CHAPTER 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKwiredspace.wits.ac.za/jspui/bitstream/10539/11970/20... · 2012. 9....
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CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 Introduction
2.1.1 Science Content Knowledge
Research into „alternative conceptions‟ over several decades has provided a wealth of
information into the ideas held by people about natural phenomena.31 This alternative
conception research suggests that many erroneous ideas held by school pupils are also
held by their teachers (and other members of the public). If teachers‟ ideas are at odds
with scientific theories, mistakes held by pupils will not be rectified and erroneous ideas will
be perpetuated. I believe that it is part of my teaching responsibility to remediate
erroneous ideas where possible. For this reason, I include in methods courses, a
„diagnostic test‟ of the knowledge of selected scientific concepts held by student teachers.
In this thesis, I report on the erroneous ideas initially held by the students participating in
the study.
I am aware that the philosophical underpinnings of cognitive constructivism are very
different from those of, for example, situated learning which is referred to in this thesis. I
firmly believe, however, that it is essential to gain some inkling of what a person
understands about science concepts before one can comment on that person‟s science
identity. According to Wenger (1998) what one learns influences identity. In this way, as
we learn science we learn that we can (or cannot) do science. Learning that we can do
science is the ideal situation but it is not always achieved.
For similar reasons, I investigate the self-efficacy beliefs about science knowledge and
science teaching among the student teachers participating in this study.
2.1.2 Self Efficacy and Outcome Expectancy
Bandura (1977) posited the self efficacy construct, which is a useful frame of reference to
describe teacher attitudes particularly in terms of specific situations. Self-efficacy is a
31
Many educationists who conduct such research rely on cognitive constructivist theories to provide explanatory weight.
In this chapter, I mention both science content knowledge and self-efficacy and outcome expectancy of student teachers in the construction of their science teacher identities. I then argue that these two constructs are insufficient in explaining and comparing the identity development of a group of people so diverse in numerous ways. A case for a nexus of learning theories is then made, pointing in particular towards situated learning theory, communities of practice and cultural studies. The nature of identity is theorised with particular reference to the work of Etienne Wenger (1998).
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person‟s belief or perception in his / her own ability to achieve certain results. It follows,
therefore, that this belief determines whether or not a certain line of action is pursued by
the individual holding the belief. Self-efficacy, according to Bandura, is context-specific,
which means that a person‟s self-efficacy may be high in certain situations and low in
others. Results from research into primary teachers‟ perceptions of science teaching
would suggest that in general, primary teachers have low self-efficacy beliefs about
teaching science. (Gunning and Mensah 2011: 172). Self-efficacy is not static and will
alter as the context of a task alters. Teacher educators, then, are charged with the
responsibility of changing the self-efficacy beliefs of the student teachers they mentor. In
this particular context of science teaching, self-efficacy is composed of two distinct
dimensions:
a person‟s belief in his/her own ability in a specific situation [personal science
teaching efficacy - PSTE]
a person‟s belief that a certain course of action will result in a desirable outcome
[personal science teaching outcome expectancy - STOE]
According to Bandura (1997), self efficacy may be enhanced in a number of ways. These
are:
Mastery experiences which are successes encountered by individuals through
their active participation.
Vicarious experiences which are characterised as successes by „social models‟
with which participants identify.
Social persuasion which involves verbal and non-verbal expressions of support.
Stress reduction involving the elimination of obstacles and negative experiences.
Brand and Wilkins (2007: 304)
If these concepts are applied to the preservice science teacher situation, mastery
experiences occur when the student teachers themselves engage in successful science
teaching. These occasions may well take place when student teachers are engaged in
micro-teaching activities with peers during methods courses. Closer to reality, however,
mastery experiences would occur during actual science teaching practice32 at real schools,
with real intermediate phase children in real situations33. For this reason, both the
methods course and the school teaching experiences are investigated in my study.
32 In this case the word „practice‟ takes on a specific meaning - practice as in a community of practitioners. 33
The concept of situated learning will be explicated in section 2.2.2.2.
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Vicarious experiences, in the present context, occur when student teachers observe
successful science lessons. These lessons may be modelled by the lecturers responsible
for presenting a variety of courses; by the supervising teachers in the schools to which the
students are assigned or by their peers when presenting particularly successful lessons.
Verbal persuasion depends on interaction between students, between students and
supervising teachers and between students and mentors. Personal experience suggests
that science-diffident students need constant reassurance that their ideas and efforts are
valued and that they do have the capacity to understand and teach about science
concepts. Stress reduction appears to depend on the previous three factors, where a
„cycle of success‟ is entered, each positive experience reinforcing previous ones and
paving the way for those which follow.
Because self-efficacy is a situation-specific construct, measurement of self-efficacy
requires situation-specific instruments. Riggs and Enochs (1990) developed an instrument
to measure science teacher efficacy beliefs i.e. the Science Teacher Efficacy Belief
Instrument (STEBI). Later in 1990, the instrument was adapted for use with preservice
primary teachers, and is referred to as the STEBI - B. (Enochs and Riggs, 1990).
Therefore, the notion of self-efficacy is used to help explain certain behaviors of the
student teachers as they engage in the practices of science teaching.
2.2 Selecting Theories of Learning
2.2.1 Cognitive and psychological theories
As I have mentioned, I consider content knowledge of vital importance in the teaching of
science concepts, particularly in the area of erroneous ideas or misconceptions. I have
also indicated that self-efficacy, as outlined by Bandura (1997) is influential in the teacher‟s
role of delivering content or constructing knowledge. However, I suggest that these two
constructs are, by themselves, insufficient when considering the science teacher identities
of a group of students whose languages, cultural practices and socio economic standing
are widely diverse. To include these and other modifying factors, other theories should be
considered.
2.2.2 Beyond Cognition
In 1992, Michael O‟Loughlin presented an epistemological critique of Piagetian
constructivism and its variants, bringing together various issues and concerns raised by a
number of critical theorists. The major criticism to emerge from O‟Loughlin‟s work centres
on the subjectivity of the learner and the socio-historical nature of meaning making. When
one considers a child / learner as an epistemic subject only and restricting questions to
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those like „What do you know about . . .‟ there is a tendency to forget or at best to sideline
the social and cultural roots of that same thinking and knowing. Henry Giroux (1994: 7)
expresses his ideas like this:
“In this context, pedagogy deepens and extends the study of culture and power by
addressing not only how culture is produced, circulated and transformed, but also how it is
actually negotiated by human beings within specific settings and circumstances.”
Shorn of the cultural context, the subject, according to Kang In-gu, (2002: 3) her/himself
becomes, like thoughts, an abstracted unity, with „no social class, sex, nationality, culture
or personality‟. For Paulo Freire, (1989) abstraction is in itself a source of mystification
and oppression because the subject (learner) learns to place value on the idea, rather than
on its social production. Following the argument, if all emphasis is placed on content
knowledge, social conditions are taken for granted, and no means is sought to change
them for a more just and equitable society.
As far as natural science teaching and learning are concerned, the social conditions
mentioned above could refer to the notion (for example) that working class individuals
cannot do science. If ideas of this nature are taken for granted and never challenged,
societies will continue to struggle to open the doors of science and science teaching to all
citizens.
