BURMA CENTRUM NEDERLAND ANNUAL REPORT 2010 Annual Report 2010.pdf · BURMA CENTRUM NEDERLAND ANNUAL...

bcN aNNual report 2010 1

BURMA CENTRUM NEDERLANDANNUAL REPORT 2010


TABLE Of CONTENT

In t roduc t Ion

BrIef of e v en t s In Burma In 2010 Elections, 7Media and the elections, 9Aung San Suu Kyi, 9Other political prisoners, 10Ethnic areas and conflicts, 10

Burma In t he In t ernat Ional arenaThe military’s best friends, 13ASEAN, 13 United Nations Organisations, 13USA, 14European Union, 14Sanctions, 14

aBou t Bcn and I t s workMission statement, 15Origins and development, 15

s t r at egIes and ac t I v I t Ies In 2010Elections, 17Ethnic crisis project, 20

look Ing forwardListening to voices from inside Burma, 23Women’s participation, 24Decentralization and local governance, 24

loBByNetherlands, 25Asia-Europe, 25

serv Ice and Informat Ion dIs semInat IonMedia, 27Events and debates, 28

organIsat Ional s t ruc t ureBoard, 29Staff, 29Volunteers, 29Interns, 29

fInancIal s tat emen t Message of the board, 31Financial report, 32


INTRODUCTION

During the past few years BCN shifted its focus towards cooperation and dialogue with those in Burma who are working towards all inclusive democracy. BCN also broadened its focus towards the international community to include support for responsible development and civil education.Due to its oppressing regime, Burma has been isolated from the international community for the last decades. However, the situation in the country shows the need for a policy shift as the people of Burma are impoverished and lag behind in development, health and education. The human rights situation is not showing any improvement and there is little hope that the newly installed government will have any power to independently operate without the approval of the former military rulers. The ban of the international community has not helped to improve the lives of millions of Burmese in all these areas. Therefore, it is time for a change.

For some years now, BCN has worked towards creating functional and constructive links between people inside Burma and the community in exile, directed towards strengthening the democratic forces in the country. Consequently, BCN supported the democratic parties that chose to participate in the election, however flawed they turned out to be. BCN will continue to support those opposition parties that want to bring about change from within the current system.

BCN appeals for a review of the sanctions imposed on Burma. Not because the track record of the government has improved – unfortunately this is not the case – but because a growing number of people inside Burma are calling for this review. Over the years BCN has cooperated closely with civil society organisations that reported on the negative impact of the sanctions on the people of Burma. Besides hindering the military, the financial sanctions also have an effect on the import and export of small and medium seize enterprises which are often independent from the military. They also make it difficult for Burmese migrants living abroad to send money home to support their families. The fact that both the USA and the EU do not allow official development aid to enter Burma limits the mandate of, for example, UN organisations active in Burma. And last but not least, several newly established opposition parties, such as the NDF and different ethnic parties, have called for easing of the sanctions. The Burmese people need to be supported, and it is time to seriously look into whether or not the current sanctions are the right tools to do so. There is dire need for small scale responsible and sustainable development in Burma. This in turn will create a base for ‘citizenship’ and a growing awareness of what it means to live in a democratic society.

Chair of the boardRefugee shelters


ShORT BRIEf Of EvENTS IN 2010

The USDA, the public organisation of the junta, was transformed into a political party: the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). Junta leader Than Shwe and his deputy Maung Aye laid down their military ranks in order to lead the USDP, and to secure the party stayed closely aligned to the military. The USDP was the only party able to put forward candidates to contest for all the available seats.In April it was announced that Thein Sein would be chairman of the USDP. The National Unity Party (NUP) was the main other party connected with the military. The NUP also participated in the 1990 elections. Then, the party was attached to the State Law and Order Restoration Council - SLORC, the predecessor to the State Peace and Development Council.

In May, because of the exclusion of its leaders and the unfair processes surrounding the elections, the National League for Democracy (NLD) decided not to participate, thus excluding itself from the current political process. As a result, the NLD, as a non-registered party, was declared illegal. Some members of the NLD who opposed the decision not to participate in the elections, set up a new party, the National Democratic Force (NDF). This new party was able to register 161 candidates.

In all, 47 parties took part in the elections, including many ethnic based parties that consider the elections as a tentative first step towards genuine participation in the decision making process in Burma.Voters were to cast 3 votes, one for a lower house which has 330 seats, one for an upper house with 168 seats, and one for the States and Divisions Assembly, also with 330 seats.25% of the seats are reserved for the military and are kept outside the election process.

ELECTIONSAs part of the junta’s ‘roadmap to democracy’, the first elections in twenty years were held on November 7. Though these elections were not up to international standards for a free and fair democratic process, for people in Burma they were the defining event of 2010.The elections were based on the Constitution of 2008, drafted by the National Convention in an undemocratic and non-inclusive way, adopted in a fake referendum and widely considered to be designed in order to keep the military in power.Detained opposition leaders, including Aung San Suu Kyi, were not allowed to participate. No intrinsic guarantees towards an independent judiciary and legislature or human rights were given.

