JOHN CASSIAN AND SULPICIUS SEVERUS JAMES HARPER, Assistant Professor of History, Roosevelt University

It was Marc Bloch, I believe, who once posed the question whether there may not have been schools of asceticism, whether different groups of men at different times might have viewed the holy life in different ways and even have formed rival schools. The popular idea of what makes a saint has varied from time to time. The earliest Christians, suffering under the persecutions of the Roman Empire, reserved their admiration and their cult for those who suffered martyrdom. Al­bert Marignan1 has traced the transformation of this ideal after the end of the persecutions. When Christians no longer suffered death for their beliefs, they hoped to gain a similar crown by a living death, by the sacrifice of all earthly joys and the mortification of the flesh. The monastic ascetic ideal was born. But the monk, at least in the West, did not retain a lasting and exclusive hold on the affections of the Christian populace. He was ousted from his place by the hero bishop, the protector of the city, who combined ascetic practices with social leadership. Yet was the change a simple evolution in time, or were there really rival schools of sainthood through which the trans­formation took place?

The ideal of the ascetic life which had been developed in the Egyptian desert was introduced into Gaul by John Cassian, who founded the monastery of Saint-Victor and nunnery of Saint-Sauveur at Marseilles in 415. He was not, of course, the first monk in Gaul, nor in fact the first under eastern influences, but it was his writings, The Institutes and The Conferences, that dominated the more ordered and influential part of early Gallic monasticism and provided the first systematic exposition of the monastic life in Latin. They were not regulae in the later sense, but instructions and advice on the conduct of monastic life which would lead to a state of blessedness. They were, in short, instructions in how to become a saint.

Cassian conceived the Christian life as a ladder at the end of which man reached salvation, the unceasing contemplation of God. The stuff of the Christian life is the battle of the spirit against the flesh in the pursuit of apathy or freedom from all passions which might distract from the act of contemplation.2 In the struggle of the spirit with the flesh the will holds the balance and by exercising itself it is strengthened. Thus the essence of the Christian life is the effort of the will against the flesh in behalf of the spirit so that grace may enter the soul. Grace is the reward of effort, and in the last analysis it is man's own capacity to free himself from original sin by effort and discipline. But in the face of Augustine's theology, Cassian developed a more thorough-going theory of grace than had the ascetics of Egypt. He views grace as the antithesis, not of will, but of acedia, which he defines as "taedium et anxietas cordis quae infestât anachoretas et

371

372 CHURCH HISTORY

vagos in solitudine monachos." Grace is the power within the soul which makes possible the struggle against sin. Since the true Chris­tian life is the struggle within a man, the withdrawal of grace and the sinking of a man into despair, boredom, and indifference can itself be an act of grace by which God tests and strengthens the will. The will only must not be tried beyond its powers. Thus while Cassian turned to grace again and again to protect his followers from pride, he also insisted in reaction to the accusation of Pelagianism that nothing of man's effort was accomplished without God. His perpetual prayer was, "O Lord, make haste to save me." In this interior struggle there can be no rest and no final decision this side of death. The aim of the struggle is purity of heart, tranquillity, or apathy. When this state has been gained, a man can contemplate God without fear of distraction. But this state is precisely the life of angels, and men will forever remain disciples who fall into the greatest of sins, the momen­tary turning of the mind from the contemplation of God.

Much of Cassian's teaching, of course, was devoted to ascetic practices : fasting, seclusions, stripes. Two are of special and peculiar interest: love and humility. For both are conceived as ascetic disci­plines by which a monk can practice self-effacement and break-down self-love and pride, that grace may enter in. Angels are not social beings, and love of one's fellows has no place in the contemplation of the Divinity. Humility, too, has no special value in itself, but the destruction of self-love is a condition of the reception of grace and that indifference to passion—apathy—which must precede contempla­tion. Pride is not in Cassian's thought, as it is in Augustine's, the very root of evil. God is the end and not the way, so that pride, the desire to live independently of God, is not seen as the cause of all hu­man corruption; it plays a subsidiary part.

