CHAPTER-I

PATTERN OF STATE FORMATION: THE CASE OF SAMBALPUR

In the beginning of the twelfth century, the western part of Orissa, popularly

known as Koshala was ruled by one Ranasingha with Patnagarh as its capital.

According to Kosalananda Kavyam:

Sa Purbejaibhrnri Bhiraba Puritam, Basundhrarh Svfyamatanu Sasitam

Dvita Stitirh Durjana Sammate Sthito, Bidhaya Manoddhata Jtyabartata. 1

English translation is as follows:

the kingdom of Koshala filled with learned and pious people was

ruled with ability and success by numerous previous kings; but this

arrogant and haughty Ranasingha being always guided by evil advice

ceased to maintain the stability oflaw and order in the State?

Grabbing that opportunity, the Gangavansi Gajapati king of costal Orissa

occupied Koshala (Tataf:l Sa Labadha Gajesvaro, Jahara Bhumi Balayarh

Tadfyakam) 3 and assigned the territory to some of the feudatory chiefs ( Bidhaya

Bhumibalayarh Sa Kausalam, Suda~a Ralqarthi Gm:zaif:l Nirakulaml Who paid

1 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam (in Sanskrit), J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.),

Kosalanand Kavyam (in Oriya), Canto I, Verses 8, Sambalpur University, 2000, p.2.

2 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam (in Sanskrit), Trans. in English MSS. , Lingaraja

Mishra, Canto I, Verse 8, Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar,l945, Account no SMS 12,13.

3 Ibid, Canto I, Verses 24, 27.

4 B.C. Chhabra (Re-edited), "Chateswar Temple Inscription", Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIX, New

Delhi,1951-52, pp.l21-123. Also see "Sonpur Stone Inscription of Bhanudeva I", Orissa Historical

Research Journal, Vol. X, Part 4, Bhubaneswar, 1962, pp. 1-10. Also see J. Mahapatra, "Foundation of

Chauhan Rule in Patna And Its Legitimation", in N. R. Pattanaik (ed.), Exploring Orissan History,

Cuttack, 2005, p.227.

nominal tribute to the imperial Ganga (Alarh K_ruta* Pa!fana Pattaniilayaib . . .

Amiitya Putrib Muditai!1 Puriitani, Ca Raja Bhumibalayiirh Gajesitub. )5 One such

feudatory was Harinatha Deva who ruled over the Patna region of western Orissa and

was succeeded by his son Krutibasa Deva, who died prematurely and then succeeded

by his wife Hemanta Kumari. 6 Hemanta Kumari ruled the Patnagarh region with the

help of eight generals who were known as Mullicks. These Mullicks had dual

functions to perform, during war they commanded the army and during the time of

peace they were in charge ofthe internal administration. Due to their loyal service to

the kingdom they had been assigned an administrative headquarter known as Garh i.e.

Patnagarh, Kangan garh, Salebhata garh, Jarasingha garh, Sindhekela garh, Kollaha

garh, Kuman garh and Gora garh in the western part of Orissa.7 After the death of

queen Hemanta Kumari, no single chief could assume the rein of administration and

the eight Mullicks evolved a tradition of governing the territory, one day each by tum

( Pafaniime Rahe Bhupa Nimuiike, Dine Eka Uthe Eka Mallika Siike, Afha Mallika

Riijii Karaiju Sabaiko.) 8

5 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto I, Verse 5;

6 Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala Itihasa (in Oriya), 2"d edition, Bolangir, 1985, p.75.

7 B. M. Hota, "Political condition of Patna on the Eve of Ramai Deo's Accession to the Throne",

Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, No.I, Bolangir, 1946, p.l10.

8 Prahallad Dubey, Jay Chandrika (in Lariya), Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar. Also see S. P.

Das, Samba/pur Itihasa (in Oriya), Sambalpur, 1962, p.l92.

15

GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF CHAUHAN OF WESTERN ORISSA

Ramai Deva n Mahalinga Deva

.[]. Vastsaraja Deva

D Bhojaraja Deva

D Prataparudra Deva

D Vikramad..[e oeva

Vaijaltleva

. Diradara Deva ~

Narasmgha Deva u Balarama Deva

Hrudayana~yan Deva

Balabha~ra Deva

Madhukara Deva

~==~==~~========~J:l~~~~~~~~~~=-D Madallpala Qha AQ Baliara Deva D

Phate Sing

Vikram Sing

Ratan Sing

~ -\(.ghunatha Sal

Chhatra Sai

D = =:QRay Ajita Sing n= Abhaya Sing

D Haribans Sing Balabhata Sai

D Jayanta Sing

D Padman Sing

In the beginning of the fourteenth century the last Chauhan ruler of Garh

Sambar, Visala Deva was killed in a battle by a Yavana and his queen, Jayanti Devi,

who was pregnant and belonged to the princely Rajput Chauhan clan of Mainpuri in

Uttar Pradesh, fled with some followers to Patnagarh in western Orissa. She sought

asylum with the Bariha, a Binjhal tribal headman of Ramod village located at

present in the Tureikela block ofBolangir district of western Orissa, where she gave

birth to a baby boy who was named Ramai Deva ( Dvijascakiiriisya

Sisorabhikhyiimarthiinvitiiril Riima Iti Prasana?J. )9 The child was adopted by a local

Brahman fief holder or Mullick named Chakradhara Panigrahi (Tuma Piinigriihi

Mama Dharmatiita.)I 0 The Kosalananda Kavyam states that:

Riimo Niima Gu~Jiigriimab Kosalaril Desamiigatab

Paryafana Pruthibim Bfro Dadarsa Binrupani Puram

Pa!fane Sa Tadii Tatra Swarupe Girinandini

Miinasam Bidadhe Bidyii Binfta Sutasodaram

Babrudhe(mudinaril Dfptyii Dvijiigiire Samiitruka?J. II

English translation is as follows:

Rama, an embodiment of virtues and merits and a hero while

roaming over the earth, came to Koshala and found the town

9 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Canto IV, Verse 13. Also see S. P. Das, Sambalpur

Itihasa, p.l90.

10 Prahallad Dubey, Jay Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Sambalpur Itihasa, p.l90.

11 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.),

Canto II, Verses 29-31, p.l2.

18

without a king. He made up his mind to settle in the town ofPatna;

and with his mother lived in a Brahman house. 12

Ramai Deva was handsome, heroic, prudent and popular (Babrudhe~nudinam Dfpyii

Dvijiigiire Samiitruka(l, Habyabiic)aba Karmiinau Siimidhenyii Hutiihuti. )13 Once he

killed a ferocious tiger with his axe (Durdiiba Dabanirbhedu Siirdulo~ti Mada?1srf,tiin .

. . Dhruta Carmiisinii Tena Bhinna Marmii Prakampita(l) and relieved the terror­

stricken people who out of gratitude raised him to the throne which was lying vacant

while administration was being taken care of by eight ministers. 14 The Ganga king

Bhanu Deva III of Orissa was pleased with Ramai Deva for his success and as a

reward gave him m mamage a Ganga prmcess called Bhanumati

(Gw:zaiyrutiiBhiinumateti Yo#tai[l) who was a daughter of the king's brother Samara

Singha (Bidhiiya Purbarh Samaram Padarh Pura(l ... Sa Riijariije§vara Biirm;e Svaro

Bhabantamiiheti Sumangalof!aram, Gw;iinitii Bhiitrusutii Mahejitii.) 15 After Ramai

Deva there were eight kings who ruled over Patnagarh up to the middle of the

sixteenth century. They were, Mahalingadeva, Vaijaladeva, Vatsarajadeva,

Bhojarajadeva, Pratapamalladeva, Vikramadityadeva, Vaijaladeva II, and

Hiradharadeva. 16

12 B. M. Hota, "Political condition of Patna on the Eve of Ramai Deo's Accession to the Throne"

Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. I, No.1, p.l09.

13 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, 1. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto II, Verse 31,

p.12.

14 Ibid, Canto II, Verses 32, 53, pp.l2-14.

15 Ibid, Canto VIII, Verses 33, 32, 31, 57, p.71 & 75.

16 Ibid, Canto XVII, Verses 71-74, pp.192-193.

" Riimoniimabhiramo}:lbhabadabanidhaba Stasya Purto Mahadi

Liriga Stasyatmabhuta}:l Prabala Ripujay1 Baijalorajarihasa}:l

19

In the beginning of the sixteenth century Prataprudra Deva, the Gajapati king of

Orissa was defeated by Krishna Deva Raya and handed over the territories ofKoshala

along with Bastar to the Vijayanagaram empire. 17 Although Koshala came under the

control of Vijayanagaram, Krishna Deva Raya did not interfere in the internal affairs

of the state of Patnagarh as Hiradhara Deva (1510-1540) acknowledged the

supremacy of the Vijayanagaram empire. 18 Cobden Ramse, the political agent,

tributary and feudatory states of Orissa, 1906 states that:

more satisfactory evidence exists to show that a comparatively

recent period the Patna state was under the sway of the Rajas of

Vizianagram. Tradition among the Khonds asserts that they at one

time paid taxes to the Rajas of Kalinga, which is to this day a

Tataputro Batsaraja Nijabhuja Bijitaratibarga Tasya Anujal:)

Tastyasit BhojarajaJ:l K~tipati Tilaka K~tra N~tra Candral:)

PutroJ:tbhud Bhojaraja Bhidhadharal).i PateJ:t Bi"ramallho Gul).iiril

Rasi}_lk~mabasirasi Stuti Nibaha SamumnTiadordarpa SuryaJ:l

Ugrogro}_lkharbagarbaJ:t K~iti Ratiramai).oJ:lbhupratapadi MallaJ:t

Bhupalo Bhumipalo DalitaripubaloJ:lse~asastrida~aJ:l

Tadabarilse Rajarayjaji~u Janit Yasa Bikramadityanama

Diyto Ni~panna KrytoJ:lbhabadananugui).o BaijalastattanujaJ:l

Satputro RajarihasoJ:t bhajadabanidhabo Birago~theegari~tl

KrytatmojaJ:l SamajoJ:lbhajadabani Bhujam Y ena Saphalyamurybam

Tasmat Khal).<;laba Bairi Piil).<;laba Sruhrud BrroJ:ttidhiral:) Paro

Debanaril Ta!inl Ta!eJ:lti Suk~mam Satk~tra Na~atrarii!

