEFS

The Nagas have simple religion. However they do not have a proper term for

reh'gion. Their whole lives were gripped by the clutches of the superstitious and

animistic worship. Their cosmology was filled with multitudes of spirits and

deities whom they must deal with of these are some good spirits and some

malicious spirits and deities. Their daily lives were encircled with taboos,

superstitions and sacrifices to scores of gods and deities. The efforts to placate

these malicious spirits and deities' found expression in a number of ways, all the

rites and ceremonies were directed to this one end.

They knew that there were some invisible forces which govern the nature. They

knew that there were certain forces which used to cause rain, thunder, lighting, etc.

Moreover they believed that soul is immortal and it survives even after death.

Such belief of the early Nagas enabled to worship unseen natural forces. Soul has

been the ftmdamental concept of the tribal religion. They believed that every

object has a soul. The traditional Lotha Nagas having strong faith in natural forces

were animists by their faith. In absence of any prescribed religion each Naga tribe

carried religious myth, which became religious customs and creeds having base in

the minds and the hearts of the people. Nagas religion was basically a community

religion where individual life and Community life is inseparable^ .

What animism precisely implied by the Nagas was that there was an invisible

benevolent Creator of the earth and the Dispenser of all events, conventionally

known as God who created all things including man and down to the ants, trees,

stones, etc. in the universe. They believed in the existence of several spirits which

they called by different names. The nearest equivalent to god is an order of beings

is the supreme God called "Potsd", which was believed to live or whose abode is

in the highest heaven or sky. Daily offerings and sacrifices were not made to the

35

supreme God (Potso) because he was considered as a living God, and did not need

any kind of propitiation, except during natural calamities and other important

occasions. It was believed that, he was the supreme God, and any person can offer

a prayer to him, and can be approached by any person without a priest. No

offerings and sacrifices are needed. People worshipped and offerings are made to

him as a thanksgiving. They also believed that the God (potso), the most high and

powerful was represented in different forms and names^^. Rev. W. E. Witter, the

American Baptist Missionary wrote: "The Lothas, in common with other tribes,

believe that rivers, rocks, forest and jungle are the abodes of gods and goddesses.

There are two gods par excellence both of whom are known by the name of

"po/5ow". One occupying the lower heavens is the author of evil. The former

sometimes performs the office of mediator, example; the evil spirit when angry

with the children of men"^''.

The following were the most important spirits according to the Lotha Naga

Beliefs:

1. Ngazo- Ngazo was the spirit who maintained and controlled the wild

animals. He was also called Sikyingo. It was believed that this spirit is the

swiftest of all the spirits. Sikyingo was regarded as the God of wild animals.

He lived in the jungle and believed to have stiffness of neck and therefore

he never turned around his neck and only looked in one side in one time.

Therefore it is said that the man who happened to be in the side where

Sikyingo's face is fixed is blessed a lot. This spirit bestowed blessing upon

the fishers and hunters. People propitiated this spirit for good luck. Folk

tales and legends of the Lotha says that who ever was not satisfied or

contented with whatever sikyingo god gave or complained his blessings

would be taken back, or would not get the next blessings. It was believed

that sikyingo was small and short like man in appearance, who had concern

for the well being of the peoples .

36

2. Ronsi- It was considered as agricultural god, in whose favor people receive

a large harvest. A fire was made to produce enough smoke which indicates

the inviting of Ronsi who blessed for more harvests. Sacrifices and prayers

were made to these gods in various agricultural years. They strongly

believed that Ronsi may be hurt by little mistake words, therefore people

were very cautious and did not speak ill of this god. In the olden days,

during harvesting time, everyone would go to the field before dawn.

3. Jupvuo- Jupvuo was the god of water and all living things in the water. It

says that Jupvuo had long hair, lived in deep water as his house and used

skull as hearth stones. All the living creatures in the water were his. It is

said that Jupvuo will bless any one he would like to bless and drive away

all the fishes to far away places to some people he does not favor^ .

TTiere was also some other good and evil spirits whom they believed dwelling in

rocks, forests, groves, streams and rivers. The malignant demons were very fond

of doing any harm or killing men intentionally. In order to propitiate and exorcise

them, the Nagas usually offered efficacious things like egg, fowl etc^'. Failure to

propitiate or appease the spirits would cause death. For this, the advice of 'Ratsen'

(soothsayer) was sought for remedy. He would find out with the help of super­

natural power, the right spirit that troubled him/ her, which need to be propitiated

through sacrifices and offerings. Chicken, eggs, rice beer etc. were offered to this

spirit to cure the sickness. Therefore, sacrifices were simultaneously performed for

consultation of omens on a divination system of their own. Incantation of

appropriate wordings and gestures to ward off evil spirits are said, while

beneficent spirits were invoked to visit their households or village for blessings^.

The religion of the Lothas taught no moral code. The blessings it offered him were

material, not spiritual. Yet, many, Lothas led straight, honest lives and were ever

ready to help a lame dog over a stile in olden days. It is true that virtue in this

37

world is vaguely believed to be rewarded with happiness in the next, but this belief

weighs little with a Naga, who rarely turned his thoughts to what is in store for

him after he dies. Whatever it be which caused so many Lothas to lead virtuous

lives it is not their religion. His religion presented itself to a Lotha as a series of

ceremonies and observances laid down by custom, any one of this idea was the

belief to the Lotha self-evident maxim that "like produces like''^'.