Because Cassian centers the whole of the Christian life about the moral struggle within man, the miracle can have no central place in his religious thought. He does not, of course, deny the possibility of miracles performed for the sake of healing, "when the grace of signs accompanies certain righteous men on account of the merits of their holiness,"3 and he says that for the edification of the Church miracles are performed to honor the grace of the suppliant, even though he is unworthy of such a sign. But he also insists that the devil can copy the healing of God and that unworthy men may be honored as saints so that men are persuaded to copy their faults. In proof he cites Mat­thew's warning that in the last days false Christs will lead men astray.4

Yet he fails to give any clue to help distinguish the three sorts of miracles he describes and perhaps doubts that there are any. Rather he makes clear that the miracle is no guide to sanctity, provides no guide to what men should imitate, and has no value in the struggle for purity of heart. Hence the miracle is not the mark of divine action

JOHN CASSIAN AND SULPICIUS SEVERUS 373

within the material and historical world. Nor does this point of view leave room for the exaltation of saints into deities, since saints cannot bestow the divine grace that Cassian sought.

For reasons now impossible to ascertain, Cassian's own monastery of Saint-Victor did not flourish during the years immediately after his death.5 But during the rest of the fifth century Cassian's influence was deeply felt through the leading institution of Gallic monasticism, the monastery of Lerins, which St. Honoratus had founded about the same time that Cassian established himself at Marseilles. The influ­ence of Lerins was immense. It drew upon the higher aristocracy of Gaul for its membership. Honoratus himself was of a consular family, and Hilary, who succeeded him when he became bishop of Aries, was a relative. It sent out a long line of scholars and administrators. Like Honoratus, Hilary moved from Lerins to Aries; St. Patrick was trained at Lerins and received his name there; St. Vincent, the au­thor of the Commonitorium, was a monk there, and Bishops Eucherius of Lyons, Lupus of Troy es, and (in the sixth century) Caesar ius of Aries were monks of Lerins.

These names suggest that Lerins was a center of literary work and, indeed, it produced a considerable body of writings. Among other things at least six saints' lives were written either at the mon­astery or by men somehow associated with it in the period 432 to about 470. (I make no claim that this list is complete.) They are: the fu­neral oration which St. Hilary pronounced on Honoratus;6 the "Ser­mon on the Life of Genesius of Aries," perhaps also by Hilary;7 the moving "Passion of St. Victor," perhaps the work of John Cassian himself or of an otherwise unknown Honoratus of Marseilles;8 the anonymous "Life of St. Pontius";9 the "Passion of St. Maurice and the Theban Legion" by Bishop Eucherius of Lyons;10 and the ser­mon on the life of St. Hilary by an unknown person.11 These works have much in common and form a kind of corpus of Lerinian saints' lives.

These vitae of the Lerinian provenance share with the teaching of Cassian a certain sphere of ideas. In all of them miracles play a subordinate part. They are ascribed to God rather than the saint and rarely are worked through a living saint. Nor are they viewed as cer­tain signs of sanctity. Hilary closed his encomium of Honoratus with a refutation of miracles as proof of his hero's sanctity. His audience no doubt expected them, but Honoratus' modesty forbad that he flaunt signs and powers, and indeed, his virtues were so great that they would only have been cheapened by visible signs !12 Elsewhere restraint on the miraculous is less severe, but miracles never hold the center of the stage. The diligent devotion of the people to St. Genesius' shrine at Aries was rewarded by miracles, but none are named, and the saint had worked none during his life.13 St. Victor of Marseilles was visited

374 CHURCH HISTORY

in prison by angels, whose sight converted his guards; at his passion a heavenly voice was heard crying, "Vicisti, Victor beate, vicisti" ; his tomb was the site of miracles and benefits for worthy petitioners.14

But none of these marvels was the work of the living saint, and it is not clear that any were the work of the dead martyr in heaven rather than of God. There were wonders about the birth and infancy of St. Pontius;15 his conversion is not miraculous, but clearly is thought to be a special act of divine grace; and his executioners were met by a frustrating series of miracles which three times postponed his pas­sion. His martyrdom, too, was revenged by the speedy deaths of the judges and assessor of the case and by the just and awful deaths of the emperors Valerian and Gallienus. The death of Maximian at Marseilles is considered a vindiction of the martyrs of the Theban Legion and of St. Maurice, and Eucherius also asserts that a number of miracles were performed in their honor at the basilica dedicated to them, although he records only one. None of these acts was the work of the saints while alive, and few are the work of the saint after death.