Lerman (2000:36-38) suggests that the biggest challenge for educational researchers is to
„develop accounts that bring together agency, individual trajectories and the cultural,
historical and social origins of the ways people think, behave, reason and understand the
world‟. He goes on to suggest that the unit of analysis be extended from „person-in-
practice‟ to „person-in-practice-in-person‟. These comments resonate with several aspects
of this research which investigates student teacher trajectories in social and cultural
contexts while bearing in mind the individual identities of the participants. At the same
time, attention is paid to both agency and structure. Although the existence of structural
factors cannot be denied, they can be altered by people acting of their own volition. In
other words, and pertinent to this study, social structures may inhibit the development of a
science identity but it is possible that human agency could enable this development in
different ways.
Driver, Asoko, Leech, Mortimer, and Scott (1994:11), undertaking a clarification of different
perspectives of learning science, assert that there are both social and individual elements
in learning and remark that „. . . although learning science involves social interactions, in
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the sense that the cultural tools of science have to be introduced to learners we have
argued that individuals have to make personal sense of newly introduced ways of viewing
the world.‟ Similarly Cobb (1994) argues that mathematics learning is 34both a cognitive
reorganisation and a participation in a social and cultural activity. I make reference to
both social interaction and individual cognition because I believe they cannot easily be
separated. It is to the socio cultural model of learning that I now turn.
2.2.2.1 The Socio-cultural Model
Of the theorists in this paradigm, one of the most influential is Vygotsky. Social interaction
is at the centre of his theories of learning and development. His view is that learning
arises from interaction between rather that exclusively within persons. Through the use of
cultural signs - especially language - social factors are central to cognitive development.
For Vygotskians, it is essential to examine pedagogy in context. In sociocultural theory,
the unit of analysis is the co-operative i.e. social activity or event, whereas for Piaget, the
unit of analysis is the individual.
One way of describing this social event is by considering a dyad. Such a unit may consist
of two people - a learner and one other, a more able peer, a teacher, mentor or parent.
Through the interaction of these two, meaning is socially constructed and knowledge is
created. In this scenario, the teacher and learner are seen as equal partners in meaning
making. Consciousness, in other words, is socially constructed.
Still on the idea of a dyadic relationship, some of Vygotsky‟s key constructs need to be
explicated. One of these is the zone of proximal development (ZPD). Officially the ZPD is
explained as the distance between one‟s actual capabilities, tasks performed alone, and
one‟s possible capabilities, tasks performed with help. Examine again the dyadic unit of
analysis. Vygotskian theory considers a child learning to do new things, with the help of an
adult or more able peer. The zone, then, represents the future and the space, the arena,
where learning takes place. The more able member provides a bridge, lends a helping
hand, or in Vygotskian terms, scaffolding, so that the learner moves across the zone - now
able to accomplish more demanding tasks.
Scaffolding is important when one considers learning which takes place in a social setting.
The metaphorical scaffold provides cognitive and other support to the pupil. The pupil
gradually learns new tasks, assisted by others. If a person is constantly interacting with
her environment (human and other elements) the zone seems to be pushed outward as
more and newer boundaries are formed. „Old‟ ZPDs are left behind as our knowledge and
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The emphasis is mine in both cases.
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abilities are extended. Learning then, precedes development. To put the matter
differently: development takes place as a result of learning which occurs in a sociocultural
setting.
Our best teachers35, then, are those who push us without deserting us, providing more and
more complex challenges thereby extending the outward limit of the ZPD and helping us to
develop further as we learn. It should be noted how different this explanation is from the
Piagetian perspective. For Piaget, development (or a certain stage thereof) must occur
before learning occurs. For Vygotsky (1978), learning fosters development and there is a
dialectic relationship between development and learning - one spurring the other.
Common understanding of the ZPD is that it represents the „space‟ beyond what one can
accomplish at present. If the task is too easy, new abilities are not fully structured and no
development takes place. If the task is too difficult, it is possible that the learner will revert
to rote memorisation if applicable. It seems that teachers, during interaction with learners,
need to shift to and fro, finding „the space‟ where shared meaning is located. Further
discussion regarding the nuanced meanings of the ZPD is beyond the present scope.
Finding „the space‟ leads to another vital concept of Vygotskian theory, and that is the
notion of intersubjectivity. Meaning is constantly negotiated and renegotiated by the
protagonists in a sociocultural setting until mutual understanding is reached. Teachers,
learners, mediators must shift understandings until they are „on the same page‟ or
„speaking the same language‟, to put it informally. Wertsch (1984) provides an example of
a child learning arithmetical manipulations during a dialogue with the teacher, to illustrate
the point. At each step, the child offers a suggestion, to be validated by the teacher and,
validation achieved, further progress is made.
For student teachers, learning to teach science, the situation is similar. They are very
likely to enter a methods course with views about science teaching which are not
compatible with current theories. These views are also likely to have been instilled there
by their own school science experiences. As Michael Hayes (2002:147) suggests „. . .
new teaching practices, such as inquiry, demand that preservice teachers engage in a
(much more) difficult process of reconceiving their roles and identities as teachers.‟ In
other words, student teachers are now obliged to renegotiate meaning, shift understanding
and move beyond their current thinking into unchartered realms. They are required to put
aside old views and embrace the new and unfamiliar. Not only are they required to teach
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Our best teachers also provide appropriate scaffolds
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science confidently, they are required to teach science in a learner-centred way.
Hopefully, these difficult adjustments are affirmed and mediated by the teacher educator.
Mediation, too, is a key Vygotskian concept. Mediation occurs through the use of tools or
signs, especially language. These signifying systems help one to apprehend one‟s
environment. In a formal educational setting, let us assume that the „environment‟ is a
textbook. The good teacher-mediator uses appropriate signifying systems (signs,
language, pictures, anecdotes and examples) to mediate between the learner and the
incomprehensible. In so doing, the teacher-mediator is also providing a type of scaffold.
However, for Vygotsky (1975), the learning experience does not end here. Learning
occurs on two planes, the intersubjective and the intrasubjective. Intersubjectivity was
discussed previously, where one considers two or more persons engaged in the
negotiation of meaning. Having accomplished this negotiation, the learner or mentee
internalises what has been learned, holding an internal dialogue with herself or himself. In
other words, speech is turned inward becoming a manifestation of thought. The
implication is clear. A person is first a social being, then an individual.
The ideas of Vygotsky hold great sway, because the system takes cognisance of the social
as well as the cultural. Vygotsky‟s insistence on the examination of pedagogy in context
means that a child's development cannot be understood by a study of the individual only.
We must also examine the external social world in which that individual life has developed.
Following Cole (1997), I would argue that, as a logical extension of this view, investigation
of the historical context is also essential. For this reason, I examined in detail the
backgrounds of the case-study participants in this research. Social worlds and social
structures do not arise in a vacuum but as a result of historical processes.
Macdonald (2002) following Vygotsky, goes on to explain that the higher mental functions
are created in the acts of knowing and learning. Her work with English second language
children learning science through the medium of English has provided invaluable insights
for many of us interested in meaning-making and intersubjectivity in the teaching and
learning of science. Scaffolding, intersubjectivity and other Vygotskian precepts are
engaging, too, because their value in classroom practice is evident. Other educationists
agree, as illustrated below.
