CAFS – Groups in Context The Homeless · CAFS – Groups in Context The Homeless 2010 6 Specific...

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CAFS Groups in Context The Homeless 2010 1 Groups in Context The Homeless

Transcript of CAFS – Groups in Context The Homeless · CAFS – Groups in Context The Homeless 2010 6 Specific...

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Groups in Context

The Homeless

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Syllabus Content for Groups in Context

The Homeless

Focus Question Slide 5

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Legal and Social Definitions Slides 2 and 3

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Activity 1:

1. Legal and Social Definition

Outline the different features of a “Legal Definition” and a “Social Definition”.

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Activity 2:

2. Identifying characteristics

a) Correct this statement to reflect the unique characteristics of homeless people.

“Homeless people often have success accessing education and securing employment”.

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b) List some additional characteristics that are unique to the Homeless around the

picture below.

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Specific Needs Slide 6

“Please help, homeless and broke, all my belongings have been stolen…..clothes,

blankets and personal affects, my bible as well. I need help for phone calls, newspapers

etc to find work. All help very appreciated and put to good use.”

Activity 3: 3. Specific Needs

a) What does each capital letter of SHE HAS Soup Every Friday stand for?

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b) From this picture justify (support an argument or conclusion) the significant needs of this

homeless person?

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Societal Attitudes Slide 9

Activity 4:

4. Societal Attitudes

List the all the words that you hear in today’s society that may be used to describe or

associated with the Homeless.

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Potential conflicts that may arise..? Slide 10

Activity 5:

5. Potential Conflicts That May Arise

a) List some of the homeless needs and how they might conflict with the expectations

that society has.

Complete the following table:

Homeless Needs Potential Conflicting Issues Due to

Society’s Expectations

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Resolutions? Slide 11

Activity 6:

6. Resolutions

Briefly list some resolutions to the potential conflicts that might exist between the needs of

the group and the expectations of the wider society.

Complete the following mind map:

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Take Home Activities 1. Complete any questions not undertaken in the lecture.

Suggest ways of resolving conflict that might exist between the needs of your group and the

expectations of the wider society.

A 3 stage process can be used.

Identify the conflict

Identify the group’s needs

Identify the expectations of the wider community

Conflict can exist between the youth and the community. For example, youth have a need to be

independent and as a result, can be reckless. Therefore, to keep the community safe, there are

new driving regulations in place that require them to undertake 120 hours of supervised driving

while on their “L” plates. In this way, the community feels that youth are more prepared and as a

result, will drive responsibly on the road.

2. For two of the groups you have studied, complete this 3 stage process.

Think critically about equity issues faced by groups and formulate management strategies to

address them

3. Identify two areas where there are equity issues for ONE of your groups.

4. Describe these areas.

5. Outline management strategies that could address these areas. Additionally,identify existing

support structures that are currently assisting this area.

RESOLUTIONS

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Equity Issue Support

Structure How Does it Promote Equity?

7. Outline the areas of wellbeing impacted by these equity issues.

Develop a Scrap Book with articles that feature groups that you are studying.

In addition, note the areas of the syllabus that are relevant to the article.

For example:-

Identify the “learn about” and “learn to” areas of the syllabus that would be relevant to this article.

http://www.theage.com.au/news/national/useless-cliches/2005/07/21/1121539091489.html#

The Age

Derros, bludgers and other useless cliches

By Chris Middendorp

July 23, 2005

It is hard to shift prejudices about the homeless, when few can even agree on how to identify them,

writes Chris Middendorp.

Behind the worn faces and the rumpled clothes of any homeless person, there is the real person.

Someone as ordinary and extraordinary as any of us." These earnest words appear in the postscript

of Andrew Byrne's new book, Homeless: True Stories of Life on the Streets. Reading them, I was struck

both by their glaring accuracy and how deplorable it was that Byrne felt it necessary to write them

down. Is Australian society so retrogressive that we need someone to assert that the homeless are

people too? If so, does this suggest that we retain a Victorian-era contempt for people in poverty?

Some of the homeless people Byrne has interviewed certainly think so. They tell of the discrimination

and of the beatings they have been subjected to just because they happen to sleep in the park.

For Mike Reeves, 50, it's the patronising attitude of the wider community that hurts most: "It never

ceases to amaze me, the attitude of people towards the homeless, where you are treated as if you

are a sixth-grade person."