Taboo was one of the major practices among the Lotha Naga, which centered on

their religious beliefs. The taboo extended into all aspects of human life. Some

examples are given below:

1. Stealing was a taboo, because it was believed that what ever thing a person

stole, he would be poor in that.

2. To touch a corpse who died unnatural dead is a taboo, for that spirit will kill

the person who would touch first.

3. It is a taboo to have an inter marriage within the same clan, for it would lost

his generation etc.

4. It was a taboo for a woman to eat twin fioiits.

5. Weaving clothes and husking rice by male was a taboo.

The observance of taboos was for the benefit of the individuals, clan and for the

whole commimity. The whole philosophy connected in the observance of taboos

was for the prosperity and blessing upon the life of the individuals and

commimity. Violation of all these would lead to misfortune to the individual as

well as to the community^^. In this connection one of the church pastor stated "till

today, taboo is one of the greatest hindrances in our Christian society, the Nagas

are still strongly adhered to the traditional customs and beliefs. When it comes to

customs and traditions people are strongly attached. Many things have died away

38

with the introduction of Christianity, but superstitions and beliefs are still

prevalent in present Naga society" .

We have briefly discussed the pre-Christian religion and beliefs which were

gripped with superstitious and animistic worship. It is clearly seen that,

Christianity brought about a total change in the religious life of the Nagas. Their

fear of spirits and superstitious beliefs have diminished, it was largely due to the

process of Christianization that animistic beliefs gradually lost their sway in the

society.

1. 9 LIFE AFTER DEATH

Before Christianity, the Nagas did not have a clear idea of heaven or hell. One

would say: "he has gone to the land of dead". They believed that life in the village

of the dead was similar to life on earth. It was believed that, when a person was

seriously sick or dies the soul went out of the body and wandered away. When

sacrifices were not made seriously to return to the body, the soul would go on to

the land of the death. Before reaching the land of the death, the soul would visit

the close relatives and friends with some distant voice or sound informing of his or

her departure from the present world. And then the soul would go to the land of

the death, called Mount Tiyi, situated just above Wokha Tovm itself Wati

Longchar has stated tliat, "the Aos, the Sangtams, the Semas, the Angamis, and the

Lothas believe that it lies in the eastern side of Wokha Town, of Nagaland. When

any death is going to take place, there will be noises or shouting, joyously the soul

of the death will celebrate in Mount Tiyi, the abode of the souls".

It was also believed that, the dead lived exactly as the living lived here on earth.

Those who have done good deeds here are rich and happy, and the evil doers

would be poor and miserable. It was common belief among the Lothas that, the

39

soul would exist in the form of flies. This view is accepted by J.P.Mills, he says,

'V/;e cave (entrance of the soul of the death), which a telescope seems to show does

really exist, lies at one end of a narrow, conspicuous stratum of white rock which

looks exactly like a path and is known as the road of the dead".

On this road, a spirit lies in wait for passers by to catch and destroy them. To

appease this hot temper spirit every death person had a bead tied to his or her wrist

when buried. So that the soul could give it to this spirit and enter in. On the other

hand , the spirit of those who had died at the hands of the enemies, or by

witchcraft or unnatural death were earth bound and could not go to the world of

the dead. At the time of burial, all the necessary weapons, implements, pottery,

and clothes, etc, were buried along with the dead body. So that, at the land of the

dead, the soul would be using all those things . All the Nagas believed in a close

link between living and the dead. It is believed that in spite of their supernatural

force and power, the dead are still dependent upon the living for their happiness^^.

1. 10 ANCESTORS WORSHIP

According to C.S.Song, "Ancestors worship is the commemoration of the dead". It

was a common belief for the Lothas that the spirit continued to live where they

belonged. Ancestral spirits were believed to live among the living in unseen ways.

Their presence was shown only in dreams. The ancestral spirits were believed to

influence the crops and prosperity of their descendants. Therefore, offerings were

made to please the spirit of the ancestors. The spirit of the forefathers was

worshipped especially in times of troubles and sickness. It is said that the ancestral

spirits were always coming to the family to take them to the world of the death.

For this, the relatives of the deceased took wine in a bamboo cup, and plates of

rice and meat were kept, telling the spirit that, they (living) requesting the spirit to

partake the food which has been placed before it and to go back to where she / he

40

came from. It was the common belief that human continues to live in the form of

soul in the world of the dead .

1.11 GENNAS: Practice and Significance

The word genna is derived from the Angami Naga word kenna meaning

'forbidden'. It has become regularly used among the Nagas for the various

incidents of a magic-religious rite. Holding or observing gennas is a common

custom among all the Nagas though these vary from tribe to tribe. It may mean a

holiday owing to village festival, ceremonies or due to an unusual phenomena like

an earthquake, accidental burning of a house, eclipse or unnatural death, etc. it is

also a prohibition of work or is also understood as a ceremony.

