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Kennedy and the Cold War 肯尼迪与冷战2

The presidential election of 1960 shaped up as a classic duel. Both nominees had been young naval officers in

World War II. Each had entered public life in the months after the war, and both were now vigorous men in

their forties.

The United States was not the same country that Dwight Eisenhower and Adlai Stevenson had stumped in

1952. By 1960 the wave of migrants to the new suburbia was at flood tide.

The nation was richer. Washington, the new census revealed, had become the first American city with a black

majority 54% as against 35% in 1950.

1960 年的总统选举形成了一个典型的二人决斗局势。双方候选人在二战时期都是年轻的海军军官。在二

战结束后的几个月里，他们各自进入政坛，当下都处在40多岁的精力旺盛期。当时的美国已不再是1952

年艾森豪威尔和史蒂文森发表演说时的美国了。到 1960 年，人口向新郊区移居的浪潮正处于高峰期，整

个国家也变得更加繁荣昌盛。新的人口普查表明，华盛顿当时已成为美国第一个以黑人为主的城市，1950

年黑人所占的比例为35%，到当时已达到54%。

By 1960 40 million American families, or 88% of them, owned at least one television set. Fully aware of the

hundred million viewers, the two candidates were pondering ways to beguile them. Afterward it was widely

believed that the tube helped Kennedy most.

Marshall McLuhan thought he knew why. Kennedy, he

said, had projected the image of a “shy young sheriff”

in a TV western, while Nixon resembled “the railway

lawyer who signs leases that are not in the best inter-

ests of the folks in the little town.”

What McLuhan overlooked was that as Americans be-

came more prosperous they were increasingly conser-

vative; more of them were investing in the railway, and

were therefore on the lawyer’s side, not the sheriff ’s.

到 1960 年，4,000 万个美国家庭，也就是全美 88%

的家庭，至少拥有一台电视机。考虑到有亿万名电

视观众，两名候选人都绞尽脑汁地想要吸引他们的

眼球。后来，大部分人都认为电视机给肯尼迪助力

不少。

马歇尔·麦克卢汉认为他了解个中缘由。他表示，

肯尼迪在电视上塑造了一个“害羞的年轻警长”的

形象，而尼克松则表现得像一个“铁路公司的律师，

专门签署对小城镇不太有利的占地契约”。然而，麦

克卢汉忽略掉了一点，那就是美国人在更加富裕的

同时，也变得更加保守，大多数美国人正在向铁路

投资，因此是站在律师这边，而非警长那边。

1960 年总统竞选候选人尼克松（左）与肯尼迪（右）正在进行电视直播的辩论。

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Kennedy's built-in advantages were support from organized labor, his father’s great wealth, his Pullizer Prize, a

friendly press corps, his charisma that reporters called it the Kennedy style and his membership in the major-

ity party.

His disadvantages were long memories of his father’s support of appeasement 20 years earlier, his youth and

inexperience - 43 years old to Nixon’s 47, and the widely held conviction that a Roman Catholic could not be

elected President.

肯尼迪本身的优势包括：劳工组织的支持、其父留下的一大笔财产、他荣获的普利策奖、友好的报界人士

以及他的个人魅力（记者称之为肯尼迪风格），当然还有他身为多数党成员的身份。他的劣势则是：其父

亲在20年前令人印象深刻地支持过绥靖政策、他43岁的年龄相对于尼克松的47岁略显经验不足，还有他

的天主教徒信仰，一般人都认为罗马天主教徒不能当选总统。

Eisenhower had equivocal feelings about his Vice President. He clearly preferred Kennedy. On August 24, 1960,

Eisenhower dealt Nixon the worst blow in the campaign. He was asked in a press conference,

“What major decisions of your administration has the Vice President participated in?” The President's almost

unbelievable reply was, “If you give me a week, I might think of one.”

艾森豪威尔总统对其副总统尼克松的态度模棱两可，他明显更欣赏肯尼迪。1960 年 8 月 24 日，艾森豪威

尔在选举中给了尼克松最沉重的打击。在一次记者招待会上，有人问他：“副总统参与过的政府的重大决

策有哪些？”总统的回答令人难以置信：“如果你给我一星期时间，我可能还想得到一件。”

The great innovation of the 1960 campaign was a series of four nationally televised debates. Nixon, less photo-

genic than Kennedy, looked sallow and unshaven under the intense studio lights.