Homeless is a series of interviews with people living (or who have lived) on the streets in Sydney. It's

about how they got there, what they do to survive and what their hopes are for the future. Byrne's

intentions appear sound. His book is an attempt to describe homelessness on a "very human and

personal level". The aim of this, presumably, is to nurture community understanding.

But here's the problem. Byrne describes the "worn faces and the rumpled clothes of any homeless

person". Any? Many of the homeless I have known look no different to you or I. You could sit next to

a homeless person on a train and they could be anyone. Byrne, like so many others who have

tackled this subject, focuses on that section of the homeless community that sleeps rough. They are

the obvious ones. The fact is, this group only makes up an estimated 14 per cent of Australia's

homeless population.

In the end, Byrne tackles a fairly limited definition of homelessness. It's therefore difficult to know

how useful the book really is in terms of building community understanding. There is, for instance,

almost no attempt to put the issue into a social policy context. And while some of the personal

stories are sad or colourful, you don't really get a feeling for what homelessness actually means.

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This is hardly surprising. Defining homelessness has given academics, social workers and journalists

trouble for decades. This was certainly the view of a major research paper on homelessness, The

Debate About Definition, prepared for the Department of Human Services by Dr Chris Chamberlain

and Guy Johnson in 2000. The paper concedes with asperity that "some Australian scholars have

concluded that it is impossible to define homelessness". In Homeless, Byrne himself points out that, in

attempting to acquire a definition, he encountered "multiple views and agendas" and that "to get

a thorough definition of homelessness it is a case of, 'it depends on who you ask'."

Definitions eluded Byrne after spending just four months meeting people experiencing

homelessness. I have worked in the homeless field for 15 years and a ready definition still eludes me.

A thoroughgoing definition of homelessness would be so elaborate that it would need quite some

space to articulate - possibly an entire PhD thesis. But more of that later.

In the meantime, with poor community understanding of this social problem, is it any wonder that

some people I meet are quite hostile towards the homeless? It's easy to dislike a group of people

who remain little more than a shadowy reality.

Many people harbour strong opinions on what should be done to prevent homelessness. Ultimately,

these opinions are shaped by who they think the homeless are. A good example of this comes from

a letter I recently received in response to an Age opinion piece I wrote advocating more public

housing. An aggrieved reader, who I'll call Nora, wrote back: "I'm sick of reading and listening to

do-gooders like you who go into bat for these allegedly problem people who in most cases like the

lives they lead and don't want to work, so long as they can get a hand out."

Nora had clearly defined homelessness as being a synonym for bludger. To her it was simple: all

100,000 people experiencing homelessness in the country are indolent losers. Nora's conclusion,

therefore, was that we should do nothing to tackle the chronic shortage of affordable housing. If

you allocated a public housing flat to a homeless person, "they would not give a damn about the

property", anyway. Furthermore, if such a person finds themselves shivering to death in a park at

night, it's because they "like the lives they lead".

Such an outlook demonstrates how easy some people find it to revile the poor. Melbourne

academic Mark Peel delineates this truculent mentality in his book, The Lowest Rung: Voices of

Australian Poverty, an acute and eloquent portrayal of disadvantage in three Australian towns. "If it

is unearned, unfair and unlucky, poverty seems very cruel. So we reassure ourselves that poor

people are to blame." Peel goes on to explain the process of demonisation. "Thankfully no one

dares use the term 'nigger' any more. But loser? bludger? People who don't count? Some of our

most respectable citizens seem happy enough to use these words. To treat poor people so harshly

you have to see them as unlike you in a very fundamental way. But they are not unknowably

distant. In them we should see ourselves if things had been different."

This is the key. It is far easier to be intolerant if you can preserve the illusion that people

experiencing poverty are alien creatures. In the case of homelessness, this probably explains why

the old-derro stereotype remains so ingrained in our culture.

Despite the fact that on any given night around 42 per cent of the homeless are female, with 46

per cent of all homeless being under 25 years, the stock image of homelessness remains the grey-

haired, unshaven codger holding a bottle of plonk. It's a stereotype perpetuated yet again by the

recent, good-hearted but clot-headed Aussie movie Tom White. In it actor Colin Friels is

transformed into a bearded, grey-haired and filthy sherry-swilling derro after taking a kind of

apprenticeship with a King of the Derros played by an equally dishevelled Bill Hunter. The derro is

such a convenient, ready-made icon, you can see why writers employ it.