There were different kinds of Gennas and they formed an important part of the

Naga life cycle. Gennas sometimes affected the whole village, tribe, or a group of

the villages, or single household. On such occasions, no outsider was admitted into

the house lest anyone should contact diseases and bring evil spirits into the house

hold. House hold gennas also occurred when some events took place in the house

like birth of a child, sickness, or on occasions of sacrifices and some household

ceremonies. During the genna days people remained in the villages; no outsider

may be admitted. In some cases the village gate was shut and no traveling or

transactions took place. What was significant about the genna days among the

community was that it could be seen in terms of the sanctification of certain days

or setting aside these days as sacred .

For example for the Lotha Nagas, when a child was bom a genna was observed by

the members of the family for 6 days for a male child and 5 days for a female.

During these days they did not go to their field, but they can work in other's field.

During this period, the mother was restricted to go out of the house or was not

41

allowed to talk to other people other than her family members. The naming

ceremony took place on the 6* day for the male child and on the 5th day for a

female child, the ears are pierced and a name was given to the baby^. Presently

the Christians do not observe all these gennas, however they observe the naming

ceremony, in this naming ceremony the church Pastor and Deacons are invited to

the house and they pray for the child and name the child according to the choice of

the parents.

1.12 PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE

Land can be held eitlier by the village, a clan, or an individual. J. P. Mills wrote:

"A large proportion of the land in the Lotha area is clan land, which is held in

conmion by all members of that particular clan in the village. Every year the

members of the clan in a Lotha village meet and apportion out the land which each

cut that year, the senior men getting the bugger share. Strangely enough this

delicate operation never seems to result in a quarrel. Strictly speaking a man may

not sell land which he has inherited. When direct heirs fail the land becomes clan

land^'. One elderly person narrated that "In Lotha Naga land there was not a single

plot that is not belonged to anybody. Land was held by an individual, clan and

village. Land demarcation and boundaries were strictly maintained by every one.

In case any dispute arises between the two parties the village customary courts

decided the case and asked them to claim the land after swearing. It is very

dangerous and liable to death if one makes false swearing. This practice is still

prevalent in present society . Heirlooms such as the ancient daos and spears

which the Lotha Naga so prized is held in trust by the senior member of the clan in

the village provided he has done all the social "gennas^. To alienate them would

bring disaster on the whole clan .

42

Property was inherited by male heirs; women were not entitled to inherit

immovable property. In the absence of male issue, the nearest male relative would

inherit the property. According to the custom, the youngest son is entitled to a

lion's share of propei-ty reckoned in terms of granaries, cash and other movable

properties. But immovable property like plot of land is equally shared by all the

brothers. The youngest son gets the house of his parents; he considered to be the

custodian of his parental house and care-taker of his parents in their old age''^.

Sons have overall control over whatever properties the parents have accumulated.

Once the daughter gets married then she loses the right to her parental properties.

Women were presented gifts in the form of cash, ornaments, clothing's etc. on

their marriage. However they were not entitled to immovable properties of their

parents'*'.

When the husband died the property and children remains within the central fold

and the responsibility of the husband's clan, as well as to protect the widow and

her children. If the widow remains unmarried she is allowed to use her husband's

lands and properties until her death. But she has no right to inheritance. Widows

are allowed to remarry, but lose claim over their children and husband's

properties'* .

1.13 ROLE OF LOTHA NAGA WOMEN

It is true nature of all patriarchal societies that women are regarded as inferior and

as such they play a secondary role in the society. In fact Lothas are also a part of

that society. In this kind of social institution, subordination of mother and children

to the authority of the father was the general rule and sex role is differentiated at

the early age. A woman was identified not as a separate individual, but by her

husband in whom she always depended. The man has, as head of the family,

supreme authority over its members. A traditional Lotha Naga women's role was

43

limited to her home where she was legally under the domination of her husband as

well as bound by restrictions and regulations which kept the family together as

close unit The girls from their tender age are taught to be quit, gentle, passive,

dutiful, and hard working, boys on the other hand is supposed to be the opposite.

As it is a patriarchal society, birth of a son was much rejoiced where as birth of a

girl child goes unnoticed. The strength of the family is considered on the basis of

the number of sons, therefore sons got more privilege and the parents paid extra

attention to them. The family upbringing of the child encouraged the boys to be

more dominating.

In Lotha Naga society, everyone played a role, whether young or old, all

contributed to keep the wheel of every day moving. The traditional Lotha women

folk too played no less an important role in the society. Theirs is an important as

well as versatile role. Usually she was bound to take up her usual routine work

after the child birth within short time. This fact very well shows the important role

played by women in Lotha Naga family. The mother was the busiest member in

the family and society. In the family both husband and wife is co-workers. They

worked and toiled together in rain and in sunshine. The mother woke up before the

dawn, she cleaned, cooked food, fetched water from the down stream etc. she

weaved clothes for all the family members and domesticated animals. After taking

the morning meal the family members left for field. In the evening, she returned

home with vegetables and sometimes with back loaded fire wood. As soon as she

reached home, she gets ready to prepare the evening meal, feeds the domestic

animals and lets her children sit around the warm family hearth which bums like a

small bonfire and lights up the heavy loaded kitchen. Her husband sits nearby and

enjoys rice beer. She then flicks cotton and spin yams for weaving sometimes she

brews rice beer. As a rule the Lotha Naga women is a model of labor and industry,

and is mainly valued on that accoimt. She does everything that her husband will

not, and she considers it effeminate to do anything. The woman tried to take care