Voters who heard the first debate on the radio concluded that Nixon had won, but those who viewed it on tele-

vision favored Kennedy. In the last days of October Gallup concluded that the race was too close for prediction.

1960 年竞选的伟大创新在于一系列全国性电视辩论。尼克松不像肯尼迪那么上镜，在演播室的强烈灯光

下，他看起来面色如蜡并且像没刮胡子。在收音机上听到第一场辩论的选民认为，尼克松赢了，但那些看

电视的人支持肯尼迪。10月底，盖洛普民意测验显示，双方实力太过接近，难以预测。

Toward the end the election seemed to blur into a montage of sights and sounds: Kennedy reminding audi-

ences in his cool clipped accents that Castro had put Communists “eight jet minutes from Florida.”

Kennedy repeating over and over, almost as an incantation, “This is a great country. But I think it can be great-

er. I think we can do better. I think we can make this country move again,” Kennedy won only the narrowest of

electoral victories, receiving 49.7% of the popular vote to Nixon’s 49.5%. For Nixon it was a heartbreaker.

竞选活动接近尾声之时，局势似乎变得模糊不清，成了画面和声音交织在一起的蒙太奇：肯尼迪用他那冷

静、清晰的语调提醒观众道，卡斯特罗派来的共产党已到了距佛罗里达州只有“8 分钟喷气式飞机航程”

的地方。他像念咒语似的一遍遍重复道：“这是一个伟大的国度，但我认为它还可以更强大。我相信我们

能做得更出色，让这个国家再度前进。”最终，肯尼迪以微弱优势获胜，他获得了49.7%的选票，而尼克

松的得票率为49.5%，这无疑伤透了尼克松的心。

As Truman had admired generals and Eisenhower tycoons, Kennedy turned to academics.Among his advisers

were 15 Rhodes scholars, led by the Secretary of State, and four professional historians.The Secretary of De-

fense, the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, the chairman of the Civil Service Commission, and the ambas-

sadors to India, Japan, and Yugoslavia were former college teachers.

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杜鲁门扶植将军，艾森豪威尔偏爱企业大亨，肯尼迪却对学者们青睐有加。肯尼迪的顾问里面，由国务卿

领衔，有 15 位罗德奖学金 * 得主、4 位历史专家。国防部长、国税局局长、文官委员会主席以及驻印度、

日本和南斯拉夫的大使都曾在大学执教。

*罗德奖学金是英国殖民时期矿业大亨塞西尔·罗德自1902年创立的奖学金，选取全球80名25岁以下最

优秀的青年去英国牛津大学攻读硕士或博士，被称为“本科生的诺贝尔奖”。

Kennedy’s government was regarded as a “New Frontier”, which was full of energy and ambition. He used

people regardless of party. In Kennedy’s cabinet, Douglas Dillon and Robert McNamara, who served as Secre-

tary of the Treasury and Secretary of Defense, were both Republicans.

He also boldly named relatives for important cabinet posts. Kennedy’s younger brother Robert, who had made

a name as a hard-hitting investigator of organized crime, was appointed the attorney general.

New Frontier suggested masculine toughness and adventurism and encouraged Americans to again think of

themselves as exploring uncharted terrain. The concept of frontier should not be confined to free land, but

should include all undeveloped areas.

肯尼迪的政府被誉为“新边疆”，即充满活力与雄心。他使用人才不分党派。在肯尼迪的内阁中，出任财

政部长和国防部长这两个重要职务的道格拉斯·狄龙和罗伯特·麦克纳马拉都是共和党成员。他还大胆任

命亲属担任重要内阁职务，肯尼迪的弟弟罗伯特，由于强力打击犯罪的成绩被任命为总检察长。

“新边疆派”暗示了男性的韧性和冒险主义，鼓励美国人继续探索未知的领域。边疆的概念不应仅限于自

由土地，而应囊括一切未开发的领域。美国面临着无垠的新边疆，有待美国人民利用先进的科学技术和强

大的经济实力去征服。

Like his predecessors, Kennedy viewed the entire world through the

lens of the Cold War. This outlook shaped his dealings with Fidel Castro, who had led a revolution that in 1959 ousted Cuban dictator

Fulgencio Batista. Until Castro took power, Cuba was an economic de-

pendency of the United States.