Prapaprapa Ca Nama Sarthamatularil Hiradharo Hiraka

Sparsadarilrghi Gatabarusa Mukuta Srel).l~utat Gourabat

17 H. Mahatab, Odisha ltihasa (in Oriya), Cuttack, 1952, p.175.

18 Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala Itihasa, p .105.

20

common term to describe the Vizagapatam littoral. Moreover, a

copper lease or Tamba Patta granted by former Viziangaram Chief

to the ancient holders of the village Bakati in Patna and the

discovery of a similar lease relation to a village in the Sonepur state

go far to confirm the tradition that the Vizianagram chiefs power

extended to Patna. 19

Krishna Deva Raya died in 1530 and was succeeded by Sadashiba Raya who faced

the attack of a confederacy of the Deccani states in 1565. Meanwhile, Gajapati ruler

Prataprudra Deva of Utkala or coastal Orissa faced the attack of Husain Shah, the

sultan of Bengal. Husain Shah sent a large army to Orissa under Ismail Ghazi who

advanced as far as the town ofPuri. Prataprudra Deva was at that time probably in the

far off south.20 Prataprudra Deva died in 1540 and an internal struggle started between

his son and his minister for the royal crown of Utkala. Thus the Gajapati of coastal

Orissa had no time to interfere in the political affair of the Chauhan of Patnagarh

although it was considered as part of their territories. Taking advantage of that

Narasingha Deva (1540-1547) the son ofHiradhara Deva declared independence with

the help of his brother Balarama Deva and stopped paying tax to the Vijayanagaram

empire (Bidhiiya Yuparh Narasbighamagrajarh Suputrapautrarh N,rupamiiffapa{unarh,

Cakiira Birjyol)a Jasa!zsarobararh Mahimahendral:z Sumanomanohararh,i1

\:.l v,\·_, "

19 Cobden Ramsay, Feudatory States of Orissa, Calcutta, 1910, p.283.

20 Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, 1900, p.l86. Also seeP. K. Pattnaik, A Forgotten

Chapter ofOrissan History, Calcutta, 1979, p.4.

21 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Canto XX, Verse 2. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur

Jtihasa, p.217.

21

In the middle of the sixteenth century the kingdom of Sambalpur was established by

Balarama Deva the elder brother of King Narasingha Deva ofPatnagarh on the bank

of river Mahanadi. There was no central authority which ruled over Sambalpur and it

was under the control of some of the tribal people who acknowledged the suzerainty

of the Barman of Boudh. There is a legend regarding the establishment of the

Sambalpur kingdom by Balarama Deva. During the month of Sravana (rainy

season) the chief queen ofNarasingha Deva was in labour. The chief maid, who was

in charge of the queen's care, was staying on the other side of the river Mayabati and

nobody was willing to cross the flooded river to call her for the service of the queen.

Under such a circumstance, her brother-in-law Balarama Deva personally crossed the

river and brought the maid back to the service of the queen. The queen gave birth to a

son who was named Hamir Deva. Impressed with the bravery of his younger brother

Balarama Deva, King Narasingha Deva offered the Sambalpur province to Balarama

Deva as a reward for his service. 22

The Jaya Chandrika which was written by Prahallad Dubey, the court poet of

Sarangarh in 1781, states that, Balarama Deva was fond of hunting and to fulfil his

desire he asked his mother for the region of Sambalpur which was situated on the

bank ofthe Mahanadi and known for the diamond mine (Bujha Jiii Apa Nija Miitii

Hif[l Riimadeva Faramai, Humii Desa Miiguf!l Suta Bhiita Hif[l Paiho Khuba Rajiii,

Citrotpalii Bahata Jahif!l Nadf Hai Kosala Ke 1Trii, Punya K~etra Saritii Ta{a Jiime

Upaje Kaficana Hfrii. i 3 Further, the Jaya Chandrika, states that:

Sapatniko Biindhaba Duyo Riimadeva Balariima,

22 Ramachandra Mallilc, Sankshipta Koshala ltihasa, pp.l06-107.

23 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur ltihasa, p.222.

22

Riima Lakhana So Abatarau Karau Supurana Kama,

Hiriidhara Bhupati Ke Liilana Ramadeva Balariima,

Raje Rama Lakhana Sarna Dou Sabagw;,a Puranadhiimii

Matti Sahita Apahi Raja Pahuiicabata Ko Aye,

Nadf Brahmani Se N_rupamiitii Putra Hf Satya Kariiye,

Nadf Naki Jo Sfmii Capale Suno Putra Tuma Doi,

Mero Haran Do~a So Paihai Bacana /)iigagiyai Joi,

Bhatramiita Dou Ko Bande Cale Deba Balariimii,

Jai~!abhriita Matti Lai Pahute Puni Pura Pafnii Dhamiii. 24

English translation is as follows:

one day Raja Narasingha Deva was pleased with his brother

Balarama Deva because of certain services rendered by the latter

and he offered him a boon. Balarama Deva asked for the forest clad

country Huma which approximately corresponds to the modem

district ofSambalpur. The king seemed to be unwilling to part with

the extensive territory. As Balarama Deva was the stepbrother of

Narasingha Deva it caused much dissension between the two

brothers. A compromise, however, was affected by the queen

mother who led them to a village named Kalapathar on the bank of

the river Ang. She asked the eldest son Narasingha Deva to stand

on the right bank and the younger, Balarama Deva on the left. She,

then, declared that the river would be the demarcation line of their

shares and any attempt at crossing it would be tantamount to a crime

against their mother.

24 Ibid, p.223.

23

Balarama Deva got the Huma area which was situated in between the rivers

Mahanadi, Anga and Suktel and established his capital at first at Bargarh on the bank

of the river Zira and later shifted to Sambalpur which was situated on the bank of the

river Mahanadi.

Division of the Patnagarh kingdom and establishment of the Sambalpur

kingdom were much more political then the family dispute among the two brothers.

The kingdom of Sambalpur was situated near the Haihaya power of the Ratnapura

which had political rivalry with the Chauhan of Patnagarh from the very

establishment of the kingdom. From the twelfth century onwards, there was political

rivalry between the Gajapati ofUtkala and the Kalacuri ofRatnapura for the region of

Sambalpur. When the Gajapati was fighting with the Muslim ruler of Bengal in the

north, the Kalacuri king of Ratnapura captured Sambalpur. Kalacuri of Ratnapura

assigned the territory ofSambalpur to his feudatory chief, the Barman who ruled over

the vast territories with Boudh and Sonpur as their headquarters. Finally, in 1238

Gajapati king Anangabhima Deva defeated the king of Ratnapura and recaptured

Sambalpur. During the entire thirteenth century, the region of Sambalpur became a

bone of contention between the Gajapati king of Orissa and the Kalacuri king of

Ratnapura. In the fourteenth century the Chauhan ruler of Patnagarh, Baijal Deo

(1361-1374) advanced to Chunderpoor and forcibly dispossessed the ruler of

Ratnapura and Bastar. 25 Although the chief of Bastar retaliated against this, peace

was brought by him through a matrimonial alliance with Patnagarh. In the fifteenth

25H. B. Impey, "Notes on the Gurjbat State of Patna", Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. VII,

No.2, Bhubaneswar, 1958, p.5.

24

century the western frontier of the Chauhan faced the invasion ofthe Haihaya king of

Ratnapura, Kalyan Shah. The Haihaya King, claimed to be himself as the lord of forty

eight garbs including Patna and Sambalpur. 26 He had an eye on the Sambalpur

kingdom and it was believed that he was exacting tribute from Sambalpur. 27 In 1580

Kalyan Shah died and was succeeded by his son Lakshman Shah who was a weak

ruler. Taking advantage Balarama Deva defeated Ratnapura which ceded Sarangarh to

Sambalpur.

The territories of Sambalpur were known for her diamond mines since ages.

Ptolemy mentions Sambalaka as a city in the country of the Manadalai which

produced the finest diamonds in the world. 28 Barahamihira in his work Brihatsamhita

referred about the diamond mine of Koshala (Belatafe BiSuddham Sirf~akusumoparh

Ca Kausalakarh, Saurii~frakamiitiimrakr~vam Sauparakarh Bajram. )29 Gibbon states

that, "as well as we can compare ancient with modem geography, Rome was supplied

with diamonds from the mine ofSumelpur in Bengal."30 Tavernier who visited India

in the seventeenth century in his account pointed out that:

I now come to the third mine, which is the most ancient of all, and

is situated in the Kingdom of Bengal. You may call it by the name

Soumelpour, which is a large town near to which the diamonds are

26J. K. Sahu, "Historical Value of the Jaya Chandrika", Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. XV,

No 3&4, Bhubaneswar, 1967, p.41.

27 Hewitt, Raipur Settlement Report, Nagpur, 1869, para.56.

28 V. Ball, Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, William Crooke (ed.), 2nd edition, Vol. II,

Appendix lll, London, 1925, p.355.