44

to maintain the conjugal peace and harmony within the family. A Naga woman

cannot be ill treated by her husband and in-laws. In case she is ill treated, her

brothers, clan and relatives come to her rescue. The husband consulted his wife in

matters of mutual interest and wife's opinion is respected to some extend. Both

husband and wife play their respective role"* . R. B. Pemberton speaks highly of

Naga women' role, he wrote "In addition to duties that may be considered strictly

domestic, the Naga women has many others to perform daily, which renders her

life one of continued activity. In the morning she proceeds to the depot of grain,

stored in huts raised upon a platform about four feet from the ground, of which the

people of two or more houses are generally the joint proprietors, though the more

industrious are sometimes possession of the whole contents of one granary-After

filling her conical basket with grain, sufficient for the supply of the day, she

returns home, and is employed for some hours in clearing it from the husk by

pounding it in large wooden mortars. This task accomplished, it becomes

necessary to carry a number of hollow bamboo tubes to some distant spring, where

they are filled and re-conveyed home by the industrious female-She then prepares

food for her husband, and a numerous family of young children, and when not

employed in these indispensable duties, is generally engaged in the manufacture of

a coarse cloth, or clearing the rice fields of weeds"^.

Marriages among the Nagas were not contracted in childhood. Girls are often

married when young. She was not inferior but considered as a good companion, as

J.P. Mills has rightly pointed out that, "Lotha's wife by no means a slave, but a

very real companion^. However this does not mean that they were equal in social

and political status. The work of women were clearly defined, she must cook for

the family, look after the children, weave clothes for the whole family members,

carry fire-wood and water from the forest. Her husband will help her with a load if

need be, and in the fields they work side by side. Very rarely indeed does a case

occur of a Lotha freating his wife cruelly. Were a husband to beat her in the

45

traditional White chapel style she would leave him at once, and her relations

would extract a fine'* . Women were expected to excel themselves in house

keeping and in agricultural works. Otherwise they were looked down by others. A

mother in the Lotha society was considered lucky if she has a daughter as the first

child, the more daughters she had the more relief the mother gets because the

daughters does all the odd jobs at home^. R. R. Shimray, rightly stated, "The

Naga women gets up early in the morning although she is the last in the family to

sleep at night*^'. Similar opinion in regard to the role of Naga women was given

by H. B. Rowney, he stated that, "As a rule Naga women is a model of labor and

industry, and is mainly valued on that account. She does everything the husband

will not, and he considers it effeminate to do anything but fight, hunt, and cheat.

The cultivation labors are all performed by the wife'

The traditional means of production was so primitive that all the able-bodied men

and women have to keep themselves busy working for their bread for most of the

working hours. Though both the sexes shared the household duties, agricultural

operations, the fair sex's share was more burdensome. Moreover, certain duties

were exclusive occupation of women folk. Besides their natural burden of child

bearing and rearing, tliey have to additionally shoulder the collecting fiiel wood,

drawing water from the village well or spring located at a considerable distance

from the homestead. As a matter of fact, she rose before the dawn breaks and goes

to bed last of all the members of her family. The domestic animals were her extra

charge. Leisure time for women was provided by the occasional festivals or public

rituals among them. But here too, the women kept themselves busy like bees

whereas their counterparts leisurely gossips over cups of rice beer or red tea. Visits

of relatives and friends by women were not infrequent but they did not sit idly in

the host families.

46

Women's beauty was judged by the quantum of her labor contributed towards her

family^s welfare. In the traditional day's male folk used to indulge in local drinks

of rice beer which the wives meticulously prepared and kept ready for entertaining

her husband and honored guests or visitors. As a matter of fact, during the

traditional days the only means of entertaining a quest happened to be the rice

beer. Indeed, it was the exclusive duty which enhanced her reputation among the

villagers. Like wise an expert woman's spinning and weaving raised her personal

status among others of the same locality .

The house hold sacrifices were done by the mother of the family rather than father.

There are several sacrifices which were performed by the mother in order to have

good fortune and blessing in the family. In every festival the mother had to

sprinkle drop of rice beer to the invisible being. According to their belief the

invisible being bless with all blessings. And also before they had their food or

meal a pinch of rice was always given to the being. The mother also had to

observe certain rites before she delivered the baby in order to ensure strength and

good fortune and protect the baby from the influence of the evil spirits.

There were several ceremonies a mother used to do at the time of harvest in order

to have excellent harvest. And after getting some harvest they celebrated and did

some rituals. On that festival day men had to go to the fields and collect crabs for

the thanks giving feast. And the following day the mother fetched water from pond

and sprinkled it over all the granaries by pronouncing the invisible being to bless

the family for the whole year. And she cooked those crabs that was brought by

men and put it under the bam, because it was their strong belief that the crabs had

lots of eggs, so also the paddy maybe numerous as the young crabs. Mothers

usually took out a handful of rice and kept for ceremony, while the new house

construction was going on. She would collect a bundle of thatches on the roof and

sprinkled rice beer over the main pillar. When the construction of the house was

47

over, mother performs ceremonies before occupying the new house. She

performed all these ceremonies taking a lot of trouble in order to keep the house

free from the accident and to renounce evil spirit from the house.