According to Tharp and Gallimore (1988: 6-7) „This view [the sociocultural perspective] has
profound implications for teaching, schooling, and education. A key feature of this
emergent view of human development is that higher order functions develop out of social
interaction. „Through participation in activities that require cognitive and communicative
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functions, children are drawn into the use of these functions in ways that nurture and
“scaffold” them‟. Kublin et al. (1998: 287) succinctly state that „Vygotsky (1934/1986)
described learning as being embedded within social events and occurring as a child
interacts with people, objects, and events in the environment‟.
In sociocultural theory, the unit of analysis is the co-operative i.e. social activity or event,
whereas for Piaget, the unit of analysis is the individual. Many of Vygotsky‟s ideas are
played out in everyday good classroom practice, possibly in situations where the teacher
has not heard of Vygotsky, but simply functions by instinct. Good classroom practice and
the theories behind it are taught and practiced in the methods course as described in
chapter one. As McGinn and Roth (1999) put it, standard textbooks, cookbook laboratory
activities and lectures are insufficient for participation in a technological society and that
school science should provide the springboard for legitimate peripheral participation36
for citizens in a number of everyday activities, not necessarily formal science activities. I
would like to take the argument one step further and suggest, by paraphrasing McGinn
and Roth (ibid), that science teaching methods courses should provide the springboard for
student teachers to participate in a number of science teaching activities which enable
them to move from peripheral positions closer to the centre of the practice.
For the purposes of this research, I refer to the socio cultural model in a specific way. In
considering the written science histories of the student teacher participants, I speculate
that if no scaffolding is provided, no participative discussion is allowed, no social
interaction takes place during the early years of science learning a non science identity
could develop. By this I mean that out-of-date teaching methods like copying notes from a
text in silence and rote memorisation could all too easily lead to a pupil‟s alienation from
science. Similar comments are made by Ewing (2004) drawing on insights from research
with students claiming non-mathematical identities. However, I have added an historical
dimension to the socio-cultural because a person‟s history in part defines identity.
Supporting the use of multiple theoretical frameworks when considering identity,
Grootenboer, Smith and Lowrie, argue for a nexus between 3 dominant views of identity in
the literature, namely the psychological, socio-cultural, and post-structural. I have not
used precisely these 3 frameworks, but I have used those which are appropriate to my
study. These are situated learning, cultural studies and socio-historical cultural theories. It
should be noted that although these views of identity are discussed separately; there are
positions where they overlap. This overlapping will be referred to again later in this thesis.
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This concept was introduced in chapter one and will be dealt with at some length in the following section, Situated Learning.
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2.2.2.2 Situated Learning
Before discussing situated learning theories themselves, it may be useful to discuss their
metatheoretical underpinnings, and to do that, one needs to look at where Jean Lave and
co-workers are „coming from‟. In 2002, Lave and McDermott present a terrifying
comparison between capitalism and education. By paraphrasing Marx, they illustrate just
how the education system can reproduce the relations of production. Of greater interest to
the present discussion is the strong suggestion that formal education is an ideal site for the
creation of alienated identities. From the foregoing brief introduction, it can be inferred that
Lave is extremely critical of formal education as it stands, and seeks for viable alternatives.
One of these alternatives appears to be „situated learning‟, to be understood as learning in
situ where the situation is not necessarily a school or university. Rather it is a place where
participants in a practice meet and conduct their common practice. Lave and Wenger
1996 (and others, variously) discuss apprenticeship-type learning to illustrate what is
meant by „participation in a practice‟. The participation concept is easy to understand in
the contexts they describe which involve types of apprenticeship.37 In other words, they
discuss learning in specific situations. Similarly, Rose (1999: 153), in discussing the
education of a group of physical therapists, remarks, „The situational framework has
pushed us to think hard about the ways learning is narrowly conceptualised and
measured.‟ In other words, we educators need to extend our notion of learning so that it
encompasses all aspects of the learner‟s identity.
The student teachers participating in this research also learn in specific situations. These
situations include:
general methods courses which they attend in their first year of study and other
(non-science) methods courses which they attend in their second year of study
natural science methods courses which they attend in their third and possibly fourth
years of study
practical teaching experiences which they undergo at schools during each of their
undergraduate years
au pair and tutoring work they undertake after university hours38
37
Examples provided include tailors, non-drinking alcoholics, butchers and others. 38
This voluntary work is not undertaken by all students but I mention it for the sake of completeness
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For Lave and Wenger (1991: 98), the context for learning is crucial. An important concept
they use is community of practice. They define a community of practice as „a set of
relations among persons, activity and the world over time and in relation to other,
tangential and overlapping communities of practice.‟ We can visualise science teachers,
primary teachers and primary science teachers as belonging to „tangential and overlapping
communities of practice‟ with some commonalities but also with several different common
goals. The participants in these communities will have different identities but with
something in common. In other words, they are all teachers, but they teach different
disciplines, different communities of pupils and at different levels.
Brown, Collins, and Duguid, (1989: 212) discuss learning as a process of enculturation,
insisting that learning activities must be authentic; that is „situated in the ordinary practices
of the culture‟. Authentic activities for student teachers would include teaching a class of
pupils, arranging an outing and preparing learning materials. I would argue, therefore, that
student teachers who engage in these authentic activities - and their learning-about-
teaching - are in fact situated in a practice no less that their counterparts in the practices
described by Lave and Wenger (1991).
2.2.2.3 Communities of Practice
After two years of studying to be a teacher many, if not most, students who continue their
studies have adopted, perhaps unknowingly, some of the behaviours of members of a
community of practice. At this stage, the community of practice is student teaching or pre
service teaching, possibly apprentice teaching. Yager et al. (2008: 9), with reference to
their research with student teachers, consider this type of community a „quasi community‟,
having „. . . no experts handing down practice over time‟. I believe it is rather more than
that because lecturers at the university, supervising tutors and supervising teachers at
schools are „old timers‟ and do model practice as I shall indicate in the next few
paragraphs.
Moreover, during their undergraduate years, student teachers are taught about educational
theories, curriculum, various disciplines and they are taught about teaching. In all of these
endeavors, they are taught by other teachers who may be positive or negative role models.
At times, this teaching is very explicit – unlike the tacit form favoured by Lave and Wenger
– but at other times the teaching is implicit.
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To change the description of their education now from the passive to the active voice, I
suggest that that they also learn something. In the lecture halls they may learn by
example.39 They may learn the best and the worst ways to teach but they may not always
appreciate the differences between these ways. Duguid (2005) cites the case of a child
whose family was visited by a „great musician‟ who was to teach the child music. The
author comments that musical knowledge was not learned the way the musician intended,
but the child gained much by „stealing‟ knowledge from the musician. Theft, in this case,
was accomplished by watching, listening and trying to emulate the musician in diverse
settings or situations. By watching the musician playing his instruments and feeling his
involvement with his music the child was able to understand and perhaps appropriate the
social practice of playing music. Does the same happen with student teachers? Whether
it does or not, I contend that learning-to-teach40 is located in the practice of teaching or of
being taught.