When his government began nationalizing American landholdings

and other investments and signed an agreement to sell sugar to the So-

viet Union, the Eisenhower administration suspended trade with the

island. The CIA began training anti-Castro exiles for an invasion of

Cuba.

肯尼迪与他的两位前任一样，通过冷战的透镜来观察和分析整个世

界。这种视野影响了他与菲德尔·卡斯特罗的交锋。1959年，卡斯

特罗领导了一场革命，推翻了古巴独裁者富尔亨西奥·巴蒂斯塔。

在卡斯特罗夺取政权之前，古巴在经济上一直依赖于美国。当卡斯

特罗政府开始将美国在当地的土地和其他投资实施国有化、并与苏

联签订了销售蔗糖的协议时，艾森豪威尔政府停止了与这个岛国的

贸易往来。中央情报局开始为入侵古巴对反卡斯特罗的海外古巴人

进行军事训练。

In April 1961, Kennedy allowed the CIA to launch its invasion, at a site known as the Bay of Pigs. Military ad-

visers predicted a popular uprising that would quickly topple the Castro government. But the assault proved

to be a total failure.

1959 年访问美国时的菲德尔·卡斯特罗

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Of 1,400 invaders, more than 100 were killed and 1,100 captured. Cuba became ever more closely tied to the

Soviet Union. Kennedy prudently rejected CIA pleas for a U.S. air strike. Accepting defeat, Kennedy went be-

fore the American people and took full responsibility for the fiasco.

1961年4月，肯尼迪允许中央情报局在猪湾发动了对古巴的入侵。军事顾问们认为，这次入侵将引发推翻

卡斯特罗的人民起义。然而，由中情局训练的入侵者没有做好准备，入侵成为一场彻底的失败。在1,400

名入侵者中，有 100 多人丧生，1,100 人被活捉。古巴因此变得与苏联更加接近。肯尼迪谨慎地拒绝了中

央情报局要求对古巴进行空中打击的请求。在接受失败后，肯尼迪在美国人民面前为这次惨败负全责。

Already strained by the Bay of Pigs incident, U.S.- So-

viet relations deteriorated further in building of the

Berlin Wall. In August 1961, in order to stem a grow-

ing tide of emigrants fleeing from East to West Berlin,

the Soviets constructed a wall.

It separated the two parts of the city until its demoli-

tion in 1989. The Berlin Wall would stand as a tangible

symbol of the Cold War and the division of Europe.

因猪湾事件而紧张的美苏关系，又因柏林墙的修建更

加恶化。1961 年 8 月，为了阻止一股不断变大的从

东柏林逃亡到西柏林的移民浪潮，苏联在柏林修建

了一道将城市一分为二的城墙。1989年被拆除之前，

柏林墙一直是冷战和欧洲分裂的象征。

A perilous Cold War confrontation came next, in October 1962. In a somber televised address on October 22,

Kennedy revealed that U.S. reconnaissance planes had spotted Soviet-built bases for intermediate range ballis-

tic missiles in Cuba. Some of those weapons had already been installed, and more were on the way.

Kennedy announced that the United States would impose a “quarantine on all offensive military equipment”

on its way to Cuba. As the world held its breath waiting to see if the conflict would escalate into war, on Octo-

ber 25, ships carrying Soviet missiles turned back.