It was taboo for the women to go for head hunting. Therefore, they were not

allowed to go and take any part or to go out from the village. They were

compelled to stay at home, although women could play a major role. It said that at

time of head hunting women saved the life of many people by covering them in

the flat basket, and even the dead heads were returned to the respective village

through women Ambassadors. Women carried a wine bottle along with the head

and returned the heads. According to the traditional Lotha Naga custom, women

coming with a wine (rice beer) pot were considered as highly valued and so it

should not be refused by any means. Women were peace maker between the

enemies. It is said that at time of war if women entered with leaves or clothes and

wave the men who are seriously fighting had to stop immediately .

Women were not allowed to be a village chief (Pvuti) nor given chance in village

administration. But certain exceptions were there. For instance, when her husband

who was the village chief (pvuti) passed away, she performed all the rituals on

behalf of her late husband till a new chief (pvuti) was inducted^'.

Dance was an important component in the life of Lotha Naga women in traditional

society. Women danced separately, not with men. The most important dance of the

women was a dance for bringing down rain. Whenever there was drought, then the

women gathered, went around the village singing and dancing at night, asking God

to send down rain. It was a kind of sacred dance to induce rain. The dance by

women to avert drought and to bring rain probably indicated that the women were

more worried about the crop failure than the men folk. And it is a fact that women

worked harder in the field than the men. Women contribution towards economy

48

was indispensable in traditional Lotha Naga society. She earned her own

livelihood. She also raised fowls, ducks and pigs etc. women were as free as men

in the society, they can have direct conversation with men, however in the field of

traditional administration, women has no place in the society .

Women's psyche was largely shaped by the expectations and demands of the

society, to be procreative and have a male issue; also to be chaste and caring,

carrying out her duties faithfully to the family while putting their own needs

before her and cheerfully sacrificing her own needs desires in the fiilfilling of

family responsibilities. The main reason for the frequent divorce among the Nagas

was because of woman being barren and not having a male issue. W.C. Smith has

elaborately explained this as "If a wife does not give birth to any children within

five or six years, the husband is justified in setting her aside. In some cases, a man

may put aside his wife if she bears only female children^\

Therefore, a barren woman is looked dovra upon as an empty-shell and to have a

male issue is something to be pitied. Such women have responded to this with

guilt and a shame. Their position in society is thus lower than that of other women.

Considering the teachings of children were taught how to use the Dao and spear

and trained how to cultivate the field. They were taught all about the traditional

folklore. TTiey were shown all the places of the community land and the clan's

land. A female child was taught household work, how to cook, wash, weave,

cultivate field. In addition, she was trained to be passive and was taught good

manners and etiquette. Largely, as far as females were concerned, they were

trained to be good housekeeper, wives and mothers'^. Loran (Spinsters) occupied

low status in the society. Women are expected to maintain a chaste life in their

youth. The status of the spinster in the society was lower than that of the

widows .

49

The village economy was self-sufficient as they did not have many needs. It was

not based on the competition of markets, though small exchanges were made in

the barter system which took place out of necessity and not for profit. This was

mainly for family consumption. All families were characterized by a gender

discrimination of labor which today feminists consider being one of the main

reasons for the exploitation of women in the traditional economy; women played a

definite and accepted role in the production process. In the early days of hunting

and warfare this usually kept the men busy and therefore women were responsible

for the family to maintain a subsistence economy. Women had, therefore, to

engage in different types of work. Apart fi-om paddy cultivation women also

engaged in weaving and spinning in order to enhance the family income. Since

these tasks were assigned to women, the men were rarely to be found engaging in

them. The reason being that if men did engage in these tasks, they were labeled as

being 'sissy' and 'effeminate'. The women's contributions were hardly valued as

being of much significance. As reiterated by Gabriele Dietrich, 'women's

contribution towards economic subsistence is never recognized as equivalent to

men's work not having surplus value. Other factors like skill and physical strain

are lefl unmeasured. The mental strain going about the daily routine cooking,

washing, fetching, minding the children and the domestic animals, working in the

fields, weaving, spinning, etc. takes much more of a person's energy than lifling a

heaving load, digging the field or hunting animals. Therefore, one could infer that

women's contribution to the subsistence economy has been tremendous. In spite of

this, women's contributions were sometimes gone unnoticed. Oflen even by

women themselves simply considered all these works as women's duty .

TTie roles of both men and women were important in society but customs and

traditions did not give women equal rights. The traditional idea of women being

confined to the household activities has an important effect also on the thinking

and attitude of both the gender towards women. Some of the traditions and

50

customs that were followed or practiced were for the benefit of women but such

traditions, sometimes, were the causes of discrimination against them. Tradition

and customs were based on myths and beliefs. The consequences of disobeying

such laws were met with heavy penalties, sometimes being ostracized from the

society or even death.

Taboos were supposed to be protective especially for women. The harmonious co­

existence of the people also depended mainly on women as can be seen in the

various laws made where morality of the people was concerned. At every step of

life, women were controlled, not by law but by custom. The general view that

women in tribal society enjoy equal status with men holds true, but when it comes

to the workings of the customary law in the society, women do not enjoy equal

rights as that of men. In many instances, women's roles and status were

determined by social institutions and norms, ideologies and taboos^^.

