*********************

C H A. P T B R

J A. G I R S h . N D

JAGIRS__A N D__OTHER__GRANTS_:

The revenue, derived from land and other sources

in Kashmir, was the backbone of the state-economy. Some

portions of it, were b r lly appropriated to three

distinct heads; the jag lars, the state and the m< id-i—

ma*sh holders* A tract of land, small or big, the revenue

of which was assigned to an official of the state, in lieu

its holder thus, came to b e known as jagirdar, T h at part of

land over which the state h a d the monopoly of appropriating

1* Before the Mughal occupation of India, the wordfrequently used in place of jagir was * l a t a '(Barani,Tarikh-i-Ferozshahi; pp 40-60)* which in Arabic denoted a piece of land given to a person, by the state, in lieu of some services (For details, see Lambton, land-lord and peasant in Pe r s i a ) •

However, in Kashmir, we do not possess any contemporary evidence to show that the Iqta existed during the pre-Mughal period, except one m o d e m historian Prof. A. Q. Rafiqi in his "Sufism in K ashmir** p. 14 points to the existence of the term Iqta during the early phase of the sultanate period. Since most of the persian works of the sultanate period, were completed after the Mughal occupation of Kashmir, as such they might have used the term Ja g i r in place of Iqta. Be it as it may, all the contemporary sources of the pre-Mughal and post-Mughal period point t o j j ^

existence of the terra jagir in place of Iq t a .(Sayid Ali, Tarlkh-l-Kashmir f. 16a ii) B aharistan- 1-Shahi; ff 47a, 52a, 88a-b iii) Abul Fazl, A k b a m a m a , III? p. 693 iv) Lahori, Badshahnama, I; p. 49;II; pp 209, 211, 421, 481^ v) Kambu, Shahj ahan-nama or Amal-i-Sallh, II; p. 457 vi) Mohd Azam, Wag at-1- K a s h m i r / f. l l i b . 196a, 220b-21a, 237b, vii) Kachru Maimat-ut-Tawarikh? ff 159b-60a, 180a-b, 212a vlii) Abdul Karim Alvi, Tarikh-i-Ahmadl; p. 40*

of some civil or military service, was known as i aqir and

115

the revenue directly, was known as Khalisa? and the

areas assigned to saints and scholars, were known as

*madad-i-ma* s h . Similarly, the protions of land assigned

to certain religious and other educational institutions,

were knwon as 'w a a f 1

As can b e disc^ttPd from t h e sources, the jagirs

were of two types? bi g and small. Big jagirs were mainly

'pargana* jagirs and small jagirs were generally confined

t o a village or two.

These jagirs were always assigned in lieu of some

services, civil or military* Thus for example, Akber

assigned pargana 'Inch* to one of his officials Ra m Dass

Kachwaha, for the services, h e rendered at A k b a r ‘s court*.

During the reign of Jahangir (1622 A.D.) the same pargana

was, assigned to Khanij ahan— one of the members of2Jahangir's court • In 1640-41 A.D. Shahjehan assigned it

3to Islam Khan M i r Bakshi who thus named it as Islamabad .

Later on, Aurangzeb, assigned this pargana to prince

Muzzam, for t h e military services, the prince was expected

1* Twarlk-l-Jahanairi,(text); p. 313.

J A G I R S *:SS:

116

/faave

to render to the state in the capacity of a b i g mansabdar.

He n c e the p argana 'Inch* was given in jagir to officials,

nobles and the princes, from time to time, either for their2civil or military services •

Similarly, the small jagirs, constituting a village or

two, were assigned obviously, in lieu of some services.Thus

for example, during the reign of Akbar, a th anedar who was

a member of the police administration of Maraj was in lieu3of his services, assigned v illage *Blibehara from the same

4tract « The same village was lateron held in jagir by5 6Prince Parvez in 1622 A 0D., Prince Dara Shukeh in 1636 A.D.

7and Prince Muazzam during the reign of Aurangzeb * Apart

from this, various other villages were h e l d in jagir by

1, Kazim, Alamqirnama; p. 836

2* The term 'jagir' itself denotes that t h e pargana was assigned for civil and military services.(Baharl- Aj am) .Had it been assigned for any other purpose, then it is very likely that jagir would/been included within the category of such assignments as * altamqha* or 'inam ' 0

3« The village h a d a very clean stream flowing within.In the midst of the village, could be found number of 'chinar* trees that existed even today. The village also p o s sessed a canal (Mutamid Khan, Iqbalnama. Jahanqlri, Urdu, tr. by Mo h d Zakaria Mayil, ed. 1974; po 153)*

4. Abul Fazl Akbarnama. III (text); p. 654

5. Iqbalnama Jahanqiri, (Urdu Tr.);p. 153y .— v ^ J

« • d f ' v x x s l ......

i) Lahori, op.cit; I; p. 49ii) Qazwini, Badshahnama, II; ff 3 2 7 a-b

iii) Kambu, Amal-i-Salih; p. 331

7. Kalimatu-Taybat s f. 87.

117

officials, nobles and princes of royal blood from time to time. Perhaps all these jagirs, were conditional by nature, apparently because they are nowhere referred to as In am, o r altamgha jagirs* Moreover, the holders of these jagirs were the mansabdars and as such, these jagirs

1

1, For example, village 'Asafabad near Machibhawanwas in the jagir of Prince Muazism during Aurangzeb*s reign* To quote Kazims- s . r ^ J

(Alsmcirnama? p. 836) . Th e prince by the time, held Lokabhawan in jagir which earlier h a d been assigned to Prince Aurangzeb during the reign of Shahjahan* To quote Lahori*- / ___ - y T

/j >. i / a ✓ / » i/ vA,

ihj ah an. To quote Lahori*- ^ / ____ J

(Badshahnama? II; p. 211) Similarly, a f e w yards away from the village “Safapur* was a beautiful garden which was assigned in jagir to Prince Dara Shukoh during the reign of Shahjahan (Qazwini, op* city III? f* 317 ii) Sadiq Khan, Tarlkh-i- Shahiahani-wa-Alamqiri? f* 107)

However, the nature of the village jagirs assigned to ladies of harem, is not known* Despite this certain villages were given in jagir to them, from time to time. For example, village 'Achabal* was assigned to Jahan Ara Begum and Zebun-Nisa Begum respectively during the reign of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb (Kambi, op. cit, II? p. 331 ii) Kazixn, op* cit? II, p 0 221)* “Begumabad" in the vicinity of •Machibhawan', was in the jagir of Zeb u n - N i s a Begum, the same-time (Kazim, op, cit? p, 836) • Likewise, village "Safspur", by the year 1645 A.D. was in the tuyal of Nurjahan Begum, T o quot^ Lahori *- j

(Badshahnama. II? p, 421) . ® i e same vi l l a g e was lateron h e l d in jagir b y Jahan Ara Begum, (Lahori, op, cit, II? p. 421)*

118

m a y have been made to them in lieu of their salaries.

Because Bahar-i-Ajera, the great persian dictionary

completed in A.D* 1739-40, defines (jagir) as a tract of

land which kings grant to m a n sabdar and persons of that

kind# that they might take its revenue (m a h s u l ) from

cultivation whatever it be*

Apart from the outsiders, the local members of

various families and tribes that he l d big jagirs during

the suntanate period, were granted jagirs by Akbar, on

his successful occupation of Kashmir in 1586*. Abul F azl

in his Akbarnama, has given a long list of these men who2were received with princely favour , and were thus

given jagirs. These chiefs were affiliated to the most

1, i) Akbarnama, III, (text); pp 530-40. ii) A k b a m a m a u III (Beveridge); p. 787.

iii) Hasan, II (urdu, tr.); pp 311-15*

2. Akbarname, III (Beveridge); p. 787. Among these men Saiyid Mubarikh who h a d been raised to chiefship during the Mughal-Chak wars. (2) Punj (possibly, the meaning is five brothers of Y a q u b Shah, thoughonly four of than are named) (3) Haider Ali, (4) Muhammad Husain (5) Ahmad Husain (6) Husain Khan Chak who the Kashmiri's ha d raised to the throne at the beginning of the distrubance. (7) H u s a i n Khan (8) Ibrahim Khan, the son of Mubarik Khan (9) Muhammad Bhat and his sons (10) Ali Hasan (11) Baba Khalil and Baba Mahdi, the leaders of Kashmir disguise as holymen (12) Bahadur Ali (13) Bhahru Lo h a r (14) Mulla Hasan and the sonf of Ha i d e r Cak*

119

1 2 3important families of Chaks , Saiyeds Magres and4Bhats . It is unfortunate that the names of the villages

and parganas which Akbar assigned them, are not identified

clearly. Moreover, the nature of their jagirs is not

known. However, the way Afoul Fazl has in his Aln-l-Akbari

1„ Chaks, as a tribe had shifted from Dardistan and settled in Kupwara and T r a h g a m . Some of them were the Sunni's whereas most of them belonged t o the Shia sect (Sayid Ali, op. cit; f . 231). In both civil and military administration, they he l d high posts and as such, held b i g jagirs (Tarlkh-i-Firishta* p. 338) ii) Baharlstan-i-Shahl; f. 25e. They laid the foundation of their dynasty in 1555 A.D. Most important men of this tribe, were Shams Chak, Kaiji Chak and others.