29 Barahamihira, Brihatsamhita. Quoted by S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.154.

30 L.S.S 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers, Samba/pur, New Delhi, Reprinted 2007, p. 20.

25

found, or rather by the name ofKoel, which is that of the river in the

sand of which they are found ... usually in the month of December,

the diamond seekers await the conclusion of the month of January,

when the river becomes low, because at that time, in many parts, it

is not more than two feet deep and much of the sand is left

uncovered. Towards the end of January or commencement of

February, from the town ofSoumelpour and also from another town

20 coss higher up the same river, and from some small villages on

the plain, about 8,000 persons of both sexes and of all ages capable

ofworking assemble. 31

T. Motte who was send by Lord Clive, to Sambalpur to purchase diamonds, in the

year 1766 states that:

His Lordship being then at a great loss for means of remitting

money to England proposed to me to return with the vakeel to the

mines and to endeavour to open the diamond trade. . . I answered

that the diamond had been valued by the vakeel at 3, 500 rupees,

which sum I was ready to pay. He insisted on 6,000 rupees, and

went away disgusted. 32

The natural resources of Sambalpur attracted the neighbouring feudatory states

ofSarguja of modem Chhattisgarh and Bamanda ofwestem Orissa in order to gain

31 V. Ball, Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier, pp.62-63 & 65-66.

32 T. Motte, " A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of Orissa",

Asiatic Annual Register, London,l799. Reprint in, L.S.S.O Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer,

Samba/pur, Calcutta, 1909, p.40.

26

control over the region. Long before the establishment of the kingdom by Balarama

Deva, the tract of Sambalpur was under the control of the kingdom of Sarguja whose

jurisdiction extended up to Mahanadi in the south. The territory of Sambalpur was

being governed by the king of Sarguja through his feudatory of Gangapur. In the latter

part ofthe fourteenth century, Rudranarayana the king ofBamanda with the help of

Sarguja declared independence from the Chauhan rule of Patnagarh. 33 Similarly,

feudatory states like, Banai, Boudh, Bamanda which were situated in the eastern

frontier of Chauhan territories of Patnagarh close to Sambalpur declared their

independent. The Jaya Chandrika openly describe the diamond mine of Sambalpur

and the request of Balarama Deva to his mother for the territories of Sambalpur

(Humii De§a Miiguf!l Suta Bhiita Hif!l Paiho Khuba Rajiii ... Pw;yalcyetra Saritii Ta!a

Jiime Upaje Kaiicana Hfrii.)34 T. Motte states that:

the opening of the diamond trade was prevented by the indolence of

the inhabitants, and by their wretched dependence on the Mahrattas.

The alliance with Jannoojei was obstructed by the very critical

situation of his affairs, and by the distracted state of his family ...

the soil of in the valley is rich loam, in which grain or pulses thrive

well. Yet rice is the principal grain cultivated, because the harvest of

it is over before the January, when the Mahrattas overrun the

county. The mountains abound with gold and diamonds; but the

native are deterred from working the mines by their indolence and

33 B. B. Mishra, Dakshina Kosala (Paschima Odisha) Sankshipta Itihasa (in Oriya), Sambalpur, 2003,

p.68.

34 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.222.

27

fear of the Mahrattas, to whom their riches would only point them

out as a more desirable prey. 35

Immediately with establishment of the kingdom of Sambalpur, Balarama Deva first

attacked the chief of Gangapur who acknowledged his authority without any fighting.

He gave his daughter in marriage to Balarama Deva and in return Balarama Deva

granted him the right to come to the royal court under his own royal canopy.

Secondly, immediately after the establishment of his hold over Sambalpur, Balarama

Deva marched his army to Sarguja, who acknowledged defeat and signed a

humiliating treaty and gave the hand of his daughter to Balarama Deva. 36 Thirdly, he

defeated Raghunath Deva the king of Bamanda and appointed Ramachandra Deva as

the king. 37 Fourthly, the kingdom of Banai acknowledged the authority of Balarama

Deva without fighting and maintained a matrimonial alliance with the Chauhan of

Sambalpur. 38 Finally, Madhukara Deva ( 1591-1617) the fourth Chauhan king of

Sambalpur defeated the chief of Sarguja and made him a royal prisoner in the fort of

Sambalpur and later released him when he agreed to pay revenue. 39

35 T. Motte, " A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of Orissa",

Asiatic Annual Register, Reprint in, L.S.S. 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer, Samba/pur, pp. 49-50.

36 Major lmpey, Report of the Orissa Committee, Vol. II, Appendix, Calcutta, 1863.

37 S. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p .233.

38 Balarama Deva son Hrudayanarayan married the daughter of Kadam king of Banai. B.B. Mishra,

Dakshina Kosala (Paschima Odisha) Sankshipta Jtihasa, p.66.

39 Satyabadi Mishra, Pandulipi (in Oriya), Sambalpur District Library. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur

Itihasa, p. 253.

28

POLICY OF CONQUEST AND CONSOLIDATION

The kingdom ofBalarama Deva extended from river Mahanadi in the north to

river Anga in the south and from river Surangi ( Rangin ) in Phuljhar in the west to

village Burna on the Mahanadi or mouth of Kakai in the east ( SiYJ1ba Bandhe!ji Uta

Riiligani Ita Purba Kakai Muhiina Mel0 He first established his capital at Bargarh

on the bank of river Zira and later shifted to Sambalpur which was situated on the

bank of river the Mahanadi. He was an able general and had assisted the Gajapati

army along with his father. 41 The Kosalananda Kavyam of Gangadhara Mishra states

that, Ramachandra Deva, the Gajapati king of Orissa, sought the help of Koshala

through his minister Purushottama Mishra, when he faced the Muslim invasion

(Bhutvii Mukundadevasya Daibat Sva Nagare StitaJ:t, Yabaniimbudhina Krante De§a

Yastuta Dotkale . . . Puru!jofama MiSriitat Tata Srutograrh Supriymh N_rupa(z.) 42

Balarama Deva and his father, Hiradara Deva, with an army of32, 000 foot soldiers,

300 elephants and 700 horses marched towards coastal Orissa (Dviitrirhsata

Sahasrii~iirh Padatiniirh TribhiJ:t SataiJ:t, Gajiiniiliz SaptabhiJ:t Prftyii Hayiiniirh

$ac)habalai Yruta(l. )43 At the capital of Boudh state he received an order from

Ramachandra Deva that "country of Utkala is now undefended and has no

commander, and it can be protected by your powerful army. So fasten and rule this

country and bring permanent welfare to it.'M He met Ramachandra Deva who had

40 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, pp.232-233.

41 Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIX, Calcutta, 1900, p. 186. Also see A. B. Mohanty

(ed.), Madala Panji (in Oriya), Bhubaneswar, 2001, p.53.

42Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto XII, Verses 43-45.

43 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Appendix, Verse 45,

p.254.

44 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto XII, Verses 49-51.

29

already overcome the Muslim menace and brought 52 Muslim generals to his state

(Dvapaiiciisata Camuniithiin Yabaniiniinayat Puram. )45 In the middle of the sixteenth

century, he also defeated the chief of Bastar whose territories lay near the kingdom

of Patnagarh and controlled all the small and petty principalities surrounding the

kingdom of Patnagarh (Svasojyani~kiisitabairisanhiti(l Na Yasya Rupe!Ja Sarno

Rate(l Pati(l Babhuba Bhumitalasitaladviti(l Balonnati(l Srfbalariimabhupti(l. )46 He

conquered the kingdom of Bamanda which was under the control of the Gond,

Kondh, and Bhuiya kings and reinstalled its chief, Ramachandra Deva as a feudatory

ofSambalpur.47

N arasingha Deva of Patnagarh was succeeded by his son Harnir Deva (1577-

1581) who ruled for only three years and died leaving behind a minor son, Pratap

Deva. The queen ruled over the kingdom as the regent for some years. The

Kosalananda Kavyam states that:

Pratiipariijo Darpiiddho Dattasastre Birupita(l

Mahi~f Bacaniit Kruddho Rat;fhyii ...

Be~fayan Pa!fanam Durgarh Dhiinyiinnisi Janiinvitam

"MntraQamayati Subham Yftjatwa Gacan Tvaranita~

Srutwa Boudhepure Ramacandra Debasya Sasanam

Senapati Bihinasya Desasya Subhada~ Sada

Cavada Bhujabasagaih Rajyaih Palayagatya Satvaram"

45 Ibid, Canto XII, Verse 54.

46 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Canto-XX, Verse- I. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur

ltihasa, p.219.

47 Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala ltihasa, p. 168.

30

Dayiim Cakre Pitul) Kfrtti Saro Yiipe Sisou N_rupe

MalJlfalastiin N_rupiin Dul)sthiin Kriitviitail) Sebite Nisam

Sarada!z $aflabhubam Bhuktvii Biriiye Na. .

Binii Tadii Yiicakiilf Nidriilf Bairil}iilit Pure

Mukhfcaye Bairiniirf Byakta Byakta Sugandhibhil). 48

English translation is as follows:

taking the minority of Pratap Deva some of the ministers showing

their long inborn wickedness began to antagonise the boy king

favourite of Hrudayanarayan and consequently the king besieged

Patnagarh which was filled with riches, food, arms and men, now

the king took compassion of the boy king who wears the very

sacrificial post of the lake of his father pious deeds and accordingly

caused those rebellious kings and minister if the country more

miserable and unhappy who finally came to the permanent services ··

of the boy king[sic.]49

Some ofthe ministers misguided the king's mother and they took the seven year old

child king with them to Nandapura. Balarama Deva sent his son Hrudayanarayan to

govern the kingdom of Patnagarh as a regent. Hrudayanarayan Deva became the de

facto ruler of Patnagarh, which was reduced into a vassal state under Sambalpur.

After the death of his father Balarama Deva, he succeeded to the throne of Sambalpur

and assigned the throne of Patnagarh to Pratap Deva, who married the sister of

48 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.),

Appendix, Verses 73-83, 2000, p.257.

49 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto XII, Verses 78-86.