Clearly, then, the miracle is not the center of interest in these vitae, and they never degenerate into chains of wonder tales. Each of the Lerinian productions has an internal unity; it tells a single coherent story whose center of interest lies in the saint's moral qualities. Each performs the function suggested by the former Lerinian monk, Bishop Faustus of Reiz {ca. 408-90). In his sermon on the life of St. Stephen,16

Faustus urges on his flock the duty of love and the virtue acquired by loving him who hates one. But since this is a precept of Christ, he supposes that his parishioners may object that it is a divine virtue above their own competence. The life of St. Stephen shows that it is not, and the saints give us models of conduct. The other Lerinian writers we have looked at take the same view. The passions of Pontius, Victor, Genesius, and of Maurice and the Theban Legion are models of steadfast conduct and faith. Today we might think this the natural and inevitable function of a saint's life, were it not that the genre which suceeds that of Lerins was profoundly different.

These Lerinian vitae were not entirely successful in following out Cassian's program for the attainment of sanctity. We might, indeed, expect this, for they are popular productions, short and—some at least—directed to a lay audience. Yet they do take a view generally similar to his. God is viewed as the end of the process of sanctifica­tion and moral discipline its means. The passions of Victor of Mar­seilles, Genesius of Aries, and St. Maurice do not touch upon the lives of their heroes before their great testimonies, but something is said about the discipline and practice which formed the fabulous St. Pontius of Rome, and Hilary dwells on the ascetic discipline to which Honor­atus subjected himself.17

JOHN CASSIAN AND SULPICIUS SEVERUS 375

In another way, however, these lives diverge from Cassian's thought. His object, we saw, was apathy which prepares the mind for the perpetual contemplation of God, and although he was himself a priest, he urges that a monk should have little to do with bishops. The heroes of these Lerinian vitae, however, turn to the world : Hon­oratus was an abbot and a bishop ; Pontius, we are told, converted the whole city of Rome in the middle of the third century; Maurice and his companions were soldiers; and Genesius had lived a life in the world. Still this activity takes on a coloring compatible with much of Cassian's thought, for it is less the result of a love of the world or of one's fellow men than a discipline in self-abnegation, as effective as the austerities of the cloister. It results, then, in apathy, although not in the contemplation of God—at least not this side of the grave. It is almost as though Cassian's ideal had been colored or perverted by the Roman ideal of public service.18 Cassian derived his basic ascetic and disciplinary ideas from the deserts of Egypt, but he came to under­stand true sanctity as the subordination of the human will to God's will. This led the monastic ideal into the market place. The leaders of the Church, trained in the monastery, conducted the active business of the Church as a preparation for grace, and then embraced an ideal of mu­tual aid between the Church and the Empire such as Eucherius puts into the mouths of the spokesmen for the Theban legion before the Em­peror Maximian.19

It may by now have occurred to the reader that nothing has been said about the most famous hagiographer of this period, Sulpicius Severus, or about his works on the life of St. Martin. But in fact none of the works discussed above shows Sulpicius' influence. This can­not be an accident, and it cannot be due to ignorance. Sulpicius had written at the very end of the fourth century, just before the founda­tions of Lerins and Saint-Victor, and his works quickly became fa­mous. They were praised by Paulinus of Nola and criticized by St. Jerome, and he is mentioned in Gennadius' continuation of the De viris ilustribus.20 But although the literary influence of the "Life of St. Martin" came to be immense, its influence in Gaul was long delayed.21

It is hardly necessary to review in detail the contents of this fa­mous and familiar work. It is not a biography nor even a coherent story in the way that the works from Lerins are. Rather it is a series of incidents from the life of Martin, each standing alone and easily separable from the rest of the text. Martin differs, too, from the Lerinian saints in his frequent meetings with the devil, victories over him, and above all in his performance of a great number of miracles. That the miracles are Martin's work there is no doubt at all in Sulpicius' mind. The first great one was a resurrection :

And he (the man raised from the dead) was the first who offered him­self to us both as a subject that had experienced the virtues of Martin,

376 CHURCH HISTORY and as a witness to their existence. . . . From this time forward, the name of the sainted man became illustrious, so that as being reckoned holy by all, he was also deemed powerful and truly apostolical.22

The word "apostolical" here means having the power to perform mir­acles as had the Apostles. The conversion of the countryside, for which Martin's episcopacy is famous, was the product of an almost endless series of miracles which so amused Edward Gibbon.23 Clearly Sulpicius views the miracle as the chief sign that Martin is a saint. But his idea of the nature of a saint is something rather different from what we have found at Lerins. Martin's miracles are not the acts of God in witness of Martin's moral virtues ; the miracles are quite simply Martin's virtues.