1962 年 10 月，冷战时代最严重的危

机爆发了。10 月 22 日，肯尼迪在一

则严肃的电视讲话中透露，美国侦察

机已经在古巴发现了苏联制造的中程

弹道导弹基地。其中一些武器已经安

装完毕，还有更多的武器正在运输途

中。肯尼迪宣布，美国将在前往古巴

的途中“对所有进攻性军事武器进行

封锁”。10 月 25 日，当全世界都屏住

呼吸等待，看冲突是否会升级为战争

时，装载着苏联导弹的船只掉头返回。

After a week of tense negotiations, both sides made concessions: Kennedy pledged not to invade Cuba, and

Khrushchev promised to dismantle the missile bases. Kennedy also secretly ordered U.S. missiles to be re-

moved from Turkey, at Khrushchev’s insistence.

1962 年 8 月，一名西柏林居民在柏林墙旁走过。

1962 年的古巴导弹危机期间，肯尼迪总统会见美国军方官员。

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During the Cuban missile crisis, the world teetered on the brink of all-out nuclear war. The crisis seems to have

lessened Kennedy’s passion for the Cold War and there was a slight thaw in U.S.-Soviet relations. As National

Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy put it, both sides were chastened by “having come so close to the edge.”

经过一周紧张的谈判后，双方都做出了让步：肯尼迪承诺不入侵古巴，赫鲁晓夫承诺拆除导弹基地。在赫

鲁晓夫的坚持下，肯尼迪还秘密下令将美国的导弹从土耳其撤下，该导弹可以打到苏联境内。在古巴导弹

危机期间，整个世界的命运悬挂在一场全面核战争即将爆发的边缘上。这场危机似乎让肯尼迪减少了对冷

战的狂热态度，美苏关系有了轻微缓和。正如国家安全顾问麦克乔治·邦迪所说的那样，美苏双方都受到

了“如此接近战争边缘”的惩罚。

Kennedy also launched a series of bold nonmilitary initiatives, countering communist influence in the world.

One of his administration’s first acts was to establish the Peace Corps, which embodied a call to public service

put forth in his inaugural address (“Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your

country”).

Thousands of young Americans were sent abroad to developing countries, aiding in the economic and educa-

tional progress of developing countries and to improve the image of the United States there.

肯尼迪还发起了一系列大胆的非军事行动，他设想了一些计划，以抵制共产主义在全球的影响。肯尼迪政

府的首要行动之一就是组建和平队。和平队体现了他在就职演说中提出的、对公共服务的呼吁（“不要问

你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么”）。成千上万的美国年轻人被派往发展中国

家，去帮助推动经济和教育进步，在那里改善美国的形象。

They devoted two or more years as volunteers for projects such as teaching English to Filipino schoolchildren

or helping African villagers obtain clean water. By 1966, more than 15,000 young men and women were serv-

ing as Peace Corps volunteers.

Exhibiting the idealism of the early 1960s, the Peace Corps was also a low-cost Cold War weapon intended to

show the developing world that there was an alternative to communism.

志愿者们投入两年或更多的时间担任志愿者，比如给菲律宾学生讲授英语，或者帮助非洲村民获得干净的

水。到1966年，有 15,000多名年轻人成为了和平队的志愿者。和平队显示出1960年代早期的理想主义，

它同时也是一种低成本的冷战武器，旨在向发展中国家解释，除了共产主义之外，他们还有其他选择。

Kennedy championed space exploration, as well. In 1962, So-

viet cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin completed an orbit of the Earth.

He was the first human to journey into outer space. In a 1962

speech, Kennedy announced that the nation commit itself to

landing a man on the moon within the decade. The goal seemed

almost impossible when announced.

Capitalizing on America’s fascination with space, Kennedy per-

suaded Congress to increase funding for the government’s space

agency, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration

(NASA), enabling the United States to pull ahead of the Soviet

Union. Kennedy’s ambition was realized when U.S. astronauts

arrived on the moon in 1969.

肯尼迪也支持太空探索。1961 年，苏联宇航员尤里·加加林

驾驶航天器进入太空，并成功绕地球一周，他成为首个进入太空的人类。在 1962 年的一次演讲中，肯尼

登月纪念邮票。由于美国邮政局不为仍在世的人发行纪念邮票的规定，第一位踏上月球的宇航员阿姆斯特朗的名字并没有出现在邮票上。2012 年，美国邮票发行政策变更，在世名人也可以被印到邮票上。

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