31

Ramachandra Deva of Khurda (Bhaginfrh Riimacandrasya Biira7J.endrasya Tiirh

Subhiirh. )50

The kingdom of Boudh which was situated in the southern boundary of

Sambalpur was the major threat for the growing Chauhan power of Sambalpur.

Basaraja Deva (1361-1374) the Chauhan chief of Patnagarh defeated the chief of

Boudh who acknowledged the suzerainty of Patnagarh. His son and successor were

serving as a feudatory chief of Patnagarh till the middle of the sixteenth century.

One of the rulers of Boudh even helped Balarama Deva when the latter marched his

army to coastal Orissa to help Ramachandra Deva by providing his own army.51

After the death ofBalarama Deva, the chief ofBoudh, Siddha Bhanja, interfered in

the political affairs of the state of Patnagarh (Samiigatya Cirarh Riijii Pa!{anasya

Nije~nuje Sicfhabhaiije N_rupe Baudhe Siile Suta Piidya Biprayarh ) and helped the

ambitious ministers of Patnagarh to overthrow Pratap Deva. 52 The third Chauhan

ruler ofSambalpur, Balabhadra Deva (1561-1591) who served for a few years as king

of Patnagarh, invaded Boudh, immediately after he became the king of Sambalpur.

According to tradition once a prisoner of Sambalpur went to Puri for pilgrimage

through Boudh. He praised Balabhadra Deva so much in the court of Siddha Bhanja

that after listening to him the chief ofBoudh jokingly named his own dog Balabhadra.

When the prisoner came back from Puri, he complained to the court of Balabhadra

50 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Appendix, Verse 72,

p.257.

51 Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala Itihasa, p. 112.

52 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Appendix, Verses

84-85, pp.257-258.

32

Deva. 53 This episode is also found in the Kosalananda Kavyam which states that,

king Siddha Bhanja had made some derogatory comments on Balabhadra Deva

(N,rupa Parihiisa Bhare7Ja Kopayana, Stitarh Pariimiityajakrutya Sudayam.

Prabisyabiicii N,rupabejya Piicararh, Sa Sidhabhaiijabbhabadasya Paiicare.) 54

The invasion of Boudh continued for twelve years during which the army of

Sambalpur invaded Boudh ninety four times. During the Boudh campaign

Balabhadra Deva was assisted by seventeen feudatories. According to Jaya

Chandrika, the war was continued for so long that, when the soldiers of Balabhadra

Deva threw the mango seeds after eating the fruits they became trees (Amariif

Kfhoriz Amaki Batfi Morf Amii Pharapharo, Balabhadra Siiya Narinda Cat;lanf Dekhi

Cahurh Disi Tharatharo. )55 The campaign was so rigorous that there was panic

everywhere. Balabhadra Deva called Bhika Ray, the Diwan of Sarangarh who

collected one thousand soldiers from his father in law's house at Durga in the modem

Chhattisgarh and marched towards Boudh (Taba Httkuma Bhiduja Deba Ko Couhiin

N,rupa Aflajanga Ko, Gafla Tutai Boudh Turanta Abata Kurhbar Gada Siiranga Ko,

Taba Rahe, Dhamadhii Bhikhariiya Risiiya Siiranga De§a Ko, Gailiibane Ko

Mantribara Balabhadra Siiya Naresa Ke.) 56 He besieged the fort of Boudh, made

Siddha Bhanja captive and presented him in the court of Balabhadra Deva.

Balabhadra Deva demanded sixty thousand as war booty from Siddha Bhanja and also

fixed an annual tribute from him (Bandi Bhayo N,rupa Boudh Ko Raho Sara7Ja

53 S. P. Das, Samba/pur ltihasa, p. 244.

54 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, 1. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XVIII, Verses

15-17, p. 202.

55 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika, Canto-II. Also seeS. P. Das, Samba/pur ltihasa, p.244.

56 Ibid, Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p. 245.

33

Bhupati Piisa Merh, Lait;fiiriu;la $iifha Hajiira Bandhii Boudhi Hii Baisiiriju. )57 He

appointed Bhika Ray as the Diwan of Sambalpur and granted him twelve villages for

his yeoman service (Bharanii Puro Nahirh Boudh Ki Lai Mr!fakil Bahabiii Ke, Piiyo

Dibiini Piina Tehi Dina Bhikhariiya Rijhiii Ke.)58

According to Jaya Chandrika, Balabhadra Deva faced the invasion of

Kalapahara the general of Suleiman Karrani of Bengal (Jaya Jagadambii

Riijariijesvari Bhakti Basya Bhababhayaharanl, Citropalii Gomadahiibiisini

Kaliipiihiic;la Bidranakaranf. i 9 It states that, when Kalapahara invaded Orissa, the

priest ofPuri brought the idol of Jagannatha to Sambalpur and buried it somewhere on

the banks of the Mahanadi near the south of Sambalpur. Kalapahara attacked

Sambalpur and encamped near the fort of Sambalpur. He invaded the fort several

times but could not seize it. One day goddess Samalai in disguise of a milk vender

entered the camp of Kalapahara and sold milk and milk products. After consuming

the same soldiers of Suleiman Karrani fell unconscious and the army of Sambalpur

invaded the camp and killed Kalapahara. Some of the war weapons and musical

instruments which had been used by Kalapahara's army were preserved at the temple

of Samalaiswari in Sambalpur. Similarly, some of the graveyards had been found in

the bank of the Mahanadi in Sambalpur proving the invasion of Kalapahara.

The Chauhan ofSambalpur established some ofthe subordinate estates within

their state for political as well as economic interests, mainly owing to the growing

57 Ibid, Also seeS. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, pp.245-246.

58 Ibid, Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.246.

59 Ibid, Canto I. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p. 249.

34

political need to safeguard their states from external as well as internal conflicts.

These states were granted internal autonomy and in return they owed service to the

central authority. These states were always governed by the scion of the Chauhan.

These states served as an instrument to check the rival neighbour's political power in

the kingdom of Sambalpur. Sometime these feudatory states served as a buffer for the

kingdom of Sambalpur. For instance, the feudatory sate of Patna which was situated

in the southern boundary of Sambalpur had always been protected by the kingdom of

Sambalpur from the invasion of Bastar. Similarly, the main purpose of the feudatory

state of Sonpur was to safeguard the possible invasion of Boudh, which was situated

in the south eastern boundary of Sambalpur. These feudatory states helped the

Chauhan of Sambalpur to consolidate their power in far flung areas and to some

extent safeguard their own state from possible internal royal disturbance for

acquisition of the throne of Sambalpur. In due course of time these states became so

powerful that they also started interfering in the state policy of the Chauhan of

Sambalpur, when the central authority faced Maratha invasions in the middle of the

eighteenth century.

As political conflicts were going on between the state of

Boudh and Sambalpur, the Chauhan king of Sambalpur, Madhukar Deva assigned

Sonpur to his son Madana Gopala (N_rupa(l Sa Gopiilapadarit Ca Nirbrto. . . Bidhiiya

Tam Svn;apure N_rupiigral}e(l ) to safeguard the kingdom of Sambalpur from the

possible attack of Boudh. 60 Sonpur was situated at the confluence of the river

Mahanadi and Tel and letter forming to a great extent the boundary line between the

60 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu, and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto-XVIII, Verses

41-42, p.206.

35

states ofBoudh and Sonpur. The Mahanadi flows right through the center of the state

and is the main mode of communication from Sambalpur. The river Anga which falls

into the Mahanadi forms the boundary between the states of Patnagarh and Sonpur.

It comes under the Chauhan supremacy in the beginning of the thirteenth century.

The Kosalananda Kavyam states that, Ramai Deva celebrated his honeymoon with his

queen, the daughter of the brother of the king of Khurda in Sonpur (Dhariimm;isciiru

Subarl}apattanam.) 61 It was governed by one Gond chief who acknowledged the

overlordship of Madana Gopala. He established a temple on the bank of river Tel

for lord Suvemamaru, the principal lord of the region. With the establishment of

Sonpur, the kingdom ofSambalpur was free from the invasions ofBoudh. There was

no evidence which throw light upon any invasion being headed by Boudh to

Sambalpur after the establishment of feudatory state of Sonpur. He was succeeded

by his son Lal Sing Deo who encouraged many Hindu settlers to come and settle in

Sonpur. Under him, the town was extended in length from the temple of Ramesvar

situated at the junction of the Mahanadi and the Tel to the temple of Gokamesvar on

the Mahanadi. The width of the town could be measured from the temple of

Suvamamaru on the Tel to the bank of the Mahanadi which corresponded to three

square miles and was very thickly populated. 62

61 Ibid, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XIV, Verse 29, p.l46.

"TatoJ:unbikabbiJ:! Samamaijara Drutam

Dharamai).iscaru Subafl).apattanam

Cakasti Jannanmi BibhuJ:! Sa SailkaraJ:!

Surak~ite Banucarogha BasalaJ:!"

62 B. C. Mazumdar, The Chouhan Rulers of Sonepur, Calcutta, 1925,pp.l9-20.

36

Madhukar Deva was succeeded by his son Baliar Sing (1617-1657) who was a

very strong and handsome person ( Unake Juputra Baliyiira Siligha, Silighai Samiina

Bala Prabala Siligha. )63 He invaded Banai, which was known for its fertile land and

strategic location. It had control over two feudatory states Raidhakhol and Pallahara.

Baliar Sing kept his army for a long time in Banai and finally uprooted Indradeva of

the Kadamba dynasty. The chief of Banai handed over the area of Raidhakhol and

Pallahara to Sambalpur. He accepted the overlordship of Baliar Sing and served as a

feudatory chief (Rat:te~u Ni~iif}a Gt:tasya Ni(lsvane Sa Srhbhiimii Bairibadhubrane

Bane, Iti Sputarh Betti Tu Bftabikrama(l Sa Indradebo Jalabudabudopama/:t. )64

While Baliara Sing was campaigning against the chief of Banai, the chief of

Bamanda, taking advantage of that, declared his independence. The state of Bamanda

also helped the chief of Banai against Sambalpur. After uprooting Banai, Baliara

Sing captured the chief of Bamanda and made him captive in the fort of Sambalpur.