Hence, although Martin's virtues are his own, his character is not something to be imitated, not an example for the conduct of other men. Martin's moral qualities, his extraordinary aversion to women, his fasts, and his humility before inferiors are not matters set out for imitation. Faustus of Riez feared that Christ's examples might be considered too high and difficult by his parishioners and so offered the example of St. Stephen. Martin's moral virtues have something of the nature of magic; his real virtues are miracles and hence are as inimitable as Christ's. The miracles themselves are often trivial, but they are valuable as signs of Martin's power; for what is of value is belief in Martin : Martin can save.24 His first great miracle, the resur­rection at Rome, reversed a judgment of Christ Himself, for the dead man was standing trial and had been consigned to Hell when two at­tendent angels told the Judge that this was the man for whom Mar­tin was praying.25 Brice, a priest of Tours and Martin's enemy and his successor in the episcopacy, is compared to Judas on account of his sins against Martin.26 The "Life" closes with a diatribe against Martin's detractors: disbelief in Martin's powers is disbelief in the promise of the Gospels and, therefore, in Christ's own divinity. The "Life" was followed by a series of polemical pamphlets against those who gave no credence to Martin's powers : the "Dialogues" and "Let­ters." It is in the "Letter to Aurelius" that Sulpicius makes his most dogmatic and definitive statement about Martin's powers: there is no subject but Martin of which he can speak, and he feels certain that Martin will never be absent from his followers or forsake them; he will be present when they speak of him and when they pray he will be near;27 the vision which Sulpicius received of Martin in glory will be bestowed again and again; an unceasing benediction will afford protection; heaven is open to those who follow Martin and he teaches them the way to it. Sulpicius is well aware that he could himself never make the difficult ascent, so overwhelming are his own sins, yet hope remains that Martin will bring him to salvation. Babut was, in­deed, justified in calling Martin "le premier homme divin que l'église eut connu depuis Jésus Christ."

JOHN CASSIAN AND SULPICIUS SEVERUS 377

Martin died in 397. The "Life" was written before his death, but published only afterwards. The "Dialogues" and "Letters" fol­lowed shortly. The immense popularity of these writings and the wide imitation of the "Life of Martin" are the best known facts of medieval hagiography. But their success was not immediate in Gaul. We have seen that they were not imitated by the writers of Lerins, and it is possible that the rejection of miracles as a testimony of Honoratus' sanctity at the end of his sermon was Hilary's reply to the work of Sulpicius. The monastery of Martin at Tours did not become a nursery for bishops and abbots as did Lerins. Sulpicius' later writings are clearly polemical, full of attacks on those who rejected his gospel. The only bishop in Gaul to whom we know Martin had been friendly was Victricius of Rouen,28 whose Liber de laude sanctorum29 shares much of Sulpicius' view point. That in his own see Martin was opposed by a powerful party is clear from Sulpicius' later writings. The neigh­boring bishops were not friendly, and the election on Martin's death, which must have been largely in their hands,30 brought to the throne the leader of the opposition, the priest Brice (Brictio). Martin's prom­inent followers seem to have left the monastery of Marmoutier and been cast into uncertain circumstances. None remained in positions of prominence at Tours.31 Only two of them appear ever to have been made bishops: Lazarus of Aix and Heros of Aries. (Both were ex­pelled from their sees by the Patrician Constantius, but for rea­sons we suppose unconnected with Martin and the problems of hagiography.)

But the victory of Brice's party did not bring peace to the see of Tours. Brice himself was driven into exile for seven years while two usurpers, Justinian and Armentius, held the see. It seems likely that one or both of them built the chapel to Martin which Gregory of Tours credits to Brice, for Sulpicius is categorical about Brice's hostility to Martin. Brice did finally return to his see, and it was only his death and the election of Bishop Perpetuus in 461 that brought permanent peace and some kind of reconciliation.

This event was a victory for the Martinian viewpoint and prepared the way for the victory of Sulpician ideas all over Gaul. Perpetuus counted the two intruders among his legitimate predecessors, and in honor of Martin he built what appears to have been the first great church in Gaul devoted to a "modern" saint. Baptistries had before been named for St. John, and chapels had been built on the tombs of martyrs,32 but here for the first time a great basilica was raised to honor the memory of a man of recent origin without apostolic rank or crown of martyrdom. The building was a magnificent work—at least by the standards of the time, which were not so modest as is often sup­posed. It was certainly comparable to a cathedral in size and decora­tion. Sidonius Apollinaris provided verses to accompany the decora-

378 CHURCH HISTORY

tions on the walls. Perpetuus himself collected those miracles of Mar­tin which Sulpicius had omitted or which had occurred since he wrote, and Paulinus of Perigueux set them to verse. Finally the bishop pre­pared a new edition of Sulpicius' works on Martin in which he sup­pressed those passages offensive to orthodoxy and to Brice's party. Martin's opinion that the Second Coming was at hand was prudently omitted33 as were Brice's invectives against Martin and Sulpicius' against Brice.34 Perpetuus' success was striking and complete. Tours became a great center of pilgrimage, the greatest of Gaul, and the op­position to Martin was so effectively silenced as hardly to have been again suspected until Babut's study at the beginning of this century.