Furthermore, student teachers demonstrate in various ways, indicators of mutual
engagement, joint enterprise and shared repertoire which are, according to Lave and
Wenger (1991) and Wenger (1998), three dimensions of a community of practice41.
Mutual engagement is demonstrated by the ways the students work within and between
groups as they discuss and complete assignments and other tasks with each other. They
also telephone and email each other with information or questions. This type of
engagement is obvious both during term time and during teaching experience at schools.
In both these spheres mentioned above, student teachers engage with the practice of
learning to become a teacher by fulfilling, at least in part, the requirements for qualification.
On a more social level, they may wear items of clothing with the name of the institution and
year of study affixed. Sometimes they plan birthday surprises for each other and visit
class members who are ill, providing assistance with work which was missed. They „do
things together‟ (Wenger 1998:73).
Their joint enterprise involves negotiating with lecturers and course presenters as to the
extent and time frame of work the courses demand (Yager et al. 2008). They develop
accountability to each other, in varying degrees, in terms of work time, university demands,
free time and individual „space‟. Although the enterprise is a joint one, the term does not
imply that individuals and their coping strategies are identical. By their very diversity the
39
notwithstanding misconceptions about what entails good teaching as outlined by Rusznyak 40
for good or ill 41
These dimensions are summarised in diagram format in Wenger 1998: 73.
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students contribute in individual ways to the success of the enterprise42. In explicating the
concept of a joint enterprise, Wenger (1998: 78) refers to „. . . daily practice with its mixture
of submission and assertion‟. Submission by an individual to an imperative is not of one‟s
own volition, whereas the word „assertion‟ does imply an active agent. Therefore on this
occasion, I take the terms submission and structure to have the same meaning. Similarly,
I take assertion and agency to be synonymous. Therefore, Wenger‟s remark, quoted
above, is taken to refer to the dialectic between agency (submission) and structure
(assertion). The whole, if performed in a concerted way, helps make the complexity of
one‟s situation manageable.
A shared repertoire is strikingly evident in speech and action. Their developing
„vocabulary about education‟ is used with increasing confidence as time passes and as
they gain access to the discourse and its concepts. They are aware that their listeners, if
members of the same community of practice will understand what they are saying.43They
use terms like „RNCS‟, „special needs‟, „ADD‟, „scaffolding‟, „notional time‟, „prep‟, „lesson
plan‟, „unit of work‟ and others with some authority. In addition, having spent two years
together, they share knowledge of historical events, stories, tools and artifacts.
At this point, I have simply argued that student teachers in their third year of a four year
degree are in the process of developing a young community of practice or joining an older
one. For this reason, I also argue that using a community of practice framework is
appropriate when discussing student teacher identities in this context. Following Wenger
(1998), I use other concepts, such as engagement, imagination and alignment44, to
analyse the ways in which student teachers participate (or not) in the developing
community of practice.
I have argued further that a primary teacher identity is quite obvious in most of these third
year intermediate student teachers. A stated purpose of this research is to investigate the
science teacher aspect of these primary teacher identities. I use primary teacher as a
starting point and then during natural science methods courses used as context, I examine
developing (or otherwise) primary science teacher identities.
42
The enterprise in this case is becoming a teacher. 43
This point about discourse is taken up at a later stage when the concept of identity is elaborated 44
These concepts are explained later in this chapter.
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Therefore, for the purposes of this research, I consider that involvement in the methods
course45 and teaching in real schools during a practicum is a legitimate form of
participation; sometimes peripheral and sometimes more central. Furthermore, student
teachers, as they learn about teaching from „old-timers‟, belong to a community of practice,
and are offered opportunities to move from peripheral to more central positions. In the
same way that learning about science contributes to a science identity, learning (by
doing) about science teaching will contribute to a science teaching identity46, which may or
may not be a positive one.
2.2.2.4 Cultural Studies
The field of cultural studies has its origins in literary criticism (Johnson 1983) and later in
the 1970s in sites such as the Birmingham School for Cultural Studies in England and
elsewhere. As an interdisciplinary field, it draws its insights from a variety of sources such
as political economy, critical theory, sociology and cultural anthropology. Johnson (1983:
41) refers to cultural studies as a „vigorous but fragmented field of study‟. However, the
notion of class structure and class struggle are central to the field and further issues of
race and gender are raised. The field includes the constructs of ideology, interpellation47
(Althusser) and hegemony48 (Gramsci) as well as cultural (and economic) reproduction
and resistance. Cultural studies proponents seek to explain the ways in which social
phenomena are formed, retained and contested.
Within cultural studies emerged two paradigms (Hall, 1980), those of culturalism, giving
primacy to agency and structuralism, giving primacy to social structure or power. Wenger
(1998) refers to these two paradigms, somewhat obliquely, in his explication of his social
theory of learning which is located at the intersection of two research traditions. Modern
(and postmodern) versions of cultural studies acknowledge the dialectic between the two
and concede that „men (sic) make history . . . under conditions not of their making‟ (Marx
1852). In a critique of postmodern cultural studies, Katz (1997: paragraph 48) postulates
that „The logical consequences of the prevailing tendency in cultural studies are therefore
the replacement of classes by “identities” as the agents of social transformation‟. I would
argue that identities are certainly influenced by, and can influence, the class structure and
other social formations.
45
Details of these courses appear in chapter one where it will be seen that students are required to carry out certain teaching tasks at these times. 46
I am aware that Lave and Wenger do not include schooling in their discussion of situated learning. 47
Interpellation is a concept having a meaning similar to being „hailed‟ or „called‟ in such a way that a response is inevitable. 48
This term has been subjected to much debate but, in brief, it refers to a situation in which a particular way of life in a society is dominant and held that way by the interdependent factors of force and consent (Sassoon 1982:94)
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Schools and schooling are part of society and social processes. It is in educational
institutions that cultural practices (of distinct groups) play a significant if silent role. The
middle classes, according to Bernstein (1996) use schooling as a means of perpetuating
their own position in society. In chapter one of this thesis, I asserted that it would be
difficult to understand the science identities of student teachers without knowing something
about their cultural, historical and class backgrounds. In similar vein, Henry Giroux (1994)
provides cogent reasons for an analysis of schooling within a cultural studies framework.
He points out that cultural studies „. . . challenges the ideological assumption that
educators are professional, scientific and objective‟ arguing that „ . . . teachers always work
within historically and socially determined relations of power.‟ Further he points to the
relevance cultural studies has in illuminating the ways in which identities are produced in
various contexts, including schools.
In South Africa, past and present, schools have indeed functioned as „Ideological State
Apparatuses‟, with varying degrees of repression and coercion. Those not subscribing to
and those not part of the dominant culture are interpellated in quite different ways from the
ways in which those of the dominant culture are interpellated. In like manner, the
unquestioning acceptance of the alleged superiority of mathematics and the physical
sciences needs to be understood in the context of cultural practices and hegemony.
For the purposes of this research, I have taken a broad view of culture as a set of social
practices within whole societies and sub-sets thereof. One‟s cultural practices – language,
religion, ethical standpoint - affect identity. Similarly, in analyzing the critical incidents and
conversations of student teachers, I have drawn on sociological critiques of race, class and
gender politics which influence identity in multiple ways.