2. Their origin could be found in Beihaq— a town in Khurasan; They came to Kashmir during the reign of Sultan Sikandar who conferred upon t h e m big jagirs (Baharistan-l-Shahl? f . 13 a) . During the reign of the Chaks they held high administrative posts and big jagirs (Ibid; f. 9 4 a ) . It is of significance to note that alongwith tother chief families, Saiyids played an important role in resisting th e Mughal force in 1585-86 A.D. (ibid). ii) A. N. (Beveridge) 760-80.

3* Maqrey was the name attributed to a certain caste oflanded aristocracy in the valley. In persian chronicles, they appear as Magreys and in Sanskrit works, they appear as Margapaties or Margesha (Srivara; p. 343).They he l d tremendous political and military power during th e sultanate period. Srivara writes about them as 'out of fear of the Margesha' (p.343). Their main profession was perhaps, to guiding the p a t h which in Kashmiri means ( (c_j 3 i! ̂ 2 * ) and not guarding the passes. Th e most important men'of this class were Abdul Magfey, Jahangir, Magrey, Ibrahim Magrey, Lfihar Magrey and the few others.

4* The family of the Bhats, like other families heldimportant position in political history of Kashmir. This family he l d the post of wi^arat during th e reign of Yusuf Shah and Yaqub Shah (Baharlstan-l-Shahlgf.90a)Its most important men were Muhammad Bhat and Abdul Bhat. This family also joined the front against the Mughal forces in 1585— 86(Akbarnama, III(Beveridge) pp 764-80)o

120

given a long list of these zemindar castes and

families, against certain parganas, obliges one to

percive that Akbar might have given them jagirs in

their respective parganas where they ha d settled much

earlier. Similarly, the way Abul Fazl has mentioned

certain contingents against each caste, leads one to

believe, that they might have been paid on account of

th e i r military services which they were obliged to render2 _to the state • The fact of th e i r being the mansabdar

castes is borne not b y some of the local sources like

Waqat-l-Kashmir, Maimut-ut-Tawarikh, Mir1anpurl*s

T a r ikh-i-Kashmlr and H a s a n ’s Tarikh-i-Hassn „ Consequently,

each caste appears to have retained a certain contingent }

the extent of which depended upon the strength of that3family in a particular pargana • Thus from the above

discussion it follows that Akbar conferred jagirs upon

the chiefs of the various castes, in lieu of their

military serviceso Thus for example, Qasim Khan, the

1

1* It is unfortunate that Jarret the translator of thecolumns of the Ain (MSS) has excluded the wo r d 1 b h u m i *

( ( j y j which was the synonym of'Zajjln’ (Ain, I; pp 435, 459, 494-5, 541). Abul Fazl in his original work has put us to believe that each caste was a zemindar„ caste with a certain contingent, (ibid); However, 'Hasan perhaps is the only authority of Kashmir to use the term *b h u m i *(Tarikh-l-H as an; I; p. 268)

2. Ain, II (Jarret); p. 369

3. Ibid;

121

first subedar of Kashmir gave titles and jagirs to

Sher H a m Khan Magrey * 0 He also gave jagirs and man sabs

to Yusuf Khan son of Hasan Khan and Ibrahim Khan. Hasan

Khan was given a man sab of 1500 and Ibrahim khan was

was given a man sab of 1000. Mirza Yasuf Khan Rizvi, another

subedar of Kashmir gave jagirs to one of the chiefs of

Chak dynasty— Shams Chak. He also gave jagirs to Shams

Dobl2 .

However, during the reign of Jahangir, the family

of the 'Rainas'^ could be seen at the p e a k of its glory.

The chief members of this family he l d high administrative

posts, and were given jagirs. H a i d e r Malik was given4

village*Chadura' in jagir . His father Ma l i k Muhammad

Naji, was employed to reconstruct the Jamia Masjid which5

h a d been set a blaze earlier . Ha i d e r Malik's brother

1. Hasan, op. cit; II (urdu, tr.)j p. 311.2. Ibid; p p 311-13.3. It was one of the i-mportant families of Kashmir and

was known by the name of * Chandra' during the Hindu rule. With the establishment of the Mus l i m rule, it came to b e designated as 'Raina' meaning 'great* (Beharistan-i-Shahi; ff 6a-b ii) Hai d e r Malifc, op.cit f . 36}. In the contemporary sanskrit chronicles, they are referred to as 'Rajanka' (Srivara; p p 225-50).The most important men of this family were M u s a Raina, Idi Raina, Ma l i k Ali Chadoora etc. H a i d e r Malik Chadoora belonged to the same family. Even Rawan Chandra was from the same family.

4. Haider Malik, op. cit; ff 113«-b.5. Hasan, op. cit; II Ctr«vyiS) j p. 341*

122

All Malik h a d been employed as a chief on a mission to

clear the route of Poonch for Jahangir's visit to Kashmir

as is evident*. / / , J

If on the one side, w e witness the members of the

'Malik' or 'Raina' family enjoying high posts and jagirs,

on the other side, we find the family of the Chak quite

paralysed during the reign of Jahangir* Thus for example,

in 997 A.H., M u h abat Ali, one of the administrators of

pargana Pachinpara, put to death many of the members of— — — 2this caste like Ji Chak, Shams Chak and Hasain Chak .

Likewise, during the same regime, Itiqad Khan (1032 A»H.)

subdued, disintegrated and massacred in groups the members

of this family. Their political and military power was

paralysed to such an extent that the remaining members of

this family were forced to seek services and most of thera

consequently^ resorted to cultivation of the land. To quote

M o h d Azamat- * e. * ^

V - 1^ ASame perhaps, was the fate of other families.

1, Mohd Azam, Waqat-i-Kashmir? ff 105a-b2, Hasan, op. cit; II (urdu, tr.); p. 321,3, Mohd Azam, op, cit; ff 105a-b,4, In 997 A.H., Muhabat Ali, also put to death some

of the chief members of the 'Khan' family like HasanKhan and Ai b a Khan (Hasan, op, cit; II (Urdu) Tr, p. 321),

123

With the dawn of Shahjahan's reign, zamindar

families of Shahabed (pargana) came to prominence#

apparent ly; because Prince Murad h§ d sought in marriage

one of the daughter's of a Zamindar of the same pargana*.

As such, Ali Mardan Khan, the subedar of Kashmir gave

this family a prominent position in the administration

and consequently, assigned them jagirs in lieu of their2services. To quote Mohd Azam :-

3By the same time, the family of the 'Dars* acquired

big jagirs. One of the prominent members of this family4was Ibadullah Dar • He was given a jagir as large as thirty

5thousand kharwars as is evident

1, Waqat-i-Kashmir; f. 119b2, Ibid?3, They were the 'Damaras* of Kalhana (Rajt. IT, Stein,

p. 306) and 'Dars' of Srivera (pp. 190, 241, 283).This family played an important role in the political history of Kashmir. They held most inportant posts in the administration. Against their services they held b i g jagirs (Srivara, 185, 187, 188, 190-91, 283-85).The post of 'Prat&hare' (Minister-in-Waiting) wasthe monopoly of this family during the sultanate period (Srivara? p. 240, 244)• Its most important member then were Saif Dar, Baharam Dar, Ali Dar and others,

4, Mulls Gh. Nabi Khanyari, Wajizut-TawariMi; ff 77-78

5, Ibid?