Martin's victory was not confined to Tours. The opposition to Sulpicius' view of the saint, as a wonder-worker marked by the power to perform miracles, was swept away. In the 460's Martin was re­habilitated at Tours ; by the next decade the Lerinian school of hagio­graphy gave out. In the next age two saints' lives are pre-eminent for excellence : the lives of St. Germanus of Auxerre and of St. Cae-sarius of Aries. Germanus was himself an educated man of the highest nobility. Before his election as bishop he had held civil office, and as bishop he had twice been called to Britain to combat the Pelagians there. Probably St. Patrick of Ireland and St. Illtud of Wales were his pupils. He represented his province before the government at Ra­venna and died while on an embassy there in 448.35 His "Life"36 was written by the priest Constantius, from good materials, only thirty years after his death, about the year 480.

St. Caesarius was of equal birth and distinction. He was born about 470, entered the monastery of Lerins at an early age, and was elected bishop of Aries, whose claim to be the primatial see of Gaul he made good. He was a famous preacher and, for his time certainly, a cultured man. He led the struggle against the Semi-Pelagians at the Council of Orange in 529. His "Life" was written shortly after his death in 542 by Cyprian of Toulon and some of his other pupils.37

Bruno Krusch calls it the "most complete and authoritative of the Merovingian saints' lives."

In these two works, if anywhere, we should find the highest stand­ard of the hagiography of the later period. Both are, indeed, remark­able for containing some serious and reliable historical data, but their plan is interesting. The first part of each is devoted to biography, that is, to the chief events of the saint's life. The authors then turn to another matter, a recitation of miracles, the works which establish sanctity. Like Martin, both Germanus and Caesarius are pictured as divine men who posses the power to reverse the laws of nature and put demons to flight at will. Both became the objects of cults im­mediately upon their deaths. The overwhelming influence of Mar-tinolatry is evident everywhere except that Sulpicius' fine command

JOHN CASSIAN AND SULPICIUS SEVERUS 379

of Latin and his skill in telling a story were not imitated. The ancient schools of Gaul had disappeared in the 470's.38 If

the pupil of St. Caesarius or a follower of St. Germain as early as 480 could not present a moral example, tell a coherent tale, nor set his saint in a social milieu and keep hold of fact, what can be expected later ? The pattern of the Merovingian saint's life has already formed : an opening encomium, a brief summary of the facts or supposed facts of the saint's life, and a large potpourri of miracles, many of them borrowed. It remained for the Merovingian age39 only to reduce the account of the life to the most general—and often the most false— facts and to collect a repertory of miracles from which could be pro­duced the life of any saint, however remote and obscure he might be.

1. Le culte des saints sous les Méroving­iens, Vol. I I of Études sur la civilisa­tion française (Paris: Emile Bouillon, 1899), pp. 9 ff.

2. This exposition of Cassian's teaching follows chiefly Owen Chadwick, John Cassian, A Study in Primitive Monas-ticism (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­versity Press, 1950) and Canon Léon Christiana, Jean Cassien, La spiritual­ité du désert, 2 vols. ("Figures monas­tiques"; Abbaye S. Wandrille: Edi­tions de Fontenelle, 1946). See also Hans Oskar Weber, Die Stellung des Johannes Cassiamus zur ausserpach-omianischen Mönchstradition, Eine Quellenuntersuchung, Vol. XXIV of "Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums and des Benediktineror­dens" (Münster Westfalen: Aschen­dorf f sehe Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961).

3. Conf. xv. 1. 4. Matt. 24: 24. 5. Chadwick, Cassian, pp. 199-200. 6. Critical edition by S. Cavallin, STcrifter

utgivna αν VetensTcaps-Societen i Lund, Vol. XL (1952).