During his imprisonment at Sambalpur, the chief of Bamanda won over one Manikya,

a maid servant, whom he promised to pay large ransom for his release, if she could

obtain his freedom through the influence of the royal daughter. Manikya succeeded in

her effort and the chief ofBamanda kept his promise by sending large sums of money

both to the royal princess and Manikya. With that money the princess build a five

storey palace called Jam Dei Mahal and Manikya excavated two tanks, one in her own

name and the other in her husband's name, Nanda Ram.65 Baliara Sing also invaded

63 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.254.

64 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XVII, Verse

51, p.207.

65 Satyabadi Mishra, Pandulipi. Also see Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala Itihasa, p.l65.

37

the kingdom of Sakti, situated in modem Chhattisgarh being assisted by the army of

Raigarh and Sarangarh along with some other feudatory chiefs.

According to Kosalananda Kavyam after uprooting the enemies, Baliar Sing

visited Puri with a huge army to pay homage to Lord Jagannatha (. . .

K~amiidhano(lgiit Pur~ottamam PunaJ:z.)66 On the way some of the kings made

alliances with him by providing wealth and jewellery. Some of the kings who had

already lost their territories sought the blessings of Baliara Sing for personal gain.

Even some of the kings voluntarily submitted to him by looking at the huge army of

Sambalpur. He defeated the kings of Boudh and brought huge ransoms along with

one princess to Sambalpur. During his stay in Puri one day Baliara Sing was invited

to dine in the house of the dowager queen who was his aunt. She, who had heard

about the courage and strength ofBaliara Sing, challenged him to show how he could

defend himself if he was captured in his present unguarded state. Baliara Sing

promptly replied as follows:

Do not imagine me unguarded or unarmed. Even now I can destroy

thousands. So saying he drew from inside his coat and turban some

knives and swords which he had kept concealed. . . The queen

dowager, pleased with his ready address, induced her son, the king

of Puri, to bestow on Baliara Sing the high title of Hirakhanda

Chhatrapati Maharaja i. e., the great lord of the country of

diamonds. 67

66 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J .K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto-XVIII, Verses

61-63, p.209.

67 L.S.S. 0 Malley, Samba/pur District Gazetteer, Calcutta, 1909, p.22.

38

The policy of war and conquest which was started by Balarama Deva ended

with the conquest of Boudh by Baliara Sing who declared himself as the lord of

Atharagarh (A~tiidasa Gat;la Sebii Karai, Da!Jtfapii_ta Teraha Anusarai), small

political entities which existed in different parts of western Orissa and Chhattisgarh. 68

These were, Patna and Khariar, Bastar, Bindrugarh, Phuljhar and Deuri,

Borasambar, Shakti, Sarangarh, Bargarh, Raigarh, Sarguja and Jasipur, Udipur,

Gangapur, Banai, Pallahara, Raidhakhol, Sonpur, Boudh, Athamallik and Bamanda.

He assigned the Pargana ofBarpali to his son Vikrama Sing and Saria to his other son

Fateh Sing who started a new Chauhan line. He invited four Brahmans and four

Karana's and posted them in important administrative affairs. He built a Siva temple

at Huma near Sambalpur and donated six villages for the maintenance of the temple.

INTERNAL STRUGGLE FOR THE THRONE OF SAMBALPUR BY THE

DIWAN

In the middle of the seventeenth century, the Chauhan of Sambalpur had

already established themselves as a regional power in western Orissa by controlling

over eighteen feudatory chiefs. In the end of the seventeenth century and the

beginning of the eighteenth century the authority of the Chauhan of Sambalpur was

not being challenged by their feudatory chiefs but by their own Diwan on the one

hand and the Marathas on the other. Baliara Sing (1617-1657) was succeeded by

Ratna Sing who reigned for only four months and met a premature death. At that time,

Chhatra Sai (1657-1695), the eldest son of Ratna Sing was at Chandrapur with his

wife Radha Devi, the Ganga Princess of Bamanda. Taking that opportunity, the

68 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur /tihasa, p.266.

39

ambitious Diwan of Sambalpur, who had the army under his control, seized all

powers and defied the authority ofChhatra Sai. Chhatra Sai with his son Ajita Sing,

who was a baby at that time, fled to Sarangarh to secure military help from the

Diwan, Udyota Sai, who was considered to be the most faithful and powerful

feudatory of the kingdom of Sambalpur. He spent one year at Sarangarh and with the

combined forces of the rulers of Raigarh, Durjay Sing and Sarangarh, Udyota Sai,

marched towards Sambalpur. At Sambalpur, Chhatra Sai defeated the rebels Diwan

and restored peace and order. He granted some villages to Udyota Sai for his yeoman

service and the chief ofRaigarh was given the title of king for his services.

Chhatra Sai was succeeded by his son Ajita Sing (1695-1767) whose period

witnessed the active involvement of the Diwan in the state policy on the one hand and

Maratha inroads on the other. Very often he left the administration of his kingdom,

which comprised of twenty thousand kilometres, eighteen feudatory states and

thirteen small principalities in the hand of Diwan Dakshina Ray (Da~il:za Rayedi

Anmiku, Samarpi Sakala Karjyaku, Bisasekrosa Ayatana, Bhoga Karanti Niscentef}a,

Je Aba Tera Dal}rjapiifa, Bhayel}a Sebai Nikafa. )69 He used to spend much time in

Puri and taking advantage of that, the Diwan Dakshina Ray rose to power and

managed the government according to his own will. According toT. Motte, who was

sent by Lord Clive, to Sambalpur to negotiate with Abhaya Sing for trade in diamond:

in the year 1763, Ajeet[sic.] Sing was rajah, and Deccan Roy

dewan. This man, taking advantage of his master's indolence,

acquired such ascendancy, that he directed everything according to

69 Gopala Telengana, Adhayatma Ramayana (in Oriya), Ravenshaw College Museum, Cuttack, 1919,

p.27.

40

his own will and pleasure. At length the rajah's wife roused him, by

representing the extreme dependence of his situation. The rajah

privately raised a party; for the dewan had obtained grants of so

many villages, that his master durst not attack him openly.

Assassination best suited the spirit of the government. The

cowardice of the rajah, and the genius of the people, who were

sensible that , in the midst of the disturbances consequent to such

an act of treachery, the plunder of the dead and of many houses

would fall to their share, carne readily into the plan; and Ajeet Sing

on the 16 of June ordered the public hall to be cleared of everybody

except Deccan Roy, on pretence that the Ranny would pass through

it on her way to a temple, whither she was to pay her devotions,

and would then speak to him. The dewan, not suspecting any

violence, sat waiting for her, when eight or ten ruffians who had

been concealed for the purpose, rushed out and cut him to pieces.

This was the signal for plundering his house, which the populace

instantly did; and when the rajah sent a party to secure his share of

the booty, they found nothing left. Peelo Roy was the principal

actor in this tragedy; But one Kascree[sic.] who had charge ofthe

rajah's household, jealous lest he should become his master, by

being appointed dewan, persuaded Ajeet sing to keep the post

vacant, sensible that when the rajah's indolent fit should come on,

the administration of affairs would fall into his hands; and he judged

right: for no sooner did Morpheus shed his poppies on his master's

head, than Kascree became as powerful as ever Deccan Roy had

41

been. But Peelo Roy, sensible that Kascree had stood between him

and the desired post, did not suffer him to enjoy his master's favour

long. He employed a villain, which left his skull as he was passing

through the gateway of the rajah's palace. Peelo Roy, having thus

removed the chief obstacle, was appointed dewan, and Ajeet sing

sunk into his usual insignificance. 70

To check the growing interference of the Diwan Peelo Roy, Ajita Sing ordered

Akbar, a relation ofKascree to murder the former. On 27 August 1764:

a great holiday, when all the principal people of the town being

assembled in the public hall with the rajah, at the dances exhibited

on the occasion, and Peelo Roy retiring, Akbar dispatched two or

three ruffians after him, who murdered him as he was pressing

through the crowd. In an instant the hall was cleared, every one

running with the greatest alacrity to plunder his house. Akbar

succeeded to all the influence ofhis predecessor, and continued until

the death ofhis master.71

Soon after the death of Ajita Sing in May 1766, Akbar rebelled for the throne of

Sambalpur. He created a region of terror over Sambalpur and became the

unquestionable authority. He was so powerful that Abhaya Sing the elder son of Ajita

Sing fled from Sambalpur in order to save his life ( Abhaya Siligha Bhupati Bhaye

70 T. Motte, "A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of Orissa",

Asiatic Annual Register, Reprint in, L.S.S 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer, Samba/pur, pp.42-43.

71 Ibid, p. 43.

42

Akabara Du.Jfa Dibiina, Sarba Hi Dese Prade§e Ko Likhyo Piina Samiina.)12

Similarly Jayanta Sing, second son of Ajita Sing first fled to Ratnapura then to

Nagpur and finally to Gandamandal (Jaita Singh Keba Jiiya Ratnapura Bistarayo,

Dibya Desa Mm:u)alii Su Narmada Bahai, Siddha Pffha Dekhi Jaita Siliga Ju TahalJ

Rahai.)13 Akbar blatantly exercised his power over the Zamindar of the state of

Sambalpur and those who did not acknowledge his authority were publicly beheaded

(Jo Zamindar Na Sef! Kahe Bheda Na, Tiisu Karai Turatai Sirachedana./4

According to T. Motte:

the town became daily more confused by mobs and riots, insomuch

that I forbade any of my servants to go out of my quarters in the

night; but my poor cook, disobeying that order, was next morning

found murdered in the street. On the 1 ih June at night, when

Akbar having collected his people, marched form his own house to

the place secured the person of the rajah, and murdered everyone

who offered to oppose him. A massacre followed in the town,

where three hundred of the dependents of Kissun Bau Mullic were

put to death. 75

At last Akbar Ray was killed by Jayanta Sing (1782-1800) with the help of Biswanth

Sing the king ofSarangarh.