124

From the death of Shahjahan down to the close of i

our period, 'Kant' and 'Sadat' families he l d big jagirs

which could be found in tact even till the establishment2 -of the Sikh rule in Kashmir • They held mansabs as well

as jagirs. During the reign of A b u Barkat Khan, Mir

Jaffar Kant h e l d prominent position in the administration

of the suba and as such, was given pargana 'Machipora*3in jagir • Similarly, one of the members of this family^

Mir Muqim Kant who held the title of *Rais«-l-Shahr* was3 4given village 1Ku i h a m a *in jagir . To quote Kachrus-

Q icfj i j J - C ' O x f j b o j ^ I i

In this way, the members of this family enjoyed big as

well as small jagirs in lieu of their civil and military

services which they rendered to the state. T h e fact is that

M ir Muqim Kant, in the year 1165 A.H. held the reigns of

the government and by the ye a r 1178 A.H., his prominence

in the administration of the suba alongwith; one Pandit

1. The early reference to the * K a n t * family could beh a d during the reign of A k b a r who h a d appointed Karaal Kant as incharge of the construction of the Hillock wall (Gh. Nabi Khanyari, op. cit; ff 77a-78b).

2 0 Indu Banga, Agrarian system of the S i k h g ;pp

3* Waaat-l-Kashmlr; f. 231b,

4, Hasan, op. cit; II (Urdu. tr»); pp 434-35,

125

Mohatjfjiad was an established fact during the reign of

the Afghans. To quote Kachru* in this regards-

Jt ̂ i . _ «

Besides, these bi g and small jagirs, there were

some jagirs constituting mainly some hilly and far-

flung tracts of Poonch, Ralourl, Muzafarabed. Damtur.

Pakhli, Nowshehra# Dr as, Kara ah. These far-flung areas

were a part of indirectly administered Mughal and Afghan

empires; and since these could not b e conveniently

administered, so were given in jagir, either to the

zamindars (chiefs) of the locality and most influential

person at the court or to the prince's of royal blood*

Thus P oonch was assigned in jagir to one Mi r Nassraullah2Arab in 1624-25 A.D, During the reign of Shahjahan, it

^ 3was in the tuyul of Mohd Husain son of M i r Fateh Safhani

During the period of the later Mughals, it was in the

jagir of its chief feaainda#Mughir-ud-Din successor of

Abdul Fateh. H e paid fixed revenue and tribute to the4subedar of Kashmir. To quote M o h d Azam :- j

1. Maimut-ut-Tawarlkh? ff 213 a-b

2. i) Mutamid Khan, Iqbalnama, Jahanairi, III (text) p. 597. ii) Lahori, op* cit; II; p. 481*

3. Lahori, op. cit; II; p. 481.

4. Weqat-i-Keshmir: f. 202b.

126

Similarly, Damtur was in the jagir of Zamindar Shahrukh during

Akbar*s reign, and on Jahangir's visit (1630 A.D.) was held by

the letter's son Bahadur*. Likewise, Pakhli on Jahangir's visitj

could b e found in the jagir of the local Zamindar Sultan Hasain3And Rajouri also was assigned in jagir o Th e hilly tract of

Nowshehra. yielding an approximate i ama of 39037 dams, was4in the jagir of Dare Shukeh . Besides, Qrav and Karnah were

assigned in jagir fry the subedar of Kashmir as is evident from5the following *- / S ,

During the reign of the Afghans too ̂ 1 i r gfeefl was *n t*1®

jagir of its tribal chief (raja) Nasir Ali of Bubna (Bumboo)

tribe. Since the revenue of the area did not correspond to the

salary of the chief, he received an allowance of two thousandg

rupees annually from the sTlbedar of Kashmir in lieu of his jagir

1. Iqbalnama Jahanglrl (Urdu, tr).p.l28. The occupation of the people was cultivation. Chieftancy was one of the important feature of their social and political life. The people were supporters of the Mughal rule. Their chiefs were the zamindars who were recognized as jagirdars by the Mughais and as such, had the right to collect the land revenue (Ibid);

2. Pekhli was and is situated in the east of Kashmir mountains;Banaras in the west; Kohi-Kanwar in the north and Poonchand other adjacent areas in the south. The pl a c e was knwon for various kinds of trees, grown in abundance. The land ha s been made worthy of cultivation after great labour and ha r d w o r k (Iqbal-nama, Jahanqiri# (Utdu, Tr.); p. 128®

3» Abadl Alamqlrl? f 0 149a4* Halat-i-Mamaliki Mahroosa, Add. 6598; f. 1995* Wag at-i-Kashmir; ff. 194b-95a6 0 Mir Izzatullah, Travels; p. 2

During the reign of the Afghans, Poonch, Relourl, Kishtwar. etc.; continued to remain as tributary states of the subedar of Kashmir (Kachru, op. cit; f. 226b),

• to

127

A careful study of the sources in respect of the

jagirs mentioned above, reveal some important facts about

the jagirdari system of the period under review. First,

these jagirs were not hereditary and as such, were liable

to resumption end transfer as well. This is obviously the

reason that village 'Bijbehara' was in the jagir of various

persons during the reign of Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan and

Aurangzeb. Secondly, a big jagirdar could h a v e multiple 1assignments 0 at one and the same time. For example,

Prince Dara Shukeh, apart from holding v illage Bijbehara

in jagir,held the hilly tracts of Raiourl and Ejponch

simultaneously. Consequently, in v i e w of his multiple

jagirs, a bi g jagirdar would mostly send his agents to2collect the revenue including other taxes also. Even the

small jagirdars collected the revenue in their assigned3lands through their agents. Thirdly, these jagirs were

always assigned in lieu of some civil end military services

1* M®relend, who worked on various aspects of Jagirdarisystem, was perhaps, the first to give it the name ofrevenue assignments in India. (Agrarian system of M o d e m India)though the te r m h a d existed in Persia much earlier than the M ughals (Cf. Lokkegerd,Islamic Taxation in the Classic Period ) 0

2. Infect, t h e revenue mainly consisted lend-revenue, yetit embraced certain cesses derived from land and othertaxes on various trading professions (artisans) which were all designated under the general name of 1S a l r ' (Cf. Dastur-ul-Amal-i-Alamgirl t ff 23b-24a)

3* Inshai H a r Karan*

128

which a mansabdar* or any official was required to

render to the state. Fourthly, it is eleer that not only

the villages and parganas of the suba of Kashmir, but

even the far-flung areas which were indirectly a part

of the suba of Kashmir, were bestowed in jagir upon chiefs,

nobles and princes.Fifthly, the terms tuyul and jagir

appear synonymous in Kashmir and were indiscrimnately,

applicable to princes' who thus, were designated both

as tuyuldars and jagirdars. He n c e there is much denying

the fact established by the author of the Mirat-ul-Istilah

that the term jagir was especially meant for nobles and

other uiTiara whereas the term tuyul was exclusively meant2for the princes « Sixthly, the sources reveal that the

places of tourist interest and scenic spots, were mostly

assigned to princes of royal blood and ladies of harem,

possibly because the Mughals were patrons of nature and

beauty, Seventfty, the assignee's were not necessarily granted

1. The mansab indicated the rank or grade of a particular official. It was of two kinds; 2 at and S a w a r . Th e former indicated the personal pa y and latter, the

-• contingents. (Moreland, R a n k (Mansab) in the Mogul State Service, JAAS, pp 641-65, ed» 1963)

The highestmansab and big jagirs were mostly held by the princes of royal blood. Accordingly, Dara Shukoh h e l d the highest rank of 40,000 Z a t and 20,000 Sawar. (Waris, Badshahnama? Add. 6556; f. 523b;Add 1675, f. 200a (Badshahnama was written by Lahori and continued by Waris lateron)» The highest rank permitted to a noble was 7,000 Zat and 7,000 Sawar (Lahori, op. cit; U p 321 ii) Qazwini, A l a m q i m a m a ; p. 618). The lowest man s a b could be of 20 Zat and 20 Sawar*

2* Anand Ram Mukhlis, Mlrat-al-Istllah; ff 26a-27a*

129

jagirs in those provinces where they actually resided.