As can be seen from Figure 2.11, I have suggested that these three theoretical outlooks
are linked to identity formation and sometimes to each other. The following paragraph
attempts to articulate these inter-connections.
Learning is a socio-cultural activity involving inter-personal interaction, sometimes
between pupil and teacher. Being a teacher is part of who one is or part of one‟s identity
and learning to become a teacher is situated in the practice of teaching, learning and
education as a whole. Understanding the different pathways to science teacher identity
and the constraints under which some students struggle requires insights derived from the
broad field of cultural studies.
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The central concept in the framework is of course, identity. Research pertaining to identity
is dealt with at length in the Literature Review. At this stage, I shall outline several basic
precepts to give coherence to the theoretical underpinnings of this work.
2.3 Identity
In this section, I shall discuss one main aspect of identity in the literature, namely the views
of several theorists on the nature of identity, in other words, what identity is. In the
following chapter, i.e. the Literature Review, I shall discuss reports by researchers and
theorists on work conducted with respect to identity construction and authoring.
2.3.1 The Nature of Identity
This thesis deals with the construction of student teachers‟ science and science teacher
identities. Knowledge about the world and one‟s place in the world contribute to one‟s
identity. Knowledge about the world of science and science teaching therefore contribute
to one‟s science and science teaching identity. The idea that knowledge, and therefore
learning is situated in a community of practice has been articulated by Lave (1996), by
Lave and Wenger (1991), and by Wenger49 (1998). The focus is on the person-as-a-
member-of-a-community of practitioners from the viewpoint of the community-in-the-
person. This point is more than semantic restructuring. The point being made is that the
knowledge, the learning, the community is part of a person‟s being – in short, part of one‟s
identity. Wenger‟s (1998) notion of the components of learning is a useful departure point
at this stage.
2.3.2 Wenger‟s Views
2.3.2.1 Identity and learning
As can be seen from Figure 2.1, learning may be envisaged as consisting of four
components, viz. meaning, practice, community and identity.50 These are defined as
follows:
1 Meaning is a way of talking about our ability to experience the world as
meaningful. This statement implies that as we learn, our appreciation and understanding
of the world are heightened. Thus we are able to bring greater significance to our
experiences. Ideally, as student teachers learn about science and how it is taught, their
understanding of science education is enriched and they see greater significance in what
49
It should be noted that I have drawn heavily on insights from Wenger (1998) to inform this work. Therefore I have quoted from him quite extensively. 50
I am aware that Graven (2002) has indicated that confidence, as a component, should be included in the scheme, but I shall retain Wenger‟s four component diagram of learning as an organizing framework. Following Cakiroglu and Boone (2002) I shall group science teaching self-efficacy beliefs (in other words, confidence) and conceptual understanding together, and refer to these outside of Wenger‟s framework.
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happens in science classrooms. They could also start to understand how science
classroom „happenings‟ contribute to the learners‟ identity.
2 Practice is a way of talking about shared historical and social resources,
frameworks and perspectives that sustain mutual engagement in action. In other words as
we learn, our actions and our practices become embedded in our ways of thinking and
doing. In fact, actions and practices become part of our selves and our identities. In this
way, community activities affirm and reinforce each other. Ideally, in the case of primary
teachers, much of their science teacher development will be obvious in the way they
handle their science lessons while on teaching experience, for example. Their actions or
practice (handling science apparatus, explaining scientific concepts, assisting less
experienced participants) will become part of themselves and their identities. Also ideally,
as time passes, their actions influence the community of primary science teachers for the
better. In this way, the community influences and is influenced by the developing member
of that community.
3 Community is a way of talking about the social configurations in which our
enterprise is defined and our participation is recognisable as competence. This statement
suggests that as we learn, our participation in a community becomes more sharply
focused. Our contribution to the community is of some consequence because by the very
act of participation, we transform the community. Ideally, as student teachers learn to
become primary science teachers, they participate more actively in the activities of the
community. They develop a sense of belonging and their contributions are valued and
Community
Identity Practice
Meaning
Learning as
belonging
Learning as
becoming
Learning as
experience
Learning as
doing
LEARNING
FIGURE 2.1 Components of a social theory of learning (Wenger 1998:5)
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valuable. This sense of belonging contributes to a positive identity in terms of that specific
community.
4 Identity is a way of talking about the ways learning changes the people we are. By
this we can understand that as we learn, we become a different person. Possibly we
become more competent, more confident and more aware. In subtle ways, aspects of our
identities change. Ideally, for primary student teachers, their identities expand to embrace
the identity of primary science teacher. They become primary science teachers, or more
modestly, teachers of primary science. The distinction between these terms (following
Graven 2002) was outlined in chapter one. At this time in South Africa, it is not policy to
appoint dedicated science teachers for the intermediate phase.
As Wenger (1998) has indicated, the four components of learning which he identifies are
intricately tied with each other so that when one component is brought into focus, other
components are, of necessity, subsumed within that analysis.
From the perspective of this study, it is envisaged that the student teachers, as members
of a community of learning-to-become-primary-science-teachers
negotiate meaning as they participate in processes of „making, designing,
representing, naming, encoding and describing‟. (Wenger, 1998 p. 59.)
participate in the practice of science teaching both during their methods course
and during practice teaching in schools
are de facto members of a community of practice51 (or more accurately, several
intersecting communities of practice/s)
gain experience of themselves and their changing identities as they become (or do
not become) more competent in the science classroom.
2.3.2.2 Identity and society
Wenger (1998) explains how he locates his social theory of learning at the intersection of
two main axes of intellectual traditions as shown in Figure 2.2. In the figure, the vertical
axis deals with theories of social structure and theories of situated experience. The poles
of this axis correspond loosely to the „two paradigms‟ of cultural studies and are explicated
under that heading. Theories of social structure provide insights into varieties of social
formations and how practices arising from these social formations affect our lives – almost
at an unseen level.
51
The construction of the community is my responsibility to the extent that when designing the course, I aim to structure a
community of practitioners. However, participation (or otherwise) in this community must be the student teachers‟ decision.
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Theories of social structure interrogate taken for granted practices which are underpinned
by i.a. relations of class, race and gender. An extremist view, giving primary to structure,
norms and rules, may contend that we are powerless functionaries in a pre-ordained
theatre with no individual agency or ability to rewrite the script.
FIGURE 2.2 Two main axes of relevant traditions (Wenger 1998:12)
At the other end, theories of situated experience or agency provide explanations about
how rules are changed or subverted, how norms shift and how persons, resisting the
dominant structures, act of their own volition and write their own stories. In any case, this
axis forms a backdrop to Wenger‟s work while the horizontal axis is the one which deals
with theories of social practice and theories of identity. It is this horizontal axis with which
Wenger‟s work is mostly concerned and to which I now turn.
Theories of social practice provide insights into everyday social and cultural activities like
going to work, school or a place of worship, among others. These theories therefore
provide some insights into what we do in social settings, how we dress and how we speak.