72 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.280.

73 Ibid, p.276.

74 Ibid, p. 280.

75 T. Motte, " A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of

Orissa", Asiatic Annual Register, Reprint in, L.S. S. 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer of

Samba/pur, p.44.

43

The Marathas always had an eye on the coastal part of Orissa for commercial

as well as for the political reasons. As Sambalpur was connected with Cuttack

through river Mahanadi, the Marathas had always wanted to use the river as a safe

passage for the mobilization of their army from the western part oflndia to the coastal

section of Orissa. A Telugu military officer called Gopala who served Ajita Sing, in

his monumental work, Adhayatma Ramayana throws some light upon the Chauhan

Maratha relationship. According to Gopala, the Marathas after destroying the eastern

part of the land entered Sambalpur and met Akbar Ray along with their army. The

Maratha General Bhaskar Ray had given some elephants as gifts to Ajita Sing

(Da~il:zadesf Marafiie, Dhansile Purba Khar.uja Yiie , Se Pw;i Sambalpuref}a . ..

Ahara Riijtitiku Bhefanti, Je Tanka Sainya Sentipati, Bhaskara Adi Raghuriiye, Se

Kebe Diyanti Hastie.)76 In March 1745 Raghuji Bhonsla himself passed through

Sambalpur to Cuttack with an army of 14,000 horses without ravaging the kingdom of

Sambalpur or being opposed by the king of Sambalpur. 77 In September 1766 the

Maratha General Babu Khan having been sent by Junuji Bhonsal of Nagpur set up

camp near Sambalpur with 300 cavalry on way of his march to Cuttack to help

Bhabani Pandit. He demanded Chauth from Akbar Ray the Diwan of Abhaya Sing

(1766-1778) of Sambalpur. On another occasion when the Marathas were

transporting some guns from N agpur to Cuttack through the Mahanadi, Akbar ordered

his men to attack them, as a result of which the guns sank in the river and the artillery

men were drowned. The king ofNagpur tried to take a serious note against it but the

76 Gopala Telengana, Adhayatma Ramayana, p.27.

77 Vaidy Daftar, Vol. IV letters no 22, 12th May 1745. Also see G. H. Salim, Riyaz us Salatin, Trans.

in English by Maulavi A. Salam, Calcutta, 1902, pp.349-50.

44

army sent by him was repulsed by Akbar, who had recovered eight guns from the

river bed and mounted them on the fort ofSambalpur. Thus:

. . . power of the Raja of Berar and all attempts to subdue his

country had been invariably failed. The reduction of his strong

fortress will, it is thought, be now followed by his speed submission,

and by the full establishment of the Mahratta authority throughout

his territories ... Should this success be followed by the complete

reduction of the country belonging to the Chief of Sambalpur, it

might certainly be considered as an important event to the Raja of

Berar, since the strength of his dominions will be much increased by

thus connecting different parts of them which were in a manner cut

off from each other while an almost independent chief occupied an

intermediate extensive tract of the country. 78

In the time of Raghuji II in 1794 the Marathas finally occupied Sambalpur and

Govinda Mohan Sing, the Diwan of Abhaya Sing, agreed to pay annually rupees 32

000 as Chauth to the Marathas. 79

INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS IN SAMBALPUR STATE

The Chauhan of Sambalpur ruled over a period which started from the middle

of the sixteenth century and continued till the end of the eighteenth century. The

kingdom of Sambalpur under the Chauhan extended to the river Kanhar in the north to

river Bagh and Baldi in the south and from river Brahmani in the east to river Jank in

78 Nagpur Residence Records, Vol.1.1804, p.34. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.285.

79/bid, p.55. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.287.

45

the west. They divided their kingdom into two groups of small principalities. The

Patna state being the first principality included Khariar, Sonpur, Bastar,

Bindranugarh, Phuljhar or Deuri, Borasambar, Boudh and Athamallik. The second

group comprised Sambalpur state which included Bamanda, Gangapur, Sarguja,

Raigarh, Bargarh, Sarangarh and Sakti. In the Kosalananda Kavyam the kingdom of

Koshala which included both Patnagarh and Sambalpur territories and described as

empire-elephants was as follows:

A to Hastf Nadf Murddhini Hastino Deba Riijate

Durgo Murddhiisti Tadadho Riijyasyiisya Mahfpate

Sii Cittaraiijani Guiijii Haihayiidhi Bidhiiyinf

Dadhatyudgata Su!Jdiisya Louhada!Jda Dhariidhararh

Tatah Candrapurarh Niima H_rudriijasya Parantapa

Candre!Jii Riidhitii Yatra Meddhyii Candreswaristhitii

Udararh Tat Purarh Yatra Bhftihii Somalesvarf

Pararh Brahmiimbikii Kiimadugdhii Kilica Bicintitii

Asyottare Puripaiica Paretyebhyo~bariijata~

Siirthii Purii Puriirh Hantii Siimbo Yatra Paristita~

Tata!z Svar~Japura!z Piiduo Paml)akiimi Manorathe{1

Saksiit Biiriiniisf Yuktmh Paritah Sa Sibaih Sibaih . . .. . .

........................................................................................

46

Dak~if;asmirhstafe Bytigrhf Kosaltiyti Athottare

Haridreti Nadf Pada Dvayarh Rajyasya Dantina~

Pattanarh Pr~fametattu Deba Rajyasya Dantina~

Ato~tra Nagare Rajadhtinf Nfti Bidtirh Mate. 80

English translation is as follows:

Like the fives limbs of elephants, the empire-elephant has river

Hasti on the head of it and by the side of this river there is a fort

which is like the very head of this kingdom. As the head of an

elephant is beautified with vermilion, goad and fly whisks so also

the head of this empire-elephant is decorated with flower garlands.

This beautiful fort should be always guarded with, ramparts, walls,

engines of war and powerful warriors so that even heroes would be

terrified by it. Chandrapuri is the heart of this kingdom. The city

Sambalpur is the belly of this kingdom. To the north of the city

there is the city of Panchapara. Then the two (fore) legs of this

kingdom is the city of Sonepur which fulfilled the desires of those

who resort to it. The two (hind) legs of the empire elephant are the

rivers Byaghri forming the southern border of Kosala and river

Haridra to the north of it. Patna is the back of this kingdom­

elephants and on the advice of those learned in the science of

politics this town was the capital. This back of the elephant is the

strong place for the veteran warriors skilled in warfare adorns all

80 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.),

Canto XV, Verses 42-59, pp.l63-164.

47

the people (of this kingdom) and at the time of war removes the fear

of enemies even if they confederate and present formidable

[ . ] 81 array szc . .

The court poet, Prahallad Dubey who composed, Jaya Chandrika during the

reign of Jayanta Sing in the last quarter of eighteenth century gives a vivid description

of Sambalpur. According to him, Sambalpur which was twelve hundred miles in

length and located in the Utkala country on the bank of river Mahanadi where goddess

Samalaiswari was worshipped by the people (Kosala Mukhya Sambalpura De§ef!l,

Jahiif!l Basata Sambalpura Nare§a . .. Apu Bai{hf Sirajo Samaliif. .. Kosa Bisiisahe Ki

h 82 Ca UJ[ltare.) The whole kingdom of the Chauhan was divided into eighteen small

chieftains and thirteen small principalities. To govern such a vast kingdom, the

Chauhan always followed the old system of administration, in which the king played

the central role and was marked with some divine attribute assigned to him. It was the

general trend in medieval Orissa for kings to adopt some divine epithet for the

purpose of administration. For example, Gajapati Ramachandra Deva of Khurda

regarded himself as the moving image of lord Vishnu. This had an immediate impact

over the Chauhan rulers of western Orissa as they considered themselves to be equal

to the Gajapati and like the former they had also enjoyed power over many small

chieftains within their own kingdom. The Kosalananda Kavyam described, Ramai

Dev, the founder of the Chauhan dynasty in Patnagarh as; "when he is adorned with a

81 P.C. Rath, "The Geography of Patna as Found in Kosalananda Kavya of Gangadhara Mishra",

Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. II, No.1, Bolangir, 1947, pp.47-48.

82 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur ltihasa, pp.265-266.

48

crown he looks like a mortal moon. By his power, he far surpasses the sun, by fame,

the moon, and by brilliancy he tops the eastern mountain with the rising sun"

(Sugodheradho Gandhasiira Drabe~Jiilikite Niiniinenii Bhito Rocamiina?z,

Par'ibefino?zbajasya Lak~mirh Samiikhyiina Gul}agriima Bisriima Dhiima

K~amasr'i~.)83 Further, he had been described as; "broad chest, bright with gold and

diamond chains, like the bosom ofVishnu, the resting place of the goddess ofbeauty

and wealth" (Bharodhiima Dhiimendiriiyii Murasya,Dvi~obiisa Bhuratna

Diimiibhiriimam, Biriija Jayastambha Kiibhymh Bhujiibhyiim Puradwiiri Bistiiri

Bhiidyotitiibhyiim.l4 In the Jaya Chandrika, the two royal brothers, Narasingha Deva

and Balarama Deva are described as incarnations of Rama and Lakshmana on earth

(Riima Lakhan Se Abatare Karai Sa Purana Kama.) 85 In the Chikitsamanjari Baliara

Sing (1617-1657) was being described divinely powerful, and at the very mention

of his name, other kings were reduced to the position of timid deer ( Baliyiirati

Bikhayiita~ Singho Yasyiimaja~ Svayarh, Yanmiim Smrtimiitre~Ja

Mrgatvamagamantpii~.) 86

The Chauhan kings of Sambalpur styled themselves as the lords of the

Atharagarh or 18 forts and Tera Dandapata or 13 small principalities. The process of

expansion of the territory was started by Ramai Deva (1360) and fmal shape to the

kingdom was given by Baliara Sing (1660), the fifth Chauhan king of Sambalpur.