Similarly, the assignee's were not posted necessarily in

those provinces where they enjoyed jagirs. Obviously,

Safshikan Khan performed his services as subedar 1 of2Keshmir, whereas he enjoyed his jagir in Bihar • Eighthly,

both the Mughals and the Afghans gave big jagirs to the

officials who were affiliated to the court, directly or

indirectly. The intention behind it perhaps, was to create3a class of faithful nobles •

Ninethly, it has been observed that the jagirdars

often farmed out their lands. This system of farming was

known as Iiaradari system. As a result of this system, the

revenue of a unit of land was put to auction. One who gave

the highest bid was entitled to its appropriation finally.4Though this system was disapproved by the Mughal court.

1. All the subedars of Kashmir were the mansabdars(see Appendix for it). But there are no recordsavailable to us which could show that any of the subedars held any of the pargana of suba Kashmir in lieu of his services as an administrator. It is probable that he might have ha d jagir outside Kashmir or must have been deducting his pay from the total jama of the suba,

2. Ain, (Elochroann)? p. 371

3. Wajizut-Tawarikh; f. 52b. Sukh Jiwan M a i gave jagirs to his own people to create a new class of nobles consisting mostly of the Sikhs and the Punjabis®(Ibid) ;

4. Sadiq Khan, op. cit; or 174; ff. 10a-14b.

130

ye t it prevailed with certain limitations , especially2during the reign of Aurangzeb , who had been apprised

that the mansabdars, who had jagirs in Kashmir, were

giving them on farm to local men who were extremely

oppressive. Hence, the men of Kashmir, to o k the jagir- -3land on 11 are • However, with the establishment of the

Afghan rule, ii sradari system became a common feature of4the agararian history of Kashmxr <> The fact is that the

concept was upheld so much by the Afghans that even the5most important posts of Cazi and Mir Adi were put to auction ,

Consequently, the system led to the depression of the6cultivation , because the farmers, after giving very

high bids to get the deals, would still seek to make

high profits by extorting money from the peasants7by every means, withh the limited time possible .

1

1. The practice was prevalent not only among the jagirs but even river and octroi posts were also given on contracts (Gulshan-i-Dastur; f . 532a ) . In case the traffic was blocked on account of some natural conditions the lessee* s were given concessions,

2. Akhbarat 37/38 (vide, '* The Lot of the Agriculturist in Aurangzeb*s time, by 3. F. Sangar, in Journal of Indian History, Vol. XLV NO: 133-34, 1967, based on astudy of the Jaipur Akbbarat) •

3. Ibid;4. Abdul Kerim Alvi, op. cit; p. 40; Khalil Mirjanpuri,

op. cit; f. 304a; Hasan, op. cit; II; p. 734.

5. Waiizut-Tewarikh; f. 55b6 * Khalil Mirjanpuri, op. cit; ff. 299a-b; B agh- i-Sul aim an;

f. 192b.7. Sadiq Khan, op. cit; Or 174; f. lla»

131

' * , /y

VJ ®-> 'i . 3 'srf'J'In view of the above discussion, it could b e

observed that the Afghans were no more innovators in

regard to the introduction of the I 1 aradafci system.

It had prevailed, under the Mughals in one form or the

other. However, the A f g h a n ’s seem to have, given legal

shape to the concept of*farming* in the suba.

Lastly, the sources reveal that the jagirs were

conferred upon the locals who were mostly th e members of

important families as discussed above. However, «|11 of the2families did not hold mansabs and jagirs at one and the

same time. Inspite of their being the influential families

of the society, their jagirs were resumed at willjby the

subedar of Kashmir. As such their jagirs were neither

1. TariKh-i-Kashmir? f. 299a— b.

2. S aif Khan perhaps, was the first among the subedarsof Kashmir to have given mansabs in discrimnately to all. / / - ^ / /

c - ..........

He also retained the Zamlndarl and Mansabdari rights of the local chiefs (Waqlat-1-Kashmir? f. 146b). The contingents of these Zamlndars chiefs were delivered to the state during any crisis, external or internal. They were often employed in military expeditions waged against the chiefs of Klshtawar, Little Tibet,Greater Tibet, Poonch and Muzaff arabad (Waa~at-1-Kashmlr) f f . 156k*- 194b, 224a-b) . Moreover, the maintenace of these troops must have helped the chiefs in the

**

To quote Mirjanpuri* in this regards- y ^

132

permanent nor hereditary as was the case with the jagirs

h e l d b y outsiders in Kashmir, It is of significance to

note that with the establishment of theAfghsn rule, the

po w e r of most of the native chiefs (men of various3

familieg) was crushed. The Afghan's dismissed the 'maliks '4of the passes and replaced them by their own men . The

retention of their Zamindari rights, i.e. the collection of revenue in areas within their Zamindari. But at the cost of these contingents, the Zamindars could often resort to revolt (Hasen Shah, II, op, cit, p. 403) and could thus join their hands often with the raiders of Poonch and Muzaffarabad in loot and plunder* (Muhammad Azam, op. city f * 23 1 a ) • But such destructive tendencies among the chiefs could often br i n g them death and destruction. For example,Abu Barkat Khan (1138 A.H.), during the period of the later Mughals put to death one of the leading Zamindars of Shahabad namely Mukhtar M a l i k son of Namdar Ma l i k because the latter ha d supported the raiders of Muzaffarabad (W a q i a t ? f. 224b)

5-

on the other hand, it has been seen, that the local chiefs were often appointed as the highest military officials on a certain mission. The case of Muzaffar Kantj perhaps, was the leading example of such evidence,

3 0 This family was meant to guard the passes. During the Hindu rule, the guards of the passes were known as "Davarapattl *1 or 'Lord of Gate', (Rajt. Stein, II? p 0 391) * During the sultanate and Mughal period, the family meant to do this job was that of the 'naivlks* (Srivara? p* 3 27 ii) Akbarnama# III (Beveridge)? p. 764 iii) Tuzuk-i-Jahanqiri, (text)? p* 321?Tuzuk-i-Jahanqiri * R& b ) , II? pp 179-80

4, Mulla Gh. Nabi Khanyari, Wailzut-Tawarikh? f„ 52b0

133

r a n k of these native chiefs, with slight exceptions*

were destroyed and they were forbidden to w e a r arms*.r >Thus, the Qazil-bashes and Afghans took over complete

2charge of the city .

INAM__JAGIRSt.

There was yet another kind of jagir known as Inam- - 3or Tamqha jagir « These jagirs were tan conditional and

- - 4were not as such, assigned against any mansabs . Such

kind of jagirs were always bestowed upon the men of5oustanding genius, merit and qualifications • These

jagirs were given to the nobles of exceptional greatness6and other meins abdars only as a reward o These jagirs were

both big and small and could be given to the outsiders and

natives alike. The early refernce to such kind of jagirs

could be found in the year 1615 A.D^ when emperor Jahangir,

1. Elphinstone, Kingdom of C a b u l ? II; p. 238

2. Ibid?

3. Haider Ma l i k (Ta-^-rlkh-i-Kashmir; ff 96a-ll3b) calls it tamgha w h e r e a s , the author of Baharistan- 1- Shahi, also calls it as tamgha jagir. According to Tuzuk-i-Jahangirl : p. 297, these were known as Inam jagirs. Both terms perhaps, were synonymous*

4. Tuzuk-i-Jahangirl? p. 297

5. Haider Malifc. op. city ff 96a-113*

6 * Tuzuk- 1 -Jahangirl? p* 297*

134

for the first time, gave village Chadura* in tamqha

to one Kashmiri chief of Malik family namely Haider Malik,2for the services he hed rendered to Mehru-Nisa Begunu

1, Village Chadura was a tourist spot with a fertile land. It was in the Zamindari of Haider Malik. Too many canals run through it. The place is also famous for Chlnar trees (Iqbalnama-i-Jahanqirl(Urdu, tr.)Mohd Zakaria Mayil; p. 149, ed. 1974.)