Traditionally, Lotha Naga women were less economically independent. According

to Lotha Naga customary law, women cannot inherit an ancestral property (landed

property), women cim possessed only moveable property. Sons have the overall

control over whatever properties the parents have accumulated. In the absence of

male issue or other male heirs, the property and inheritance went to the nearest

father's relative or clan rather than to his daughters. Deprivation of the daughter of

the right over father's property is a case of woman's low status in the traditional

Lotha Naga society. When the husband dies the property and children remains

within the central fold and the responsibility of the husband's clan as well as to

protect the widow and her children. If the widow remains uimiarried she is

allowed to use her husband's lands and property until her death, but she has no

right for inheritance. Widows were allowed to remarry, but they lose their claim

over their children. In case of divorce due to the infidelity of either the husband or

51

the wife, the husband can still retain the properties and gain the custody of the

children but the wife gets nothing. If the wife is found to be unfaithful or a

dominating wife she would be thrown out of the house and liable to be divorced

by paying just Rs.lO.This was the custom of the people where the wife would be

given nothing sometime not even her belongings. But if the husband committed

adultery, he still had the right to claim whatever properties belonged to him

rightfully or personally unlike the wife who got nothing".

Though women were considered to be of lower status in the society, most of the

activities cannot be done or carried out without them. For example, a widower

cannot host the feast of merit because it was the wife as a woman had to carry out

the rituals alongside the husband. In the agricultural practices, women were the

ones who had to perform most of the rituals. For example, to take out rice from the

granary for drying it, women had to fast whole day till the rice has been taken in

again. This was to ensure the longevity of the rice in the granary. Women had to

perform rituals before the start of every agricultural activity to ensure the success

of whatever work that was to be carried out.

During the days of headhunting and warfare with other villages, women were the

ones who had to undergo several restrictions, which had an important impact on

the present day customs and practices. Men were not allowed to sleep with their

wives or any other women. It was believed that bad luck would befall the

concerned party or group. Women were also prohibited from going to the neither

fields nor carry out activities like weaving, pounding of paddy, washing of clothes,

etc. not because it was bad for women but as it would bring bad luck to the village.

This was also the case when men went for hunting. This shows how customary

laws also reveal the relative importance of various economic activities in the past,

which decided their survival chances in a given physical environment.

52

At times customary laws were for the benefit of women so that they are protected

from any untoward act by others. The high morahty in the village is due to the fact

that strict code is imposed, especially on women. Through women the morality of

the people is effectively controlled. This is not to say that such moral codes of

conduct were not meant for men. They were, but such codes were rarely strictly

implemented in the case of men.

Social restrictions were more for women than men regarding food habits and

dress. According to the traditional custom, women were not allowed to eat all wild

animals especially during pregnancy because of the belief that the child would

assume the character of the animals they eat. According to the customary law any

rules or regulations that were passed had to be observed very carefully,

particularly by women. If any woman was found or known to be indulging in such

an act then the people would immediately know that she had committed some

errors in the rituals during such restrictions or in other words, breached the

customary law. There was no such belief for men and even if men committed such

an act their action would not be condemned.

Though women had more functions to perform, yet it was only the men who got

and honor. If a man had a hard working, talented and well-mannered wife, the

admiration was more for the husband than the wife. But it if it were the other way

round the wife would be looked down upon for not being worthy of the husband.

The sympathy would be for the husband.

A man could gain prestige if he had a number of mistresses but no such status was

given to a woman for being his mistress. If wife commits adultery then she would

have to go away empty handed, not even a change of clothes would be given to

her. Children become the sole custody of the father. "When divorce took place due

to the wife's infidelity or other adverse reasons, the punishment on the wife was so

53

severe that she had to leave her husband's house without taking anything except

for her undergarments. This spoke of the high moral values prevalent in t the old

Naga society. In case of divorce due to infidelity of either the husband or the wife

the husband can still retain the properties even the children can stay with him but

the wife gets nothing, not even her spare clothes, let alone her visiting rights to her

children. Any woman who is outspoken and assertive would not be considered as

possessing feminine characters and virtues, because women were supposed to be

meek and submissive .

The Lotha Naga women can never be treated as a chattel. She is to be treated well

by her husband failing which he is to face the angry remonstration given by her

clan's people who are invariably at her side. Prostitution has never been a custom

among the Nagas as noted by the eminent ethnographers, J. P. Mills and W.C.

Smith^^. According to the custom, after marriage, the daughter moved into her

husband's house where she was surrounded by the husband's relatives. But this

does not mean that she can be ill-treated by her husband or husband's kin. A

married woman's paternal relatives were always by her side whenever there was

any quarrel that invites their interventions. A barren woman lost public esteem

because of her failure to become a mother. In such case the husband took another

wife without divorcing the wife .

It was a general view that, there was no discrimination against women in

traditional Lotha Naga society. Women enjoyed freedom, high regard and status;

however she was deprived of some social status and privileges such as right to

property, village administration and other certain socio- religious occasions. In

regard to social status she remained inferior to man. In any decision making

women were not allowed to participate, even to sit near and listen to their

discussion, if the discussions was going to be a serious one. Because women were

considered unable to control their tongue and expose the secret decision to others.