The Canto II of Jaya Chandrika, has described the famous kingdom of Sambalpur and

83 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto VII, Verse 7.

84 Ibid, Canto VII, Verse 11.

85 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika, Canto I. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p. 202.

86 Gopinatha Sarangai, Chikitsamanjari. Also seeS. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p.253.

49

its eighteen forts as presenting a unique scene, where king Balarama shines like the

autumn moon (Druga Afiirara Amati Chabi Sambalpura Parsiddha, Sarada Candra

Sof!l Udita Jahif!l Srz Balariima Narindra. )87 Sir Richard Temple in his report of 1863

observed that "the chieftain which formerly owed allegiance to Sambalpur and Patna

including those of two, eighteen in number. They were known for many ages as the

Athagarh, just as the adjacent country to the west of Chhattisgarh."88 To govern such

a vast kingdom, the Chauhan kings always took help of the royal preceptor and the

council of ministers. According to Rudra Das, the royal preceptor, who taught

polities to Ramai Deva, a king should have a majestic outlook, a commanding

personality, should be skilful in arms and well versed in the Sastras, generous,

courageous, truthful, respect the Brahmans and be anxious to lend protection to his

subjects ( Pratiipa Kirtti Riiiijayiica Siistre Bidagadhatii, Diina Bhoga?z

Prajiira~iibnuriigo Dwija Pujanam, Dhiryarh Ca Satyabiiditvarh Prasiidodal)da

Agamiita, Ariiti Nigrab Kirtti Pratiipotapiidakii !me. )89 The council of ministers were

described in the Kosalananda Kavyam as the two arms and two legs of the king.

They were the permanent residents of the state and belonged to the warrior class who

were always wealthy and wise (Amiityii Mantril)ab Piil)e Caral)O Cirabiisina(l,

K~atriya Dana Sampur!Jii Bidyiiblrjya Kuliinwitii(l.) 90 The Chauhan kings always

followed the advice of the council of ministers. When Hiradara Deva mobilised his

87 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika, Canto II. Also see S. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p.226.

88 R. Temple, Report of the Zamindars and other Petty Chieftains in the Central Province, 1863, Para

27. Also see Major lmpey, "Notes on the Gurjhat States of Patna", Journal of Asiatic Society of

Bengal, Calcutta, 1865, pp.1 00-110.

89 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XV, Verses 8-9,

p.160.

90 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 11, p.160.

50

army along with his son, Balarama Deva, towards coastal Orissa to safeguard the

Gajapati army from the possible attacks ofMuslim ruler of the Bengal, the council of

ministers advised him as follows:

Gajiiniirh Gamaniibhiibe Sainyasya Ca Katharh N_rupaf:z

Ghore Ghonodaye Tatra Mantribiicii Sukharh Bhabet

Sahasii Na Bidhiitabyii Kriyiismiibhi!l Sudu~karii

Gachantu Purataf:z Sre~tii Amiityii Mantrakobidiif:z. 91

English translation is as follows:

0 Prince, at this terrible time of rain, even our elephants could not

go and how our soldier can proceed, moreover you should not do

anything rashly, especially in such an undertaking which is most

difficult for us; but our first and foremost ministers experts in

diplomatic negotiations go first. 92

The council of ministers had the-power to decide who would be the king. It was the

council of ministers who appointed Narasingha Deva as the king of Patnagarh. On

certain occasions the Chauhan appointed some outsider as minister of the state.

Baliara Sing had brought four Karans from Puri and appointed them in certain

important offices in Sambalpur. One of them was in charge of preparing the royal

calendar, the second was looking after the income and expenditure of the state, the

third was the paymaster general and the fourth was the superintendent of the horses

and elephants ofthe king.93 The council of ministers some time misused their power.

When Narasingha Deva ofPatnagarh died, the council of ministers advised the queen

91 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, l K Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Appendix, Verse 43, p.254.

92 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, Lingaraja Mishra, Canto XII, Verse 48.

93 Ramachandra Mallik, Sankshipta Koshala Jtihasa, p.I68.

51

to take away the seven year old child king of Patnagarh to Nandapura. In the

eighteenth century, they rapidly misused their power to such extent that they became

more powerful than the king. During the time of Ajita Sing (1695-1767), the entire

administration was in the hands of Diwan Dakshina Ray who completely paralysed

the administrative system. According to T. Motte:

the government of Sambalpur is strictly feudal, the fiefs of which

being originally official, are, by the weakness of the sovereign

become hereditary. It appears . . . all the evils attending the feudal

system were centred in this government; for such is the danger of

degrading a man from an office, that it is seldom effected without

murdering him; for, if he can fly to his fief, he is able there to raise

an opposition dangerous to the sovereign. The former dewans were

possessed of villages at a distance from the capital, and were of

course liable to surprise; but Akbar the present dewan's power lay in

the capital itself, so that he was mayor of the place and made the

rajahs prisoner. 94

Chief queen Muktamani Devi warned the king but the Diwan was so powerful that it

was very difficult for the king to tackle the problem. At length, Ajita Sing organized

a plot to assassinate the Diwan. 95

94 T. Motte," A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of Orissa",

Asiatic Annual Register, Reprint in, L.S.S. 0 Malley, District Gazetteer of Samba/pur, pp.50-51.

95 Ibid, p.40 .

52

The Kosalananda Kavyam states that, as one complexion does not look

charming without manly beards, so also a state has no beauty without an organised

army (Balarh Caturbidharh Smas.ru~ Yadbina Naiba Sobhate, Rajyarh Tatha Ca

Badanarh Rupasaubhaygamaiijulam.) 96 The Chauhan army consisted of four

divisions, viz., the infantry, cavalry, army of elephants and navy. In the battle field,

especially in the time of rainy season, it was the elephants and in summer it was the

cavalry which served as the walking fort for the king. The Chauhan ofSambalpur had

a large standing army of 32,000 foot soldiers, 30 elephants, and 700 horses. In the

time of war the feudatory chiefs provided the army to the central authority. When

Balabhadra Deva invaded Boudh it was Bhika Ray, the feudatory chief of Sarangarh

who assisted him with a huge army. Next to the army, the fort played an important

role in the military establishment of the state. The Kosalananda Kavyam states that,

the fort represented the arm of the king (Durgobahu~ Sa Rajyasya Yam Bina

Pratibhubhujarh, Anadaro~bhayarh Caiba Srabe~arh Swanujibinam.) 97 A fat man

without a limb cannot do anything, similarly, a king without a fort cannot even think

of attacking a neighbouring kingdom ( Abahuma Puman Lake Samart~ Sa

Mahanapi, Kattrurh Karmii!Ji SarmaiJi Prapturhpara Purardanat.) 98 Furthermore,

an unsatisfied woman cannot get satisfaction from a limbless person so also the king

cannot get royal wealth without a fort (Durgahine N_rpe Sarhpanna Ratirh Yati

Nagari, Yuni Bahu Bihine Ca Pramada Jata Sammada. )99 Even if the king is weak

and has a fort, he can safely stay in the kingdom (Yato~balo~pi N_rupati~ Durgarh

96 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XV, Verse 38,

p.l63.

97 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 30, p.162.

98 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 31, p.l62.

99 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 32, p.l62.

53

I(rotviipi Modate, Tasmiit Sarbaprayatnena Riiiijyii Durga Baliibalam. )100 Balarama

Deva established a fort on the bank of river Zira in Bargarh. Following in his

footsteps, Balabhadra Deva also established two forts, one at Chandrapur and another

at Krikirda and gave the final shape to the fort of Sambalpur.

Though the Chauhan had ruled over a vast area, they had not been able to

acquire a perennial source of revenue to govern the state. The Kosalananda Kavyam,

which speaks so much about state craft, does not given much ideas about the revenue

system. The British records of the eighteenth century throw some light on the

revenue system of the Chauhan. According toT. Motte:

the ordinary revenues of the country are paid in kind, and the

regulation of the collections is simple. Each village being rated at a

certain number of measures of paddy, or rice, in the chaff, the

ground is divided among the inhabitants in this manner. Every man, . .

as soon as he is of proper age, is enrolled as a soldier, and allowed

half a measure (about six pounds) of rice per day for his subsistence,

and three rupees per annum for clothing. As much arable land is

then made over to him as is supposed to produce 242 1/8 measures.

He is to deliver to the rajah, or his order, 60 6/5 measures, and the

remainder is for his own use. The land is given in charge to his

wife, who feeds him, and provides for paying the rent; if the

ground produces more than it is rated at , it is her profit; if less, her

loss. The reserved rent of three or four villages, being one-fourth the

produce of the land is applied to the use of the rajah's househo Ids.

100 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 33, p.l62.

54

The reserved rent of the rest is given to his relations, or principal

servants, who by these means have the entire inhabitants dependant

on them. The extraordinary revenues consist of duties on merchants

and other passing thorough the country, and of fmes. The former

are not settled, but depend on the conscience of the rajah; and

indeed, within three years, since his people robbed and murdered a

considerable Nagpoor merchant near this place, none have passed

this way. The latter, also, are not entirely arbitrary; nor is it

necessary to find a man guilty of any crime in order to fine him, in a

country where money cannot be acquired but by means prejudicial

. 101 to SOCiety.