My theory is that the derro image prevails because if the homeless are seen as cartoon characters,

we don't need to worry about them. It helps us to ignore the discomforting fact that our social

system is failing thousands upon thousands of men, women and children. Incidentally, homelessness

has increased by 14 per cent since 1996.

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By rights, the derro image should have vanished years ago. I've been looking through the archives

of my employer, Hanover Welfare Services, and it appears that newspaper reports have been

whittling away at the derro image for many years. An Age article from December 11, 1976, relates

that one in every 10 homeless men are under the age of 25. An Age story from October 7, 1977,

announces that "The Young Take Over Skid Row". The reporter points out that "a homeless person is

just as likely to be someone aged between 12 and 25". A Melbourne Sun story dated May 25, 1978,

points to an "alarming" increase in younger homeless, concluding that apart from the over 50s,

"younger people were making up the highest number of homeless".

On May 5, 1986, The Age quotes a spokesman from a youth homeless coalition as claiming that 40

per cent of Victoria's homeless are under 25 years. In the story, Brian Burdekin, the human rights

commissioner, observes caustically: "I never thought I'd see the skid row mentality amongst 14, 15

and 16 year-olds in Sydney and Melbourne that in our parents' generation was considered the

preserve of derelict old men."

Skid row. We don't use that term any more, but around 40 years ago, when Hanover was formed, a

homeless person was generally defined as being a "skid row drunk". Skid row began life as Skid

Road, an American term for that part of a pioneer town where the logs were skidded down the

road to the river. Invariably that part of town was rough, violent, drink-sodden and peppered with

brothels. Defining the homeless as belonging to skid row demonstrated the extent to which the

homeless were viewed as a distasteful entity and a threat to public order.

But while the notion of homeless people being a problem to the police has been a long-held

maxim, in truth it was often the other way around. When I recently spoke with one of Hanover's first

social workers, he reminded me of the effect that status offences had on the homeless he worked

with four decades ago. These were offences based on who you were, not what you did. In a

nutshell, people were arrested simply because they were homeless. To be seen as belonging to skid

row meant a trip to the police station and, quite often, a discrete thumping from some of the more

ardent boys in blue.

Today, some individuals and groups (including state Opposition Leader Robert Doyle) have called

for the police to "clean up" the beggars and the homeless from Melbourne's CBD in time for the

Commonwealth Games. You wonder whether we are going backwards not forwards. There are still

plenty of powerful people willing to define the homeless as amorphous pests - you'll read it in the

tabloids, and hear it on talkback. People must be punished for being poor. Mark Peel is apropos

when he writes: "Yet somehow poor people have never quite become part of our common

humanity. Other people always want to push them out."

To see how such attitudes can coagulate in a nation's heart, you just need to look at the American

experience, where a suppurating welfare system offers lacklustre support to the poor in the richest

country on earth.

On the website of the American National Coalition of the Homeless, you can read that there are

about 3.5 million homeless in the States. You can also read that they are hated by many

Americans; a hatred expressed in violence regularly committed against street people. "From 1999

through 2002, alone, there have been 212 hate crimes and violent acts committed against people

experiencing homelessness - all perpetuated by non-homeless individuals." Of those attacked, 123

later died of their injuries.

This kind of behaviour, like anti-Semitism or the hatred of Muslims or blacks, takes place when a

group of people is turned into a stereotype. Public ignorance lubricates blind prejudice which drive

the pistons of hatred. Or, as the British essayist William Hazlitt put it: "We can scarcely hate anyone

that we know."

Which brings us back to definitions. It has only been in recent years that academics and

community workers have come to the conclusion that homelessness is a fairly shaky umbrella term

that can describe a vast range of circumstances. And, ironically, shelter, having a roof over one's

head, is probably the least important part of the definition. This is despite the fact that the general

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public usually believes that a homeless person is someone who sleeps in a doorway or on a park

bench.

In 1992, academics Dr Chris Chamberlain and David MacKenzie created a new definition of

homelessness that has since gained wide acceptance and is even used by the Australian Bureau

of Statistics to help it establish the numbers of homeless for the national census.

Writing in the Australian Journal of Social Issues, Chamberlain and MacKenzie identified

homelessness as a continuum of circumstances and divided the homeless community into three

categories. The Primary Homeless are those people sleeping rough, in parks, under bridges, in

squats. The Secondary Homeless include those who couch-surf at various friends' places and those

staying at refuges, hostels or crisis accommodation facilities. The Tertiary Homeless are people living

in single rooms in private boarding houses or in caravans. People in this style of accommodation

often don't have security of tenure and don't have their own bathroom or cooking facilities.