Sultan Shihab-ud-Din h a d given this village in 1 aqir as a reward to 'Achal Nand* and it continued to •be occupied by his descendants even, without any change after the Mughal occupation. (Haider Malik; f. 41). Achal Nand was of Raina caste which was also knwon as Malik caste.

The efforts to occupy Kashmir by the Mughals, did not mature without any resistance ofganized by the then rollers and supported by the then nobles and chiefs. However, after the Mughal occupation, most of the chiefs of various cates like Malik Alik, Malik Haider, and Yusuf Shah were arrested. In course of their arrest the Malik brothers, somehow, succeeded in winning over the sympathies of Mehrun-Nisa Begum— The so-called wife of Jahangir by extending h e r support against Sher Afghan. After she was m arried to Jahangir, the Malik brothers were granted ta m q h a jagir and Zamindari rights in the village Chedura, for their services. They were not only given jagirs in Inam, but mansabs and titles etc. To quote Haider Malik:- * / / /

. $ D 1 /

Again A z a m writes (Tarlkh-l-Kashmir, ff 96-97, No 39, RPD, Sgr)*-

135

In 1622 A.D,, similar kind of jagir was given to one

Dilawar Khan* who h a d subdued the people of Kjshtawar

to the subedhari of Kashmir. As such, Dilawar Khan, in

Inam, was given one year's revenue of thecaptioned state

of Kishtawar. It amounted to one lakh rupees*. Similar

kind of jagir was conferred upon Asaf Khan who laid

out 'Nishat B a q h *(pleasure garden) for the irrigation

of which he constructed a canal which was later on

granted and confirmed in tamqha, to Asaf Khan, through_ _ 2a farm an of Shahjahan . Such kind of jagirs were knotfn

even later, during the period of the Afghan's in Kashmir.

Noor-ud-Din Khan Bamzai, perhaps, was the first to give

a jagir of this type to one R a j a Ranjit Dev of Jammu, for3his military support . The Raja was given a jagir of sixty

1* Tuzuk-i-Jahanqlrli p. 297.

2. Hasan Shah, Tarikh-1-Kashmlr, I, f. 115a-b.

3. Abdullah Khan, Ishak Aqasi was the first Afghan subedar? Sukhjiwan Mai (a Punjabi Khatri) as his Peshkar (Wa&uz-Tawarikh? f. 51b) and Abdul Hasan Bandey as his assistant (Wajikz? f . 76b)

^ ' f.....After three months, Ishaq-Agasi was called

to Kabul. Soon after his departure, Sukh-jiwan Mai motivated b y the uncertain political situation in Kabul, declared his independence in 1753 A . D0 In this way, detached himself from Kabul administration? assumed the title of Ra j a Sukhjiwan Mai? assigned jagirs to his own people whom h e patronised, to the

/

136

thousand Mierwex's of shali, annually from the revenues

4of Kashmir, as a reward. To quote Khalil Mirjanpuris-

It, therefore, appears that such kind of jagirs were> ixi

permanent in nature. Apart from the outsiders, the natives

too were given such jagirs^

maximum (W a j u z ; f. 52b) Sofi in his 1 Ka s h i r 1 says that the title of Raja was given to h i m by Alamgir II. (Vol. I, p. 311)• Anyhow, motivated by his vicious desires, he attached the territory of Raja Ranjit Dev of Jammu. Mean­while the situation in Kabul ha d settled, and as such in 1762, Ahmad Shah Durrani sent Noor-ud-Din Khan to re-assert the Afghan rule in Kashmir, R a j a Ranjit Dev, helped Noor-ud-Din Khan Bamzai in his military enterprise. Sukhjiwan Mai was finally defeated, and in lieu of military support. Raja of Jammu was given a jagir as a rewardo

Tarikh-i-Kashmir? f. 269b, NO; 800, RPD, Srinagars-

(Mirjanpuri, op. cit; f, 273).

137

WATAN JAGIRSs

The j agirs which were conferred upon the

autonomous chiefs of H t t l * T-ib<M--f Greater Tibet«

and ^ishtwar, have been designated as Wat an jagirs

by Irfan Habib*. Despite the fact that the term

Waten does not occur in our sources, yet it is certain

that the chiefs of these far-flung areas, he l d their

- - 2fiefs in jagir or tuyul . These chiefs appear in our

3 4sources as Zamindars and often as mirzeban. According

1. Irfan Habib, Agrarian System of Mughal Indie. pp 150-54, 180-84, 254.

2. In Badshahnama. they have been named often as tuyul. To quote Lahoris-

s • ■ - "

(II; p. 98, NO: 4410, RPD, Srinagar).

3. There has been a lot of discussion on the use of the term Zamindar. However, in present day Kashmir, every villager, whether or not, h e tills the land, is called Zamindar. It is very difficult to say definitely in what sense the term Zam i n d a r was used during our period of study. Bec<Xtlse none of the sources such as Ain-1-Akbarl, Badshahnama, Alamqirnama or any of the sources of the Afghan period, explain in what sense the term was used then. In v i e w of this lacuna, the definition of the term really becomes difficult, and as such, it still remains a question whether the word Zamindar, when

L**

138

to Irfan Habib, these tributary chiefs were politically

used in the literature of the M u c h e 1 and Afghan period, bore the same sense in which it is now understood. The generally accepted v i e w point of some m o d e m historians like Moreland (Agrarian system; pp 122^179) and P. Saran (Provincial Govt j ■sTc./ p. ill and n) that the Z aminder in Mughal period signified end meant a vassal chief of the indirectly administered areas alone, is not entirely acceptable. Because, as we have seen that the term

(Zaminder ‘in our contemporary sources was frequent ly^ applicable not only to the vassal chiefs of little Tibe t , G r e ater Tibet and Kishtawar— (the indirectly administered areas) but even the chiefs of the far- flung areas of Poonch, Pekhli, Damtur, Muzafarabad, etc. were often designated as the Zamindars. The fact is that the native chiefs, whom we have discussed above, and which were a part of the directly administered Mughal ar Afghan empires, bore the same name as Zemindar in our contemporary literature. Therefore not only the chiefs of the indirectly administered areas but even those of the directly administered areas were termed as'Zamindersi What the nature of their Zamindari rights was, is not explained. It is probable that since they had a claim to the share of the produce of the land? and were a likk between the peasants and the subedar of Kashmir, they must have been known as Zamindars. However, they were never the proprietors of the land within their Zamindari. It is obviously difficult to determine further the end and the prupose of the rights of a Zaminder in v i e w of the scanty evidence.

It is of significance to note here that the ordinary peasants, whatever be their kinds, never bore the name as Zaminder in the literature of our period. There is perhaps, only one source of the Afghan period namely I n t i zam-i-Mulk-i-Kashmir, f.3b which designates the ordinary peasants as cultivators. Therefore, once the contemporary sources refer to the revolts of the Zemindars, we must never interpret than as revolts of the ordinary peasants who were never mentally and politically organised in Kashmir^ to the extent we find them today. Perhaps, the reasons for this, were man-made and God-made forces which we have discussed in the fo 1 1 owing chapter"Condition of the Peasantry? There is only one reference when the peasants, in v i e w of the food- scarcity, burnt down the house of a Peshkar, Muhamad Pandit under the pretext of 'hoarding 1 or 'galladari* (Kachru, op.cit; ff 166a-b). We do not possess any reference, which could lead us to this conclusion that the peasants jointly or in a group form, any­where in the suba refused to pay the land-revenue

139

Subordinate and administratively autonomous • The

great difference between the petty local chieftains and

these tributary chieftans was that the latter ha d an

autonomous character, whereas the former were theg

mere propertied siibjects of the emperor • The jagirs

of these chiefs were hereditary and could go down from7father to son • So long as they were peeeeful and

paid the * p e s h k a s h * normallv, the centre did not interveneg

in their internal affairs • Interference was, however*

to the government. Hence, there were no revolts from the ordinary peasants in Kashmir*

4» Ab. Hamid Lahori, Badshahnama, II; pp 98,237.