54

In planning even in family circle, it was a common saying, "what do women

know". Women were not allowed to go and observe the meetings. Men never

disclosed the serious matters to their wives or any other women. It was general

feeling that it was not the duty of women to inquire or know about the minutes of

the meetings. There was a strong condemnation to the one who leak out the secrets

matters to their wives or to any other women . Generally this belief is similar

among all the Naga tribes, Mr. Xavier Mao stated, " Women are prohibited from

having any say in both social and family affairs for the simple reason that the

Zeliangrong Nagas believe that the presence of women in such affairs is a bad

omen for the whole society. It is tabooed for a warrior to sleep with his wife

before going to war or for hunting. They believe that violation of this taboo will

bring about undesirable consequences to the whole group of which he is a

member"^^. However, the position of women within the family was found to be

better oif. In all important decisions making, wife's opinion was highly respected.

In other words she was a guide to her husband, and her decisions were respected

by her husband.

A closer examination of women's activities reveals the womanly virtues in a

society well known for its insularity, illiteracy, subsistence level economy and

animistic belief and practices. Absolute absence of the purdah system, free

participation in the agricultural activities and free movement of Lotha Naga

women were not singular characteristics of the Nagas alone. However, it is equally

true of highland womenfolk of North Eastern Region. Generally speaking, in

olden time hill dwelling fair sex rarely care for their physical appearance after the

birth of a child. Such woman care for the good name primarily by becoming proud

mother of healthy child, but their lasting fame hinges on the hard work that the

womenfolk put towards home-keeping including strenuous agriculture labor to

assist her husband. To them, the higher asset of women was infinite capacity for

physical toil rather than a vain glory of physical beauty .

55

1.13-1 DRESS AND ORNAMENTS

Women usually leave the upper part of the body bare, but covered the lower part

of the body with Surum. The suniin (Mekhala) worn by the women is about

twenty-two inches deep. The surum is of two types, one is of dark blue cloth with

narrow horizontal red stripes in threes, and a band of paler blue embroidered with

red three inches broad running round the middle of the cloth, the other one has no

red stripes, and the pale blue band is broader and nearer the top of the cloth. When

a girl reached the age of five or six years, she puts on her first Surum called konro

surum. This was about ten inches deep, white with a dark blue border and a little

red embroidery in the middle. Sometimes body clothes are worn by women, when

it was worn they were either flung loosely round the body so that the top outer

comer lies over the armpits. The unmarried girls usually wore/used a plain dark

blue cloth called muksu. On the night of her marriage, however when she goes to

her husband's house, she puts on a very pretty shawl called loroesu, dark blue,

with big squares of nanow white and red lines, giving a sort of tartan effect. When

her husband has already dragged a stone she exchanged her loroesu either for a

lungpensu, which was exactly similar to his, or for a rukisu, a cloth resembling

loroesu, with the tartan squares outlined with much broader red lines. Among the

southern Lothas unmarried women and wives of men who have not yet dragged a

stone wore a cloth called supang, a dark blue, with a broad light blue horizontal

band near the top. When her husbzmd had dragged a stone a woman wore a

lungpensu'^''.

The women's ornaments were few and simple. In the lobe of the ear a simple

bunch of the crest featliers of Pheasant, bound round with red wool was used.

Round the neck, length wise cut pieces of conch shell as well as beads were used

as necklace called Senthan yoko. Armlets and brass bracelets were also used.

56

Above each elbow a thick round pewter armlet called tivwu, and on each wrist

four to five small flat brass bracelets called rumbum were used.

Little girls have their heads completely shaved till they were about seven-eight

years old, only after that the hair was allowed to grow. Women kept their hair in a

bun on the nape of the neck, tied round with a bunch of strings of their own hair.

To wash the hair they used a kind of nuts called ngaga (sung, this nut produces

slippery foam when used with water. Using of cosmetics was not known^^.

Gradually and eventually traditional attires were replaced by western dress. The

usual surum (Mekhala) was replaced by western dress like skirts, trousers etc.

Except during the festivals and important occasion, the traditional dress and

ornaments are hardly used by the Lotha women folk these days.

Endnotes and References:

' T. Kikon, The Lothas in the Age of Awakening, Vision Wordtronic (P) ltd, Delhi, 1993,

p. vii.

^ Interviewed, Lilanthung Lotha, Dated. 5* December 2008, Wokha Town.

^ An Interviewed with K. R. Murry, 1^ September 2010, Wokha Town.

*Ibid,ip. 2^,29.

' Asoso yonuo. The Rising Nagas, A Historical and political study, Vivik publishing

House, Delhi, 1974, p. 15.

^ J. P. Mills, The Lotha Naga, p. 96.

' Interviewed, Mr. Nisemo Ngullie, dated 24* December 2008. g

Asoso Yonuo, Op.cit, p.l 5.

57

^J.P. Mills, (9/7.C/Y, p. 30,31.

'" Murkot Ramunny, 'Fhe world of the Nagas (Northern Book centre. New Delhi, 1988, p.

6,7.

' Angelina Losturo, llie Nagas: A Missionary Challenge, Vendrame Institute

publications, Shillong, 2000), p. 18, 19.

'^ J. P. Mills, Op.ciU p. 106-109.

'•* Asoso yonuo, Op.cit, p.Il.