Some theorists elucidate the ways in which these practices are embedded in social and
historical contexts and also in relations of class. Highland (Scottish) dancing, for example,
serves as a reminder of the Scots‟ struggles for independence, the right to wear traditional
dress and to speak Gaelic. In South Africa, too, the wearing of traditional dress and the
bearing of traditional weapons has been a site of struggle for many years.
Theories of identity, at the other end of the horizontal axis, provide a framework for
understanding the formation and construction of the person. Of course, issues of class,
SOCIAL
THEORY OF LEARNING
Theories of social structure
Theories of identity
Theories of situated
experience
Theories of practice
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race and gender among others, are addressed and acknowledged as having influence on
identity. In this case, however, it is the multifaceted identity of the individual which is
considered. It is to be understood that this identity is not formed de novo, but is formed
and reformed in social settings.
Wenger further refines the picture by adding diagonal axes as seen in Figure 2.3. In this
figure, identity theory is placed between power and subjectivity. Power (of socio
economic and political structures) and subjectivity (of the agent) are dialectically engaged
in identity construction, deconstruction and reconstruction. Identity is also influenced, as
previously argued, by what is learned and how it is learned.
2.3.3 Other views of Identity
In recent years a social theory of learning (taking cognisance of identity) as a unit of
analysis has been taken up by science education theorists such as Helms (1998), Olitsky,
(2007) and Varelas, House and Wenzel (2005) among others. The concept of identity is
complicated because diverse researchers define and use the concept in different, although
not mutually exclusive, ways. Several of these ways will be outlined below before I
attempt to clarify the way in which I will use the concept in this thesis.
For instance, Len Holmes (2002) has considered identity in terms of the extent to which it
is claimed or disclaimed by the identified and others (persons whom we could consider as
identifiers). As can be seen from Figure 2.4, identity, for Holmes, depends not only on how
we view ourselves but also on how others view us. It is the intersection of these views
Theories of social structure
Theories of identity
Theories of situated
experience
Theories of practice SOCIAL
THEORY OF LEARNING
Theories of collectivity
Theories of meaning
Theories of power
Theories of subjectivity
Theories of identity
Theories of situated
experience
Theories of subjectivity
FIGURE 2.3 Refined intersections of intellectual traditions (Wenger 1998: 14)
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which, for Holmes, highlights the „resultant‟ identity. It is clear that a state of conflict arises
when we are in disagreement with those around us in terms of understanding who we are.
FIGURE 2.4 Holmes' views of identity
If we claim for ourselves an identity which is negated by others and/or the figured world
which we inhabit, such identity is described as having „failed‟ as pictured in Zone 2.
Similarly, Zone 3 illustrates an imposed identity affirmed by others yet disclaimed by the
individual him / herself. Zone 1, an area of „indeterminate identity‟ demonstrates the result
of an identity disaffirmed by both the individual and by others. In this case, one is
described in terms of what one is not. This view of identity in terms of what one is not is
entirely congruent with Wenger‟s (1998:164) point that „non-participation is, in a reverse
kind of fashion, as much a source of identity as is participation.‟ However, it is
indeterminate because it is not clear who or what one is. A more settled state exists when
the identity claimed by the individual is also affirmed by others as shown in Zone 4. Mutual
affirmation of this kind is likely to reduce both internal and interactive conflict. However, it
would be destructive and defeating if the claimed and affirmed identities were couched in
negative terms like „stupid‟, „horrible‟, „ugly‟, „worthless‟. Finally, in Zone X, there exists an
undefined and uncertain „grey area‟, where a particular identity is neither claimed nor
disclaimed, neither affirmed nor denied.
Claimed by individual
Disclaimed by individual
Affirmed by others Disaffirmed by others
ZONE 1 Indeterminate Identity
ZONE 3
Imposed Identity
ZONE 4 Agreed Identity
ZONE 2
Failed Identity
ZONE X Underdetermined
identity
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The student teachers participating in this research show either one of the personal
responses (claiming a science identity) or the other, being quite adamant in their
disclaiming of an unwanted science teacher identity. When a student claims a science
identity which is strongly disaffirmed by teachers and others, a conflicted state could well
arise. Later, when citing case studies, I shall illustrate how structural issues as well as the
statements of others influence these claimed or disclaimed identities.
According to Sfard and Prusak (2005) a major role in one‟s identity construction is played
by identifiers or, as they put it, „significant narrators‟, because these are the people for
whom the identified has great respect. For students of any age these people could well be
teachers, supervisors, professors. I shall return to this point when students‟ science critical
incidents are discussed. Sfard and Prusak (ibid) locate identity construction within
discourse, and refer to identities as stories or narratives about persons. These stories may
be told by the identified and about the identified by others. The critical incidents and other
remarks of the student teachers discussed in this paper illustrate the notion of identity
negotiation as narrative particularly well.
Identities may be seen as designated (future) or actual (present). Ideally, the experience
of learning (as becoming) should enlarge, not limit, the range of possible designated
identities. For some student teachers whose experiences are reported here, possibilities
were indeed limited. Tucker-Raymond, Varelas, Pappas, Korzh, and Wentland (2007:
561) define identities as multi modal narratives and assert that because identities are built
up over time, ’as interlocuters we can help construct experiences and possibilities for
identity’. Teachers and teacher educators, therefore, have some responsibility for the
construction of these possibilities. Tucker-Raymond et al. (ibid) assert that from an early
age a scientist identity is a distinct possibility for some children but an unlikely scenario for
others. Such seems to be the case with many of the primary student teachers participating
in this research.
Gee (2001) considers identities in yet another way. For Gee, one‟s identity has
components i.e. the nature (N) component, the institutional (I) component, the discourse
(D) component and the affinity (A) component. These components function together and
are not mutually exclusive. In other words, we embody these four different components at
once. Thus one can be a female (N) student teacher (I) who has leadership qualities (D)
and is a Rastafarian (A). Figure 2.5 illustrates this idea in diagram format. However, some
aspects of our identities may be fore grounded at certain times and back grounded at
others, so that we are recognised as certain kinds of persons depending on circumstances
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and audience, time and place52. In a science classroom, one‟s science learner / teacher
identity would usually be fore grounded. In fact, when visiting schools, our Rastafarian
students cover, tie back or remove their „dreadlocks53‟ However, in any learning situation;
various aspects of one‟s identity come into play, influencing and being influenced by the
fore grounded identity54.
There exists some commonality among the ideas of Holmes (2002), Sfard and Prusak
(2005), Gee (2001) and Tucker-Raymond et al. (2007) as outlined above. The verbs they
use such as claim / disclaim; affirm/ disaffirm (Holmes); stories and narratives (Sfard and
Prusak); are recognised (Gee); multimodal narrative (Tucker-Raymond et al.), imply some
sort of discursive practice. Indeed, Gee (2001:112) refers explicitly to a discourse identity
and comments „I cannot make sense of anything or interpret anything without a language
or other sort of representational system within which to do so.‟
These views of identity just described, all have descriptive power and also contain
common and overlapping elements. It will be noted that from time to time, I refer to these
identity theories when discussing student behaviours. However, I rely on Wenger (1998)
to a greater extent, because of the concepts of engagement, imagination and alignment.