5. Irfan Habib, Agrarian System? pp 154-250.

6 . Irfan Habib, Agrarian S y s t e m ? pp 184-85.

7* Ab. Hamid, Lahori, qp. cit? II? p* 98.

8« By the year (1051 A.H.) the two Tibet's yielded an tribute of four lakh rupees.To quote Lahori, II? p. 23 7 ) s-

5

140

t r ib u to ry ch ie fs fo r defensive purpose kept the fo r ts

and the number o f these fo r ts , according to Lahori# ran3

to seventy three „ The t r ib u te o f these h i l l y s ta te s , was

deemed necessary in case of any army revolt . These2

1. In (997-98 A.H.) the two T ib e t 's were subjectedto Mughal empire during the subedari o f Mohd Q u lich Khan* A l i Rai was recognized as the t r ib u to ry ch ie f o f the p la ce . However# during the re ign o f Shahjahan# he t r ie d to detech h im se lf from the subedar o f Kashmir. Hashim Khan# the son o f Casim Khan# reduced the mirzaban o f T ib e t ( A l i Rai) and made him to pay the t r ib u te annually (Lahori# II; p. 283) * Again by the year 1044 A.H.# Za fer Khan reduced the two T ib e t * s to the subedari o f Kashmir*-

S o n .j fx j i o t u\ . ^

i) Lahori# op. c i t ; p .98. i i ) Mohd S a lih Kambu# A m e l- i-S e lih or Shahjahanname

II# p. 457.During the re ign o f Aurangzeb too, S a if Khan

crushed the re v o lt o f Rai a o f Ladakh (Muhammad Kazim Alamqirnama; p. 826# 838). In case any o f the re v o lu t io n a r ie s sought sh e lte r w ith them# they were taken to ta sk . To quote Lahori

3. Ib id ; p. 287*

141

possibly paid from the revenue obtained from various

sources*. The domestic requirements of the Zamindars

1. Whole of Tibet was constituted to twentyparganas. Because of its mountainous geographical composition, agriculture was not the main occupation of its people. Despite this certain cro-ps were raised as is evident*- / , •

' \ / \ j '> ^ j )* j t M .....^

j d 1 ^1 •• • -»•> .

- • : j f ) J"all the fruits like peach, melon, and grapes of fine quality and sweet are to be found theee, and mulberry, Chinar Coak, peach, melon and grapes blossom in one end the same season" (Lahori, op.cit,I, p. 287).

Inspite of certain agricultural complicacies, the whole of Tibet yielded a tribute of one lakh rupees to the subeder of Kashmir by the year 1044 A. H. and which by the year 1051 A.H., increased to four lakh rupees„ Gold perhaps, was the main source of income and in its adjacent river water, about two thousand talas of gold were obtained.The cost of tola being rupees seven i) Ibid; ii) Kambu, op. cit; II; p. 264.

142

were fulfilled by the people of the area1. Because,

the purpose of Zamindari right was to provide its

possessor with an income. Since it was a right primarily^

attached to land; it gave its possessor a share in the2produce of the soil . The Zamindari right did not

signify a proprietory claim over land but simply a claim

to the produce of the soil. However, we do not come across

any reference which could show us that the Zemindars of

these tributory and indirectly controlled areas, possessed

any rank though they received the khllats. To quote

1. Grain was supplied from twenty four villages °f Nubra, besides Lamayura, Skarpoche, Sespula Buzqo etc. Meat was supplied by the inhabitants

Rupsho and Ruthoq; butter from Z anskar and the timber which was falling short in these regions, was provided b y the villager's of Chafeanq and Khurdung. Its quantity was approximately 4000 maunds. Cattle and sheep were also received in levy* (Hashmatt-ullah Khan, Tarlkh-i-Jammu etc. p. 427) Similarly no tax on the land was charged in K i s htawar. However, each house-owner was to contribute an amount of six S anhansi (four rupees) annually0 Besides a tax of Rs. 4/- was levied on each ser of saffron. The tax being pa i d by the seller and not by the purchaser (Tuzuk, pp. 296-97).

2. Irfan Habib, op. cit; p„ 144.

3. Muhammad Kazim, A l a m q i m a m a ? p. 838.

143

Consequently, the difference between these tributary

chiefs and the local ones can be substantiated by the

fact that while both were the Zemindars, but the former

were iound by no military conditions^ whereas the latter

were certainly required to maintain a military contingent

to be placed at the disposal of the state during abnormal

times. These tributary chiefs represented themselves on

certain ceremonial occasions. To quote Kazim*s-

( 'j 1

KHALI S As

Portions of land which were directly administered

by the Imperial officials, and the revenue of which was

deposited directly with the state treasury were known as2khalisa e Perhaps, it was always the policy of the state

to reserve those lands for the khalisa which, were fertile3and could be conveniently administered . The pargana

1. Muhammad Kazim, A1amqirnama? p. 826

2. Khalisa means ‘pure and free'. However, the term has here been used in technical sense, It refers to those lands which were kept apart as the state reserve, while the remainder was assigned (T arikh-i-F irishta, vide, Ain, II (Jarret); p„ 387 and n) • According to Tabq?»t-i-Nasri, there was a superintendent of Reserved(Lands; pp 246-49)

3. Hawkins, Early Travells; p. 114

144

Nag am, Adwin. P ampore. Narabal. Kuthar, etc., were

certainly fertile as is evident by the striking extent

of the revenue, they comparatively yi e l d e d 1 . It is

obviously in v i e w of the same fact that by the year

1586 A.D., whole of the saffron producing area in2Pampore was exclusively earmarked as Khalisa. Even

during the reign of Jahangir, half of the area in Pampore

continued to remain as a part of Khallsa whereas rest

of it,was either given in jagir or retained; simply, as the3peasant land . Shahjahan too retained maximum of the

saffron producing area as Khalisa and gave remainder in. . 4jagir .

The Khalisa, constituted certain selected villages

of various parganas of the s u b a . Abul Fazl in his Ain-i-

Akbari, while commenting on the same fact, holds that

each pargana h a d few villages reserved for the Khalisa

and these selected villages were denominated as 1Sair'ul5

Mawazin'(Group of villages) . The number of such villages

1„ See for details APPENDIX ( A )? pp.

2. See for details chapter “Agricultural Products" p p

3„ Igbalnama, Jahangiri (Urdu, tr.); p. 156

4* i) Qazwini, op. cit; III; f. 268a ii) Kambu, op. cit; II, p p 543-44.

5. i) Ain-i-Akbari. II (text); pp 360-61 ii) Ain, II (Jarret); pp 364-66.

145

Similarly, the number of such villages in Kamrai division2was eighty eight • To quote Abul Fazl:-

in maral division was one hundred and twenty eight1*

However, the overall number of such selected villages,Stappears to have gone down to one hundred and nine only^

3by the year 1709 A.D. The reason for it could be the weak

and the oppressive rule of the subedars which, ultimately,

might have prompted the big mansabdars to resume the

Khalisa landjconnerting these into their own jagirs •

Another reason for it could be that Aurangzeb, might have

re-assigned th e Khalisa land in jagir to individuals,5apparently because, it was unfit for the K h a l i s a . However,

such an assertion must not lead us to believe that the

Khalisa,purely constituted cultivable lando It is probable

that it might have comprised uncultivated land also which6was available in plenty.

1. Aln-i-Akbarl, II (text); p. 3602. Ibid;3. Narain Koul Ajiz, Mukhtasar Tarikh-i-Kashmir; pp4. According to Hasan, while taking advantage of the

gloomy situation created by the weak rule and the raidsof the people of Poonch and Muzaffarabad some of theevil disposed mansabdars, distributed some portions of the KhQllsa land among themselves, during the reign of the later Mughals. (Tarlkh-i-Kashmir# II(Urdu.tr.)p. 401.