7. S. Cavallin, " S t . Genès le notaire,'' Éranos (Uppsala) XLIII (1945), 150-175.

8. AASS, 21 Jul V, 143-8. 9. AASS, 14 May III , 274-8.

10. Ed. Wotke, CSEL, X X X I (1894), 165-73.

11. Cavallin, STcrifter utgivna av Vetens­Tcaps-Societen i Lund, Vol. XL.

12. Vita Eonorati 37. 13. Sermo de vita Genesii 6. 14. Passio s. Victoris 17. 15. Acta s. Ρontii 2. 16. Ed. A Engelbrecht, CSEL, XXXI, 236

-7. 17. Vita "Eonorati 9. 18. Hilary's eulogy of Honoratus bears a

striking resemblence to the ancient Bo-man funeral orations described by Poly-bius, vi. 52-4.

19. Passio Agaunensium martyrum 4. 20. Paulinus Ep. v; Jerome Comm. in Ez-

echielem xi. 36; Gennadius de vir. in-lustr. 19.

21. E. C. Β abut presented his thesis about the unreliability of the Vita Martini and the unpopularity of that saint with his episcopal colleagues shortly before the First World War in Samt Martin de Tours (Paris: H. Champion, n.d.). The praise of the director of the Archives Nationales, Charles Victor Langlois, brought Charles Péguy into the controversy with "Argent" and "Argent suite," a phase of his attack on the Sorbonne. Both Babut and Pé­guy were killed in the War, so that the attack on Babut's thesis by Père Hip-polyte Delehaye, Anal. Bolland., XXX-VIII (1920), 5-136, was answered for Babut by Marc Bloch, "Saint Martin de Tours: à propos d'une Polémique," Revue dfhistoire et de littérature re­ligieuse, n. s., VII (1921), 44-57 (Re­printed in Mélanges historiques, II , 939-47 [Paris: S. E. V. P. E. N., 1963]). The controversy appears to have died down after Camille Jullian's series of articles, BEA, XXIV (1922), 37-47, 123-8, 229-35; XXV (1923), 49-55, 139-43, 234-50.

22. Vita Martini 7; transi. Roberts. 23. Decline and Fall, ch. xxviii. 24. In all this there is a Pelagian streak,

for Martin's virtues are his own work and sufficient to gain salvation. Genna­dius, de vir. inlustr. 19, reports that late in his life Sulpicius did penance for having held Pelagian opinions.

25. Vita Martini 7. 26. Dial. iii. 15. 7. 27. Matt. 18: 20. 28. Paulinus Epp. xviii, xxxvii. Cf. Bloch,

op. cit., pp. 50-1, 53-4 and E. Vacand-ard, Saint Victrice, Êvêque de Rouen (IVe-Ve s.) (2d ed.; "Les Saints"; Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1903), p. 116.

29. PL, XX, 443-59. 30. Paul Cloché, "Les élections episcopales

sous les Mérovingiens," Le moyen âge, XXXV (1924-5), 205-9, 212-4.

31. At least the opening lines of the first dialogue suggest as much.

32. Emile Mâle, Le fin du paganisme en Gaule et les plus anciennes hasiliques

380 CHURCH HISTORY chrétiennes (Paris: Ernest Flamma­rion, 1950), pp. 299, 390, records the construction between 380 and 391 of a cathedral at Angers to the memory of St. Maurice and the Theban Legion and others to the martyr Victor.

33. Dial. ii. 14. The passage appears only in a few Irish mss. whose prototypes escaped the care of Perpetuus.

34. Dial. iii. 15-6. 35. See the symposium, St. Germain d'Aux-

erre et son temps (Auxerre: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1950).

36. Ed. by W. Levison, SS rer Mer., VII, pt. 1, 225-83.

37. SS rer Mer, III , 433-501. 38. Pierre Riche, " L a survivance des écoles

publiques en Gaul au Ve siècle," Le

moyen âge, LXIII (1957), 421-36. 39. The dating of the early vitae is notor­

iously subject to dispute. But aside from Gregory of Tours, who is consider­ably superior to most, see Dynamius the Patrician, Vita s. Maximi (PL, LXXX, 33-40), which appears to date from ca. 570-80; and the anonymous Vita b. Eilari ep. Gavalitani (AASS, 28 Oct., XI, 619-42) from the middle of the century; the Vita Naamatii (Anal, oolland., XIV [18951, 198-201), and the Vita Nicetii ep. Lugdunensis (ed. Β. Krusch; SS rer Mer, III, 518-24), both apparently from the end; and the Vita s. Marcellino primi ep. Ehredunensis (AASS, 20 Apr., II, 748-53), which claims to date from the fifth. century.

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