52
These subtle identity revelations at different times are not due to deliberate falsehood, however. It is simply that certain
aspects of the conglomerate of identities are more or less obvious at different times. 53
„Dreadlocks‟ are the colloquial name given to the long twisted locks of hair favoured by many Rastafarians and others. 54
I am aware that in many cultures, identity is not as individualistic as portrayed in this thesis. However, I am working within a western view at present and will not attempt to discuss others.
FIGURE 2.5 Gee’s Identities
AFFINITY DISCOURSE
INSTITUTIONAL
NATURE
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These concepts are particularly valuable when one examines the ways in which the
student teachers shift (or otherwise) between identities, because of the subtle differences
between them. When one considers identity as being and becoming, the notion of
trajectory also provides explanatory value.
2.4 Identity and Discourse
In line with Sfard and Prusak (2005), Holmes (2002) and Gee (2001), I consider identity
negotiation to be partly constructed in discourse. With Wenger (1998), I believe that
narrative is crucial in the construction and alignment of identities. However, like Wenger
(1998) I believe that identity is more than narrative or story. Identity is constituted by the
past and the present and projects into the future. It is the lived experience of acting and
participating (or not) in communities of practice.
Identity is built up of fragments of everyday experience in cultural practices, fragments of
memories of speech by and about ourselves, fragments of interactions in our communities
of practice and fragments of inner thoughts and inner dialogue. These fragments arise in
part from our human agency and from the social structures which both bind and release
us.
If identities are indeed partly constructed through language, the implications for students
who are working in languages other than their mother tongues could bear even more
scrutiny. This point is relevant for the academic identities of many participants in this
research who are not first language English speakers. It should also be noted that
although English is the language of learning and teaching in South Africa, it is not the
language of the majority. As Maulucci (2008: 38) has pointed out, „Language acquisition
and appropriation in science are nested in issues of cultural reproduction and domination,
raising important questions about the hegemony of science and science language’.
Similarly Atwater, (2000) argues that intersections between race, class, gender, language
and religion should be considered when issues of identity are raised (emphasis mine).
Calling on personal experiences, Dhingra (2008) and Moore (2007) separately illustrate
how English second-language speakers may be marginalised in Anglophone societies.
Brown, Reveles, and Kelly (2005) propose the construct of discursive identity remarking on
the power of language emphasising that it acts as a marker of superiority (or otherwise).
They suggest that we (as speakers) select genres of discourse with the knowledge that
others will interpret the discourse, affirming the speaker‟s right to belong to a specific
cultural group. Lave and Wenger (1991:105) also refer to the role of language suggesting
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that „learning to become a legitimate participant in a community involves learning how to
talk (and be silent) in the manner of full participants‟.
In South Africa (and elsewhere) we are concerned not only with language proficiency but
also with accents as a sign of cultural capital. While a foreign accent (French for instance)
may seem delightful, to some listeners, a local (African or Afrikaans) accent is not seen to
be high on the class scale55. Student teachers of African (Black) origin face enormous
difficulties when speaking in English in front of their peers or when on Teaching
Experience in front of groups of English-speakers.
In this thesis, I shall point to the responsibility of significant narrators in the construction of
identities. I shall also compare the ways in which student teachers affirm or disaffirm
designated identities.
2.5 Identity as Being and Becoming
From what has been argued previously, it should follow that identity is not static and
immutable. Identities are dynamic, in a state of flux and are subject to influences from a
variety of sources (Jang 2004). Varelas, House and Wenzel (2005) raise the notion of
conflicting „multiple identities‟ among science teachers and Enyedy, Goldberg and Welsh
(2006) also stress the complex nature of identity as they report on the experiences and
identity challenges faced by two very different teachers as they implement a new
curriculum. In the first chapter of this thesis, I outlined the changes in curriculum in South
Africa and suggested that the demands these changes make will cause many teachers to
engage in identity work. Emphasising the possibility for changing identities, Holland et al.
(1998: 281), remark that „remembered stories, recreations of one‟s story – can be used
purposively to redirect one away from negative experiences in science to interpose new
actions and to cast oneself as a new actor in a new social play.‟ This point resonates with
the notion of „mastery experiences‟ as a means of enhancing self-efficacy.
Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner and Cain (1998) introduced the concept of figured worlds as
„socially and culturally constructed realm[s] of interpretation‟. Figured worlds function as
contexts of meaning which distribute people – often unequally – and in which new
identities can be formed. Identity is formed through participation (or not) in cultural
practices – and science identity is at least partly formed during participation (or not) in
science teaching and learning. In an environment where a student‟s science ability is
questioned or negated, the student would develop an idea of a science world where s/he
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This well-known „accent prejudice‟ is referred to, mockingly, in a humorous publication by Simon Kilpatrick (2010).
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must be excluded. To put it differently, the student would „figure‟ out who s/he is and who
s/he must be in relation to science and to other people.
Reconstruction of a negative science teacher identity into a more positive image takes
work and courage on the part of the individual as s/he becomes a different person.
Therefore science educators and science teacher educators are given important
opportunities when confronted with pupils / students with negative science identity
perceptions. An „interlocutor‟, identifier or „significant narrator‟ is placed in a strong
position to help effect a change in identity
In this thesis, I shall discuss the construction and reconstruction of science teacher
identities by pre service primary teachers. It is emphasised that this particular professional
identity is influenced by, i.a. primary teacher identity and science student identity. I shall
refer to the power-agency dialectic, locating these both in social structures (Hird 1998;
Wenger 1998; Eick and Reed 2002) and in persons.
However, that is not to deny the crucial role played by discourse, in the ways we talk about
ourselves and in the ways others talk to us and about us. Other influences contribute to
the whole, not always obvious at first sight. For example, as Moore (2008) contends,
ethical background or religion may play a part in the authoring of identity. In this thesis, I
shall illustrate the different ways in which some student teachers integrate (or not) their
science identity with their religious / ethical allegiances.
It will be recalled that Wenger (1998: 5) constructs a strong argument for learning as
(being and) becoming; in other words for learning as a change in identity. It is to Wenger‟s
theses that I now return.
2.6 Returning to Wenger
The views of identity outlined thus far offer very useful frameworks to help us understand
some of the various aspects of identity which are found in the discourse at present. From
time to time in this thesis, I shall refer to these in discussing student teacher identities
formed and in formation. However, when attempting to explain some of the details of how
and why students participate (or not) in various practices, I find Wenger‟s constructs of
participation and trajectory, among others, most useful.
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2.7 Identity as Belonging
Wenger (1998) identifies three distinct modes of belonging to a community of practice
when considering identity formation and learning. These are
engagement(for example forming and being part of a community)
imagination (for example generating scenarios of other possible worlds)
alignment(for example directing and focusing energy to a common purpose)
Wenger (1998) elucidates these ways of belonging which I have summarised below:
Engagement
This way of belonging is evidenced by active involvement in mutual processes of
negotiation of meaning including:
ongoing negotiation of meaning
formation of trajectories
unfolding of histories of practice
shared histories of learning
relationships
interactions
practices
These take place through each other and contribute to a mode of belonging. There is an
essence of mutuality in engagement where persons interact with others, within and outside
the community. This type of engagement gives rise to communities of practice which
strengthen over time. Engagement has a bounded character in time and space because
there are limits to what we can do. In the case of the student teachers discussed in this
thesis, an indicator of engagement could be deliberately choosing to teach natural science
in preference to all other options56.