5. Akhbarat; 42/14,6 . i) Akbarnama, III (text); p. 776

ii) Akbarnama, III (Beveridge); pp 1085-87

146

Apart from the villages, there were some selected

perganas exclusively reserved for the K h a l i s a , While

substantiating the feet, Abul Fazl, in Ain-i-Akbari*

apprises us that there were two parganas in marei tract,

purely reserved for the Khalisa^, Be it as it may be,

the need to earmark some portions of land in villages

and parganas of the suba, must have been felt to avoid

confusion in the working of land-revenue administration,

and further to apprise the j aqirdars, am a l 1s and other

functionaries, not to encroach upon it*

Despite the feet that the term Khalisa denoted

the state-land , it still remains a question -whethpr

the state entertained its right to the revenue from the

Khalisa, It is, certain that the cultivators had both the3cultivating and the occupancy rights to the'cultivable*land

4 - -bel o n g e d w h i c h fc o the category of the Khalisa,and the administration

1* Ain-i-Akbari, II (text); p. 360

2* Document in the shape of a farman preserved inthe Research Manuscript Division, Srinagar,

3, Farman of Shahjahan, Inscription Jamie Masjid, Sgr,

4, Before the 16th century, the term which actuallyworked in pl-ce of Khalisa was Khasa, the use of which has unfortunately, not been made by any of the contemporary chroniclers except one Ha s a n Shah, who too belongs to nineteenth century (Tarikh-i-KashmirII, Urdu, tr. p . ^ g ).

147

of which was obviously and understandably, carried on

b y the state, which perhaps, constituted th e emperor and1

his officials like amln, fotedar, karkun and others. The

observation of Moreland that this was the land reserved

for the state, as against the land, assigned or granted

to individuals, leads one to believe that the state had a

right and claim to the produce of the soil.

It is difficult to work out the extent of the

land under, Khallsa< in absence of any contemporary

evidence. However, according to a nineteenth century

historian, the revenue derived from Khalisa constituted

the fourteenth part of the total jama obtained from2land and other sources .

^ A D A D - I - M V A S H __gRANTSs

One of the notable features of the agrarian system

of the period tinder review, was the grant of rent-free

lands. The assignment of such portions of land, during the3

pre-Mughel period, was known as Madad-i-ma* sh , and even

1. See for details, chapter, HLand-Revenue Functionaries'*

2. Hasan, Tarikh-i-Hasan (MS), I; p. 268

3. Baharistan-i-Shahi; ff 16a-17b.

148

the contemporary literature refers to them by the *same name . It is worthwhile, to note that such madad-

i - m a 1sh grants were generally bestowed out of charity,2vipon men of letters, eminent poets and sufi's • Since,

these grants were essentially of a charitable nature and

were offered for sustenance, therefore, the grantees were

subject to no conditions whatsoever. Hence, madad-i-ma'sh

grants constituted rent-free lands in which th e recepients

were entitled to receive the land-revenue and other taxes.

1, i) Tuzuk-i - J ah anoi ri ? p, 2, ii) Document NO 574, Research and Publication Division, Srinagar,

Akbar seems to have given no such grants in Kashmir, because the list of these grants (Sayarqul) given by Abul Fazl in his Ain (40th R.Y.)

totally excludes Kashmir, However, Akbar might have honoured such grants which were earlier made by the sultans who were generous enough in awarding madad-i-mafesh grants to Sufi's, etc., who came to Kashmir in large numbers from Persia and Central Asia, But such grants of revenue-free lands mostly, belonged to the institutions than to the individuals. Hence, Akbar did not make any effort in this regard, whereas Jahangir, for the first time, seems to have given madad-i-ma* ash grants in Kashmir# during our period (XuzuknJr:Jah.an^iri ? p. 2) .

2» Abul Fazl has prescribed four classes entitled to such grants? men of letters? religious devotees, physically and economically destitutes end handicapped persons and lastly, men of noble lineage ’Who could not take to any employment* out of ignorance (Ain, I p. 198) In Kashmir Madad-i-ma* ash grants were assigned to the first two category of recepients.

149

It is worthwhile to note that the measurement

and demarcation of such rent-free land used to take

place under the careful supervision of the officials*.

For example, in a madad-i-ma* ash grant of one hundred

kharwars offered to Musmati Jana Bi Bi and other

descendants of Shaikh Abdul Hakim, the concerned officials2were directed to demareate the sanctioned area strictly «

Similarly, a madad-i-Ma* ash grant made b y virtue of a

firman of Shahjahan, strictly bound the officials, amals

i aqirdars, karorians. to measure and demarcate the sanctioned3portions of rent-free-lend, in favour of the recepient.

Most of these grants were hereditary. This is

possibly the reason that th e grants of similar nature

m a d e by sultan Sikandar, continued to be retained and

possessed by the descendants of their recepients even4during the reign of Jahangir in Kashmir . Despite this,

5the ruler could, at his will, resume these grants or

1* Document NO: 21, Research Manuscript Division, Sgr.

2. Ibid;

3. Ferman of Shahjahan*s sixth year, preserved in the Research Manuscript Division, Sgr.

4. Baharlstan-i-Shahi? f. 16a

5. Ibid; The resumption would mostly take place when donee was left with no claimant.•

150

retein half of what was already granted. Thus for

example, Shaikh Mohd Arif had a madad-i-ma* ash grant

in village Kandirar(pargana Adwin)worth fifty kharwars,

valuing twelve hundred dams* After his death in 1690 A.D.,

an order was issued in 1697 A.D., by virtue of which the

then subedar of Kashmir, resumed half of the grant, whereas

half of the remainder was retained in possession of Shaikh

Abul Baqa and other claimants of the deceased*.Similarly,

Begum Bi Bi of ShaiWi Ziaullah Darvesh— the descendant

of Shaikh Hamza Kashmiri, had a madad-i-ma* ash grant in- - 2 -pargana N a q a m . By virtue of a farman issued by the subedar

Itmad-u-Daula Qa®nar-ud-Din Khan, a reduction was later on,

made in it, and finally, the grant of Begum Bi Bi was

va l u e d at two thousand and seven hundred dams. The cost

of the actual grant is not known.

These grants included both the cultivated and

un-cultivated lands. Sometimes, the whole of the grant3was made out of culturable waste-land . Moreover, it is

to be noted that these grants were mostly provided in4the villages and the pargenas which were selected for Khalisa.

1. Document of the year 1101 A.H. preservation SectionResearch Manuscript Division, Srinagar

2. A farman, preservation Section Manuscript Division* Sgr.

3. Document NOs 17, Research Manuscript Division, Sgr.

4. Document NO* 754, Leave No*s 27, 33, Research ManuscriptDivision, Srinagar.

151

Perhaps, the reason was that in case of resumption,

they could be easily re-edjusted with the Khalisa land.

It is already mentioned that Pampore. Nag am, Adwin. and

such other places, constituted the areas of Khalisa. aid

as such, Musmati Begum Bi Bi of Zai-Ullah Darvesh—

the descendent of Shaikh Hamza, h a d a grant worth three

thousand six h undred dams in par g a n a Na^am*. Similarly,

Shaikh Mohd Arif enjoyed a grant of fifty kharwars worth

1^023 dams in pargana Adwin by the ye a r 1101 A . H . (1690A.D.?.

Likewise, in 1776 A.D, Baba Mo h d Maqsood son of Abdul

H a k i m of Kalashpora, had a grant of four h undred and- — 3eighty kharwars in village Narbal pargana *Sairu*l Mawazia

and b y the ye a r 1779 A 0D.,one Baba Abdul Gani of Kalashpora,

h a d a similar nature of grant worth one h u n d r e d sixty

kharwars in Narabal pargana *Sairu*l M a w a z i a . However,

the madad-i-ma* ash lands might have often been kept separated

from the Khalisa and jagir lands, probably, for two reasons.

First, to avoid confusion and the second to stop officials

of the Khalisa end the agents of the jagir lands from the

un-due interference with and oppression of the donees.

1. Document, Research Manuscript Division, Sgr.

2. Document of the year 1101 A«H. Research Manuscript Division, Srinagar

3. Document NO: 564, Leaf NO: 33# Research Manuscript Division, Srinagar

4. Document NO: 574, Leaf NO: 27, Research Manuscript Division. Srinagar#1

152

These grants were made both b y the state and

the jagirdars*. Sometimes, the Zamindars, nobles and

other influential persons recommended the cases of

sufi's, saints and other descendants for the sanction of2such grants • Th e needy persons represented their cases

before provincial 'Sadr' and the applications were later

on, put before * Sadr-us-Sadur1. The applications3

recommended were finally endorsed by *Sadr-us-Sadur* .