Starting with Balarama Deva till Ajita Sing, all were not concerned about

perennial sources of revenue for the state's smooth functioning. Instead of collecting

of revenue directly they had assigned different villages to different powers for their

own interests. Balarama Deva assigned the village of Sara} to Bamadeva Panigrahi

and Burla to his brother. 102 His principle was followed by his successor in letter and

spirit. Chattra Sing Deva (1657-1695) established the Rampur village on the

confluence of river Ibe and Bhaden and assigned it to Prananath Rajput, along with

many revenue paying peasants. Similarly Ajita Sing (1695-1767) established the

Ajitapur village and assigned it to some Brahmans who had come from Puri. The

village was placed under a village headman who was responsible for the general

101 T. Motte, "A Narrative of a journey to the Diamond Mines at Sambalpur in the Province of Orissa",

Asiatic Annual Register, Reprint in, L. S. S. 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer Samba/pur, p.50.

102 Satyabadi Mishra, Pandulipi. Also seeS. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p.234.

55

administration and revenue collection of the village. Then post of village headman

was not hereditary, " that their duties and that their position mainly depended on their

efficient performance and that they enjoyed as their remuneration a portion of the best

lands of the village without paying any rent."103 Not only that, sometimes the

Chauhan assigned some of the feudatory states to their kith and kin to free themselves

from the burden of revenue collection. Madhukar Deva (1591-1617) assigned the

feudatory state of Sonpur to one of his sons, Madana Gopala and the Zamindari of

Khinda to another son, Aniruddha. Similarly Baliar Sing ( 1617 -1657) assigned the

Zamindari of the Barpali to his younger son, Tribikrama Sing. The feudatories as

well as the village chiefs were not to pay any permanent amount to the state and in

return the state did not pay any remuneration for their services. The state was free

from the burden of revenue expenditure. The only duty of the state was to conduct

some public work such as construction of ponds and establishment of temples for its

subjects in the far flung regions of the country. It was Chhatra Sing_ Deva ( 1657 -1695)

who built a pond and Balabhadra Deva (1656-1661) who built a temple at Sambalpur.

It was the preliminary task of the state to provided internal and external security to the

small feudatory chiefs in return for some tribute and services. The feudatory chiefs

provided small tributes called 'takoli' in the time of peace and army in the time of

war to the central authority. 104

For purpose of revenue administration the state of Sambalpur mainly

depended upon the war booty. The Kosalananda Kavyam states that, the Chauhan

103 B. Cadenhed, First settlement report of Samba/pur, 1880. Also see Major Impey "Note on the

Gurjhat State ofPatna". Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. II, No.2, Bhubaneswar, 1952, p .32.

104 L.S.S. 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer, Samba/pur, p.169.

56

kings were always surrounded by several small kings with all kinds of wealth

(Bimiinii Miinino Yasya Dviiri Dhlrii Dharii Dhabii?z, l)w:zdubhii Iba Nibfrjyii!J Chinna

Mw:zdii Iba Dvipii?z.) 105 Baliara Deva (1561-1591) collected sixty thousand rupees as

war booty from the chief of Boudh and the latter agreed to pay the same amount

annually (Lairjiimrj $ii!ha Hajiir Bandhii Boudhi Hii Baisiiriju, Balabhadra Siiya

Narendra Mura Kyau Satrugarba Utiiriju. )106 Sometimes the Chauhan rulers

assigned some of the villages to their feudatory chiefs for the sake of revenue. It was

Chhatra Sing Deva (1657-1695) who granted forty two villages to the Sarangarh chief

Durjaya Sing. The Sarangarh copper plate which is preserved in the royal house of

Sarangarh, states:

l Asa Debiin Sri Udyota Saya Ko Kabul Tiimbe Pa!!ii Likha Di Hai

Karan Aisii Jo Hamako Dal Loga Dahasata De Kar Samba/purSe

Nikala Die So Siirmigarja l'rfe Bhoga Gae Bahiif!l Eka Ba~rataka

Rahe Biida Hamko Siiraligarja Se Dibiina Udyota Siiya Phoja Siitha

l'(fe Le Kar Dal Ko Miir Kar Hamko Giidee l'(fe Bai!hii Die So Ham

Apane Dhusi Sef!l Kfkfrdii Pragane Sof!l Eka Bayiilisa Sarasif!lbii

Nikala Ke Dayo. Ef!lo Antara Nahf1J1 Jon Debiin Udyota Siiya Ke

Koi J!.ahe So Pusta Pustiin Se Bhoga Karai BoApane Jagaha Kii

/)aJ?lfla Kau{lf 817 Dete Raho Eke Siik~ee Daso Diraga A~ta

Lokapiila Canda Suraja Dharmariija Likhitam Siikhf Baijaniitha

Dhusare Sobhii Siliga Biibu Wuo Padumana Jamadiir Wuo

105 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XV, Verse

82, p.I67.

106 Prahallad Dubey, Jaya Chandrika. Also seeS. P. Das, Samba/pur Jtihasa, p.246.

57

Bzroswara Bahediira Mitf Miirgasfra Badf 1 Bhudhabiira Sambar

17 4 7 Siila Sahf.1 07

English translation is as follows:

This is to certify that Diwan Sri Udatya Ray who granted me

permission to stay for one year in the court of Sarangarh when I

was over thrown by the Diwan of Sambalpur and who also helped

me to acquire the throne of Sambalpur. For this reason I am

happily granting him forty two villages from the Pargana of

Kikirda for which the Diwan has to pay an annual tribute of eight

hundred seventeen rupees and ten annas only.

The Chauhan adopted a strict maintenance of law and order in their

territories. According to the Kosalananda Kavyam it is the moral duty of the king to

safeguard his subject from all kinds of external and internal invasion (. . . Ba~ayo

Ra~iipadabhyo Nirltitii.) 108 Further it states that, women always like to be

surrounded by handsome men likewise the subjects of the state always like to join

hands with the king who provides them internal security ( Kandarpa Darpadalane

Bipadanta Kare Bare, Yobatiini Prajiinityarh Ramante Basubhin.rpe.)109 Thus the

duty of the king is to protect the subject like his own queen (Tasmiittu Piilanarh

Tiisiirh Stril}iimiba Parek~al}iit.) 110 Laws and regulations were very strict and even the

Chauhan king did not let his own brethren escape from the hand of law. There is a

107 Copper plates quoted by S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p.268.

108 Gangadhara Mishra, Kosalananda Kavyam, J. K. Sahu and D. Chopdar (eds.), Canto XV, Verse 24,

p. 161.

109 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 25, p. 162.

110 Ibid, Canto XV, Verse 26, p. 162.

58

legend, when Chhatra Sai, the Chauhan prince ofSambalpur was young he fell in love

with a young woman. Unhappy with this event the father of the woman complained

to king Ratna Sing, who after due enquiry announced death penalty for his son

Chattra Sing who fled to Padamapur to avoid the death sentence. After a public

outcry in the kingdom, the king withdrew the death penalty. 111

The Chauhan divided their territories into several small units to maintain law

and order. Under Chhatra Sing Deva, the kingdom of Sambalpur was divided into

thirteen Dandapatas (small administrative units). These Dandapatas were assigned to

one officer called Dandapala who were responsible for law and order. In course of

time the same Dandapala were replaced by the Zamindar for the said purpose. The

Zamindar were locally known by the title of Garhtia or literally a fort holder, and

sometimes that title was also given to men whose position was merely that of a

revenue farmer. These Zamindari were always given to the scion of royal blood or to

a man closer to the king and known as 'Kumari' grants, where villages were held rent

:free.112 At the lower level the villages were jointly responsible for law and order and

it was under the Gaontias or village headmen. Sometimes the villages were assigned

to the family of Brahmans known as Birtia who divided the village lands among

themselves. Under the Chauhan ofSambalpur:

Gaontias or village headmen had no proprietary rights in their

villages, and that though they claimed the right of hereditary

successions, their claim had never been recognized; that they held

on short terms leases, to the renewal of which they had no intrinsic

111 S. P. Das, Samba/pur Itihasa, p. 264.

112 L.S.S. 0 Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer, Samba/pur, p.l65.

59

right; that on their renewal heavy nazarana fees were levied; and

that cases not infrequently occurred in which a Gaontia of long

standing was ousted from his village to make room for a man who

outbid him in the offer of nazarana. But although no legal right on

the part of Gaontia to his village was ever recognized, he had,

according to the notions of the people, a strong moral claim to

remain in possession, so long as he paid the revenue assessed on it;

and no native Government could afford to disregard this claim

generally and to oust gaontias wholesale. 113

In a copper plate grant the king categorically states that the moral duty of the

subject was to maintain law and order at the village level, ''those persons who created

troubles in the village will suffer from committing the sin ofkilling the cow, mixing

the poison in the sacred dishes of lord Jagannatha at Puri and cohabiting with their

own begotten at Kasi."114 When a theft was committed in a village, the headman was

to trace the thief and recover the stolen property. If he failed in this task, he was to

pay the compensation. 115

113 Ibid, p.l74.

114G. S. Das and S.C. De, "Two Copper Plate Grants From the Village Themra In The Sambalpur

District", Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. II, Bhubaneswar, 1952,p.48.

"Ktabyaril. Nirupandrbaril. ,Grame~sminmanuja Upandrabakara~

Kecibhyabisyanti Ye Te Gonasana Pa

Taka Prakara Bhajyanta~ Prayoge Nar~

K~re Sri Puru~atrame Sri Jaganna

Th~at~tre Bi~aril. Diitrul).aril. Gati

Mapnuyusca Ramatam Kasyaril. Nrul).aril. Svaprasuril"

115 N. K Sahu, History of Orissa Police, Cuttack, 1961, p.78.

60