However, engagement can be narrow. Its power to sustain identity as a practitioner in a
particular community can lead a person to develop „tunnel vision‟ or to become insular and
isolated. Thus border crossing and boundary work could be minimised or even excluded.
In identity theory, the term „border crossing‟ refers to the crossing of borders or boundaries
between communities of practice. A „boundary‟ trajectory is represented in diagrammatic
format in Figure 2.10. An example of such crossing could be a language teacher who
participates in technology projects, thus linking, by his/her participation, two apparently
diverse interests. It will be noted that this example has similarities to Gee‟s identities.
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Indicators are drawn from the data and will be explained later in this thesis.
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Imagination
In the context of belonging, imagination is not a flight from reality, but the ability so see one
self in other contexts or imagined worlds. Possibly this mode of belonging foresees a
trajectory in diverse ways including:
creating images of possibilities
creating images of the world
creating images of ourselves
recognising images of past and present
recognising own experience in broader patterns
balancing a delicate act of identity, playing with participation and non-participation,
inside and outside, actual and possible.
In the case of the student teachers discussed in this thesis, an indicator of imagination
could be envisioning oneself teaching a science lesson to a class of children where one
could see the children and environment „in the mind‟s eye‟. To the imaginer, the scenario
is a distinct possibility. On the other hand, not many of us „see‟ ourselves traveling in a
spaceship.
However, imagination can involve stereotypes by projecting onto the world assumed
(rather than actual) practices. For instance one could assume that to be science teacher
one must wear dowdy clothing57. Such unsubstantiated assumptions can remove one
from reality and leave one in a kind of vacuum.
Alignment
As a way of belonging, alignment is broad in scope, involving a person in
discourses
styles
compliance
complexity
coordinated enterprises
becoming part of something big
a scope of action writ large unlike imagination and engagement
fitting oneself into broader structures (demand of employer or government)
directing and controlling energy
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Such stereotyping is discussed fully in the Literature Review under Drawings of Scientists and Science Teachers.
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A student teacher, for example, could direct her energy towards adopting the style and
discourse of „outcomes-based education‟ thus becoming part of the new curriculum
movement.
However, alignment can involve power in a destructive way, where adherents simply
conform to demands made on them allowing identities to be crushed. Using the example
of the new curriculum above, with a different type of alignment, teachers may simply teach
in an outcomes-based way complying with demands made on them, suppressing their own
instincts and teacher identity.
As far as the tasks set for the student teachers throughout the one or two years described,
it is to be understood that not all tasks lend themselves to participation in exactly the same
way. In other words, some tasks like the student‟s drawing of him / herself looks to
imagination while another task, like teaching a science lesson according to curriculum
demands, would focus more on alignment, for instance.
2.8 Identity Trajectories within Participation
Within these modes of belonging are embedded forms of
participation(which can be understood as the ways in which and the extent to
which we engage in the practices of the community)
non participation (which can be understood as the practices in which we do not
engage – and is as much a component of our identity as is participation)
A coherent identity, therefore, is a „mixture of being in and being out‟. (Wenger 1998:
165)
A degree of interaction between these forms (i.e. participation and non-participation)
defines
Trajectory (being the route or pathway a participant follows upon entry into the
practices of the community).
Different degrees of interaction imply different experiences, different trajectories and
different forms of participation / non-participation in the social practices of the
community. Wenger makes the distinction between two main modes. These are
Peripherality (in which participation takes the dominant role and non-participation
is an enabling component which facilitates learning and enables later full
participation).
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Newcomers to any community are peripheral to the community and its practices on
entry, but as they engage more fully with (or participate more) in the practices, they
may well embark on an inward trajectory, becoming „insiders‟ and later „old timers‟ as
they learn. This type of trajectory is very unlike that of
Marginality (in which non-participation is dominant and full participation is not
achieved).
Marginalisation may or may not occur with the consent of the marginalised. This issue will
be explored later in this thesis, which reports on the modes of belonging to the science
teacher community of a number of student teachers. Wenger identified a number of
trajectory types which I visualise diagrammatically as shown below. I have represented
the community of practice as a circle because Wenger (1998) uses the terms „central‟ and
„peripheral‟ and these positions are seen clearly on such a figure. I have represented the
trajectory as a pathway in the vicinity of the circle to illustrate the position of the individual
over a period of time.
Peripheral trajectories are those which do not lead to full participation
but may provide limited access to a community. This limited access
nevertheless could well benefit the „participant‟.
Inbound trajectories are seen when the newcomer moves towards
the centre of the practice, becoming a full participant in time.
An insider trajectory occurs after the newcomer becomes a full participant.
Later s/he encounters new challenges and renegotiates identity from within
the community.
FIGURE 2.6 Peripheral trajectories
FIGURE 2.7 Inbound trajectories
FIGURE 2.8 Insider trajectories
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Outbound trajectories are those in which participants move from a central
to a peripheral position, possibly out of the community.
Boundary trajectories illustrate how a participant spans boundaries
between communities and possibly links them.
2.9 Summary
For the purposes of this research, therefore, with Gee and others, I hold that identity is
composed of parts which influence each other and which need some level of mutual
coherence for wholeness. In describing and analyzing the changes (or otherwise) in the
identities of student teachers, I have used (from Wenger) the concepts of participation and
non-participation; trajectory, marginality and peripherality; engagement, alignment and
imagination.
FIGURE 2.9 Outbound trajectories
IDENTITY
Cultural studies
Situated cognition
Socio-cultural /
historical theories
FIGURE 2.10 Boundary trajectories
FIGURE 2.11 Theories contributing to theoretical framework
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To summarise, Figure 2.11 illustrates the interactions between the theories I have used to
build a complex theoretical framework.
These theories represent positions which show some overlap. For example, socio-
historical cultural theories with have reference to cultural studies; while situated cognition
feeds into socio-historical cultural theories. These overlaps I have attempted to
demonstrate with the use of curved arrows in Figure 2.11. However, I have dealt with the
theories separately because in each, there exist unique elements. Socio-historical cultural
theories, as the name implies, place emphasis of the historical nature of activity. Situated
cognition, likewise, emphasises learning in specific situations. The theories support each
other rather than act in a discordant way.
I maintain that science teacher identity, under the circumstances I have described, is
influenced by science knowledge or knowledge about science concepts. This knowledge
is likely to have some bearing on self-efficacy or confidence. Knowledge, which influences
identity, is mediated by tools such as language in a social situation (socio-cultural
theories). Knowledge about science and about teaching science is situated in the practice
of teaching and learning science (situated cognition). People, however, do not exist as
isolated minds in a particular time and place. Each of us has a past. We have identities of
race, class and gender not of our making. We also envisage futures or histories which we
aim to make (socio-historical theories) under conditions not always of our choosing
(cultural studies). In chapter 4, I explain how these theories are used to gain insights into
the development of science teacher identities of the student teachers participating in this
research.