So in defining who is homeless it helps first to identify the attributes of a home. Ideally it should offer

safety, security and appropriate cooking and personal hygiene facilities. The roof is just part of the

equation. In other words, a woman who is exposed to domestic violence is effectively homeless; as

is a child who is experiencing abuse; so is a man sharing a rooming house dormitory with a dozen

others.

This three-tiered definition is the so-called cultural definition of homelessness, because through it a

person is considered to be homeless if they are living in accommodation that doesn't meet the

minimum housing standards of their culture. All this makes sense when you consider how defiantly

suburban Australian society remains, with around 70 per cent of the population owning or

purchasing their own home.

In practice, this means that people experiencing homelessness belong to a vastly diverse group.

Which in turn means that they have different needs and different abilities and often come from

vastly different circumstances. Making generalisations about the homeless is almost impossible.

There is a clear difference, for instance, between a 17-year-old girl who has just started to live on

the streets after being thrown out of her parents' place, and a 35-year-old man who has been

homeless for 10 years and is sleeping in a derelict building. Certainly, they are both classified as

homeless, but the term is almost useless in that it offers no points of comparison. Without a

background context, the term homeless is about as clear as describing someone with pneumonia

as having a bit of a sniffle.

Hardly surprising then that there are workers in the community sector who would like to see the

word homeless pensioned off. They regard the focus on home as deceptive, unclear and old-

fashioned. Some would prefer to describe their "homeless" clients as people experiencing

"residential instability'" or "housing crisis". Not that this change in the nomenclature sheds any more

light on people's situations, but you can see where they are coming from.

Homelessness is not a sexy subject. It doesn't leap off the page like stories about celebrities or

terrorism. Almost always, homelessness is inextricably linked to poverty, a subject many of us

understandably prefer to avoid. Perhaps it's catching. Like our vanishing water supply, the level of

homelessness - or, if you prefer, residential instability - in Australia is one of the big stories of our

times. Respectable housing options for people on low incomes seem to be dwindling with each

passing day. If we don't do something to remedy the situation soon, it may be too late. By then, the

term homelessness will refer to people sleeping out, because there'll be cardboard box settlements

in Melbourne's parks, just like the ones in London or San Francisco, where monetarist economic

policies ensure there is bugger-all in the way of welfare safety nets or affordable housing.

The challenge for those of us in the field has always been more than just delivering services. It has

also been to try to foster understanding through explaining homelessness to the wider community

and thereby, hopefully, alleviating prejudice. But how can we do that, when so often we haven't

been able to explain it to ourselves?

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Consider these

The Lowest Rung, By Mark Peel An insightful exploration of poverty in three Aussie towns; Inala, in Queensland, Mount

Druitt, in NSW and Broadmeadows, in Victoria. Beautifully and subtly written but remains a

no-holds-barred discussion of social and economic change in Australia.

Homeless: True Stories of Life on the Street, By Andrew Byrne Andrew Byrne interviewed 20 people who had been or were sleeping rough in Sydney.

Moving yet not especially illuminating look at the factors behind some people's very

public life on the streets.

National Coalition For the Homeless

American advocacy group for the homeless located at www.national homeless.org It's

fascinating to compare their facts and statistics with ours. Note also that the social policies

of economic rationalism that haven't worked there do not work here either - surprise,

surprise.

Council to Homeless Persons Peak body for the homeless located at 34 Brunswick Street, Fitzroy, or on the web at

www.chp.org.au

Site provides much background information on the issue of homelessness in Australia.

There is also Parity, the council's informative monthly magazine.

Australian Bureau of Statistics Website www.abs.gov.au

Almost everything you ever wanted to know about your nation, statistically speaking.

Everything from welfare and social services to livestock products. Bet you didn't know

there were 13.5 million motor vehicles registered in Australia.

Aaron’s Story Posted Jun 11th, 2008 • Category: Featured Vendor Profiles • By Peter Ascot

Aaron sells The Big Issue at the corner of Little Collins and Swanston streets, Melbourne.

“I come from a good home – well, what they say is a good home. One of those

households where they bought a big house and basically spent their whole life working for

it without time for anything else. I had some trouble with Mum and Dad, left home and

moved into a house with other young people in the same situation. Turned out I ended up

living with drug dealers – that’s how I started with the drugs and homelessness.