'" Milada Ganguli, A Pilgrimage to the Nagas, Oxford and IBH Pub. Co, 1984, p.105.

' Zanao Mozhui, The Impact of Christianity on the Naga people. New Screen Printers,

Dim^ur, 2004, p. 10.

' Asoso Yonuo, Op.cit, p. 31, 32.

" T. Kikon. The Meaning and Significance ofTokhu Emong. dated 7**' November. 2006,

Wokha, Nagaland.

'* Lilanthung Lotha, Tokhu Emong, Harvest Festival of the Lotha in Nagaland Post, dated

7* November, 2006.

'^ T. Kikon, Loc./r.

° Julian Jacobs, Alan Macfiirlane, Sarah Harrison and Anita Herle. The Nagas, Society,

Culture and Colonial Encounter. Thomas and Hudson Inc. 500 the fifth Avenue, New

York. 1990, p. 77,78.

' B. B. Ghosh, Gazetteer of India. Nagaland. Wokha District. Government of Nagaland,

Kohima, 1979, p. 60,61.

^ Interviewed, Mr Ntsemo Lotha, dated 17* March 2008.

^Ibid, p.\5,\6.

Report by Rev. W. E. Witter in The Assam Mission of the American Baptist Missionary

Union: Papers & Discussions of the Jubilee Conference, 1886 (Spectrum Publications,

Guwahati, 1992), p. 94.

^' B. B. Ghosh, Op.cit, p.32-34.

^ Zanao Mozhui, Op.cit, p. 16,17.

^' Asoso yonuo, Op.cit, p.22.

* Zanao Mozhui, Op.cit, p. 17.

58

^'J. P. Mills, Op. cir, p 121.

^ A. Wati. Longchar, The Tribal Religious Traditions, Jorhat, ETC, Assam, 1986, P.36.

^ Interviewed with Rev. Yibomo Ngullie, dated 5"" December 2008.

22 Zanao Mozhui, Op.cit, p.21, 22.

^ Angelina Lotsuro, Op.cit, p. 21, 22.

•'' Zanao Mozhui, Op.cit, p. 22-23,

" Angelina Lotsuro, Op.cit, p. 22, 23.

^ B.B.Ghosh, Op.c//, 36.

" j . P. Mills, 0/7.c/7,P. 97,98.

* Interviewed with Mr. Ratsemo Lotha dated 13* July 2008.

'^J. P. Mills, Op.c/7,P.98. 40 B. B. Ghosh, Op.cit, p. 45

•*' Adino Vitso, Customary Law & women, The Chakhesang Nagas, Regency Publication,

NewDelhi,2003,p. 72.

'' Ezamo Murry, Tribal Spiritually reconsidered: A Psychological Study of Religion,

ISPCK, New Delhi. 1995), p. 63.

*' NinghorlaZimik, Tangkhul Women in the Changing Power Structure in Basudeb

DuttaRay and Ashok Kumar Ray (ed) Dynamics of Power Relations in Tribal Societies

of North East India, Om Publications, New Delhi, 2006, p. 226-227.

^ R. B. Pemberton The Nagas in the nineteenth century edited in Verrier Elwin (ed).

Oxford University Press, 1969, p. 43.

'^ J. P. Mills, (9p. c/7, P. 111,112.

** Zanao Mozhui, Op.cit, p. 13

"" R. R. Shimmry, Origin and cultures of Nagas ,Somson Publications, New Delhi, 1985,

p. 167.

"* H. B. Rowney, The wild tribes of India in Verrier Elwin (Ed) The Nagas in the

nineteenth century, Oxford University press, 1969, p. 101.

'' N. Talitemjen Jamir, Position of women in Ao-Naga Society in A. Wati Longchar (Ed)

Encounter between Gospel and Tribal culture. ETC, Jorhat, Assam, 1999, p. 95, 96.

59

'" Lichilo Ngully, An Evaluation of (he Traditional and Custom ofKyong (Lotha)

Marriage, Unpublished B. D. Thesis (Senate of Serampore College/ University, Jortiat.

ETC, Assam. 1995), P.

' An Interviewed with Renthungo Muny. 7* September 2010, Wokha Town.

" B. B. Ghosh, Op.cit, p. 44,45.

" Imtila Longchar, Portrayal of women in Drama, Joiliat, Assam, 1999, pp. 32-36.

^* Adino Vitso, C>p.c/7, p.71-73.

^ Imtilemla Longchar, Op.cit, p. 36, 37.

'^ Adino Vitso, Op.cit, pp. 58-61.

" Ezamo Murry, Op.cit, p. 63.

* Adino Vitso, Op.cit, p. 61-64.

' ' N. Talitemjen, Position of Women inAO-Naga Society in A. Wati Longchar (Ed)

Encounter between Gospel and Tribal culture. TSC, ETC, Jorhat, Assam 1999, p.92.

^ Ibid, p. 94.

^^ Lichilo Ngully, Loc.cit, P. 58.

^ Xavier Mao, The Status of Women in Mao Society in Women in Naga Society in Lucy

Zehol (Ed) Women in Naga society, Regency Publication, N.Delhi, 1998, p. 44.

^ Ibid p. 95.

** J. P. Mins,Op.c/r,P.9-ll. 65 Interviewed with Tsonzano Lotha, 9* December 2008, Okotso.