The ladies represented their cases through their *vakils^'

These grants were supervised by the Ministry of Religious

affairso The cash grants known as 'Wazifa* also were5offered •

The donees got cultivated their madad-i-ma* ash

landp, through the ordinary peasants, who h a d cultivating

occupancy and above all, proprietory rights reserved tog

such lands . As such, the donees, as already mentioned,

were entitled to a claim only the produce of the soil and7not to the land itself •

1* A Parwana issued by a jagirdar to a shiqdar during Akbar's reign, is enough to support our view-point. Document NOs 4433, RPD, Srinagar

2. Document Nos 18, 20, 23, Manuscript, Division, Sgr.3. Document Nos, 1, 3, 5, 7, 18 & 21, RPD, Srinagar4. Document NOs 29, RPD, Srinagar5. Document Nos 21 and 23, RPD, Srinagar6 . Document NOs 574, L. NOs 26, 27. ii) For details

see chapter “Ownership of Land**7. Ibid;

153

The land-grants given to shrines, mosques and

m a drasasi were called as 1 Wacr a f 1« These institutions2were managed by the m u tawalis. Each shrine h a d a

separate mutewall whose function was to collect the3revenue of land granted in favour of the institution •

In the capacity of being the incharge, he was supposedly

deemed to record the income and the expenditure involved

in the maintenance of a particular institution. However#

a mutawali was. not a pargana administrator as has been

wrongly established by some of the m o d e m historians of4Mughal India . Whether or not, h e was appointed b y the

Government, is not known^ whereas during the pre-Mughalc;

period, he was certainly appointed b y the Government'. In

vi e w of his affiliation with the institution, a. mutewali

might have been an honest and trust-worthy person.

1. i) Document Nos 17, 18 and 20. Research ManuscriptDivision, Srinagar

ii) Irfan Habib, op. cit; pp 312-13 and n.

2. Document NO: 20, Research Manuscript Division, Sgr.

3. Document Nos, 17, 18, 20 etc.

4. Irfan Habib, op. cit; p p 298-99 ii) N.A. Siddiqi,Land Revenue Administration Under the Muqhals; p. 131.

5. Saiyid Ali, Tarikh-i-Kashmir, (MS); ff 13a-b, ResearchPublication Division, Srinagar.

154

At the cost of the income derived from these

wacraf lends, free kitchens were established, end out

of the remaining income, some portion was distributed1 2 emong the needy end the mui awiran . Mir Ahmed who

compiled his Dastur-ul-Atnal-i-Kashmir, a little after

our period of review, found most of the grants in tect

and accordingly, the number of muslim grantees of all

categories ren into thousands including the famous shrines3

of Hazratbal and Shah Hamad a n . Similarly, Muhammad Shah4Naqashbandi, h a d five villeges in grent .

To sum up, the jagirdari system was one of the

essential features of the history of our period. As we

have seen, that these jagirs were both small and big and

were assigned to the persons in recognition of their

position, stetus and service. These jagirs were given both

to the p r i n c e ’s of royal blood and the nobles of extra­

ordinary influence, genixis and talent. These jagirs were

given both to outsiders and natives. The old policy of the

1, Ibid? ff. 13a-b, ii) Documents 17, 20.

2. Document Nos 17, 18, 20*

3. Dastur-ul-Amel-i-Kashmir: ff 184a, 206b, 207b,208a-b, 209a and also ff; 32b-41a*

4, Charles Hugel, Travels in Punjab and Ka s h m i r ?p. 354.

155

sultans, giving jagirs only to the nobles settled in

the valley, was thus changed* These jagirs were conditional

and were accordingly assigned in lieu of civil or military

services. The officials possessing the high rank(mansabs)

were the usual recipients of these jagirs*

The jagirdari system might have relieved the

state of certain complicated problems. First, the grant

of the jagirs, won the state, friendship, co-operation

and subservience of some of the hostile elements who1thus, were enrolled in the state service . Secondly, the

state was n o more worried about the management and

administration of the villages and parganas no w given in2jagir • Thirdly, the financial pressure on the treasury

was, to a great extent, lessened. Because, the higher

officials of the state, were n o w being paid from the

revenue of the land granted as jagir in their favour*

Fourthly, the grant of the jagirs created a faithful

class of nobles and officials who proved subservient to

the state even during the abnormal times. Lastly, the

grant of the jagirs relieved th e state of the burden of

1* The grant of jagirs appealed the most changerouschiefs of various families of Kashmir, who h a d offered resistance to the Mughal forces before 1586 A.D, ( A k b a m a m a , III, Beveridge? p* 787),

2, A k b a m a m a , III (Text); p p 238-39*

156

maintenance of the contingents for military purposes*

This is precisely the reason that the Mughal army mostly

constituted the army of the mansabdars*

Despite this, the grant of the mansabs and jagirs

often put the state in great trouble* The p o w e r of the

retention of military troops often prompted the jagirdars

to revolt for one reason or the other* Ou r r ecords are

replete with occurrence of such revolts organized by

the bi g mansabdars and jagirdars, with the h e l p of the

troops that they maintained* Moreover, these troops were,

more loyal to their immediate masters (jagirdars) than

to the state. Likewise, the transfer of the jagirdars

often plunged the valley into chaos and confusion. The

transfer orders issued by the state were merely honoured

by the jagirdar in power. Consequently, there was a great

tussle often between the one who handed over and the

one who took over a jagir. Such an uncompromising attitude2could often involve them in tussles at the military level.

1, Ab. Aziz, op. cit; p p 1-20*fi* For example, when Abul B*rkat Khan was d ropped from

the subedari of Kashmir, h e resorted t o military revolt against h i s successor Innayat-Ullah Khan, and left for Sopore, where he met the raiders of Poonch, whose support ultimately, brought him the reigns of the Government. In lieu of their support, the people of Poonch were let loose to commit a reign of plunder in the valley as may be understood from the lines appended

(Mohd Azam, op. cit; ff 236a-37b)*

157

Lastly, the grant of the jagirs might have pleased

some and displeased those who r emained without the

(jagirs). The jagirdari system proved as detrimental

to the state (militarily) as to the cultivators

(economically). As a result, th e peasants h a d to f ace1depression and disappointment • The jagirdari system

of Kashmir did not, in any way, correspond to the2feudalism of Europe*

As discussed above, the state gave some jagirs

in reward. The state in this way, extended ho n o u r and

patronage to the men for their extra-ordinary performance

in certain fields of life. Consequently, the madad-i-

ma' ash and 'w a g a f ' grants to the individuals and

institutions, demonstrated the secular policy of the

state in the field of religion. This is precisely the

reason that during our period of study, we do not hear of

1* For details, see chapter "Condition of the Peasantry**

2. First, the jagirdars had only their claim on theproduce of the soil. Secondly, they were not theproprietors of the land in assignment. Thirdly, they could not evict the cultivators from th e i r lands* Fourthly, the assignee's were subject to transfer from one place to another which — carroborates the fact that they were not the proprietors of their jagirs lands. Fifthly, they were the mere agents of the state, on behalf of which they p e r formed certain civil and military responsibilities. Thus, these jagirs were of temporary nature*

158

any revolt organized by the religious men who were

thus, silenced by the grant of these rent-free lands.

It is of significance to note that during the so-called

H i n d u rule, Brahmans resorted to strikes and revolts

whenever their interests were jeopardized*. The state

gave patronage to learning and education by virtue of

these land-grants apparently, because most of the

institutions which enjoyed these grants, imparted

education and learning to the people in the city and the

towns. Whatever, be the nature and kinds of these jagirs,

the basic intrests of the cultivators were not affected

or disturbed in any way. The relation of th e assignee

or grantee was tied up more to the mahsul (revenue)

than to the basic proprietory rights of the cultivators.

1. R a i t . I, (Stein); 233-34, 268; Vol. II; pp 71,74

159