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I’ve been clean for about five years – it was easy for me to stay clean in jail because I

didn’t want to end up catching AIDS. I had offences against property, in major

department stores – I was a bit of a ‘shopper’.

I’ve been out of jail for two years, but haven’t committed an offence for five years. I was

on remand for so long that they automatically pulled my parole and although after 12

months the charges were dismissed, I had to start my parole again. This sort of thing

happens a lot.

I heard about The Big Issue through a mate five or six years ago. I just wanted some money

to buy drugs, basically. When I got there I did it for a couple of days, but it wasn’t my thing

– I felt like a fraud.

I went a bit downhill a few times in the five years I’ve been clean, but not back to what I

used to be. I hit a few bumps – I nearly got married last year. I got engaged and was really

excited about it, but things went wrong: I couldn’t handle it and ended up back on the

street. That’s when I came back to The Big Issue, about seven months ago. I decided that I

had to do something, and it was a positive step.

I’m at Little Collins Street and Swanston Street on Thursdays. I’ve got a lot of regular

customers who come by and say hello to me and my dog, Levi. He’s a good dog and has

got a lot of fans. He was a pup when I got out [of detention].

I’ve spent a long time seeing youth workers – basically my whole life. I’ve never done

much school, but a mentor of mine suggested doing youth work because I know what it’s

all about. Now I’m doing a one-year TAFE Youth Work course, and give talks to

schoolchildren for The Big Issue. Year 9 kids come into the city to The Big Issue office, where

we talk about what it’s like to be homeless, how hard it is, and try to break down the

stigma attached to homelessness.

I spend a lot of time with my girlfriend and we go over school stuff – she’s in the same

class. And walking trails, bushwalks around Melbourne. The Big Issue was the start of all

that. I’ve made quite a few friends here, like Craig, Lachlan, Bushy, De – people who are

on the right track and are positive about what they are doing. That’s a big thing, mixing

with people who are positive and don’t want to fall back into the ugly side of things.” Interview by Peter Ascot photograph by James Braund

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Group Revision

Brief Summary for 3 groups

Group: ____________________________

Area of Study Definition

Legal & Social Definition

Identifying Characteristics

Specific needs

Govt. policies and regulations

Community Responsibility

Rights of the group

Access to resources

Societal attitudes towards the

group

Issues of concern for the group

Conflict between group and

community interests

Power within the group

Positive contributions the group

make to the community

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Extent to which community

service groups assist in meeting

their needs

Syllabus Revision

Area of Study

Select from the list of “Learn Abouts” listed below and place them next to the correct

definition

Area of Study Definition/Explanation

Legal definition – as defined by the government or

government body

Social definition – as defined by societal attitudes and

perceptions

Name /recognise traits or features specific to the special

needs group

Identifying needs most important to the special needs

group

(SHE HAS Soup Each Friday)

Policies, regulations, laws and rules set by the

government in relation to the group

Support available for the group within the community

and who is responsible for providing support

Rights specific to the group

Factors affecting access to resources = positive and

negative affects (Every Ethnic Girl should Locate A Dog)

Opinions, perceptions, attitudes and actions of society

towards the group

Identifying problems facing many of the group

Issues causing conflict between group and community

due to trying to satisfy the needs of both.

Individuals/associations that provide power for the

group

The value of the group, what do they provide for the

community needs /wellbeing

How well and how much community service groups

satisfy the group’s needs

Rights of the group Community responsibility Issues of concern of the group

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Specific needs Power within the group and the community

Societal attitudes towards the group Legal and social definition of specific groups

Identifying characteristics Positive contributions the group makes to the community

Access to resources Conflict between the group and community interests

Govt. policies and regulations Extent to which community service groups assist in meeting the needs of

the group

Supplementary Material

Donovan, S. (2008) Report predicts rise in homeless, single women

http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/11/19/2424486.htm (date accessed

30/11/2008)

Homeless Connect Australia

http://www.gainingcontrol.org/

May, R. (2001) Brief Group Summaries

Melksham, D. Homeless Service Delivery www.homelessnessaustrlia.org.au (date accessed

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We Are All Just Two Steps From Homelessness

Recent International and National Approaches to Homelessness · file icon More Than a

Bed. Sydney's Homeless Speak Out · file icon If Only. ...

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