The election laws were published in March. The laws outlined the processes in the run-up to elections and laid down the rules participants and political parties had to abide with. They are strict and leave little space for open campaigning.

bcN aNNual report 2010 98 SHort brIeF oF eVeNtS IN 2010

Due to restrictive measures, there was no widespread campaigning. Parties tried to use what little room there was to inform prospective voters on the process of voting and democracy. Election day itself came and went without major disturbances, although there were many reports of intimidation, fraud and buying of votes.After the first round of counting, it seemed that in many areas the democratic forces were on the winning hand. However, after the votes that were cast in advance were counted, many of the seats won by the democratic forces ended up going to USDP candidates. This fuelled anger and disappointment among the people, and made the results even more suspicious. In the end, it hardly came as a surprise that most of the seats in the new parliament were won by the USDP.

Though the elections have been rigged and results have been manipulated, there are some changes to be noted. Although the process was faulty, new political parties and alliances have formed. Cooperation among the different ethnic parties has grown, and tentative steps towards democracy have been taken. Ethnic parties fared relatively well in most of the seven ethnic state assemblies. The USDP and the military bloc form a majority in all these assemblies, but other parties form significant minority blocs. This gives opposition parties in many states potentially significant legislative powers, such as the ability to call special sessions of the legislatures, and the right to initiate or block impeachment proceedings against regional public office holders.

MEDIA AND ThE ELECTIONSFreedom of press is nonexistent in Burma. Journalists have been allowed to print the names of candidates standing in the elections, but not to elaborate on the policies of opposition parties. Draconian jail sentences have been given to journalists for reporting information inconvenient to

the regime. Foreign media were not allowed into Burma to cover the elections. The Press Scrutiny and Registration Division of the SPDC strictly censors and tightly controls all news outlets in Burma. Journalists with access to internet and radio consult the exile media, that use information gathered by colleagues in Burma who have to work in secret and face great risks getting information to the outside world. The Video and Electronics Act forbids unauthorized use of electronic media and is used by the regime to punish journalists and activists for sending information out of the country, including over the internet. Currently seventeen journalists serve prison sentences in Burma from 7 till 32 years. In the Press Freedom Index 2010 of Reporters Without Borders, Burma is listed number 5 of the worst countries.

AUNg SAN SUU KyIThough the courts in Burma rejected Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal in the beginning of the year, the Lady was unconditionally released a week after the general elections, as her most recent period of house arrest ended. On November 13, she was welcomed back to public life by a cheering crowd in front of her house. Her release was welcomed by the international community. Aung San Suu Kyi announced she wants some time to reconnect with her countrymen, her party and the international community before deciding on what course to follow. However, she did decide to go to court to make an application to get the NLD legalized again.

OThER POLITICAL PRISONERS Besides Aung San Suu Kyi there are over 20 other political prisoners still held in Burma’s prisons. They include: ∙ Zaganar, Burma’s most famous comedian, who is serving a 35-year sentence for criticizing the military government’s slow response to Cyclone Nargis;

∙ Su Su Nway, a female labor rights activist Campainging for the elections

List of candidates

bcN aNNual report 2010 1110 SHort brIeF oF eVeNtS IN 2010

serving an eight-and-a-half-year sentence after raising a banner criticizing Burma’s government at the hotel of a visiting UN special envoy;

∙ U Gambira, a 30-year-old monk who was one of the leaders of the peaceful protests known as the ‘Saffron Revolution’ in August and September 2007. He is serving a 63-year sentence;

∙ Min Ko Naing, a former student leader serving a 65-year sentence; and

∙ Nay Phone Latt, a 30-year-old blogger who used his blog to spread news about the 2007 protests and was subsequently sentenced to 12 years in prison.

In March, Tomas Ojea Quintana, special UN rapporteur on human rights in Burma presented a report, and suggested that an UN Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity of the Burmese government was to be set up. Since the announcement, this proposal has grown both in shape and support.

EThNIC AREAS AND CONfLICT The Burmese junta wants to transform the cease-fire groups in the border areas into Border Guard Forces under the command of the Tatmadaw (Burmese army). Several cease-fire groups are opposed to this plan, and in some areas this opposition resulted in very tense situations. The government first announced the deadline for joining the Border Guard Forces (BGF) to be February. The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) is one of the groups who did not give in to the pressure. The deadline passed without action taken by the government.In the following months both pressure and tension rose in the border areas, as more armed ethnic groups, among which the Kachin Independence Organization, the Mon and the Wa denounced the plan to be transformed into Border Guard Forces.In June the government announced a new deadline, which effectively postponed the creation of the BGF till after the elections and the forming of a new government.

One day before the elections, the DKBA attacked an USDP candidate in Karen State. This incident signalled the beginning of exchange of fire between the Tatmadaw and DKBA troupes, which led to thousands of people fleeing into neighbouring Thailand. The area remained tense during the last part of 2010.

Karen soldier

Rohingya refugees – Johannes Abeling


BURMA IN ThE INTERNATIONAL ARENA

presence in Burma is one of the side-effects of EU and VS sanctions.

ASEANASEAN has voiced increasing concern with the SPDC over the slow pace of reform and limited engagement with international actors. ASEAN member states Singapore and the Philippines have voiced criticism on the regime’s roadmap to democracy. Nevertheless, pressure of ASEAN remains limited, as Burma is a member of the organisation. Complicating factor is that most of the ASEAN members struggle with their own internal affairs and are not always willing to speak out on the internal affairs of Burma. Malaysia and Singapore are also among the major investors in Burma.Still, concern was voiced over the course the Burmese government took towards and after the elections and the lack of openness and fairness in the process was condemned. Other Asian countries - particularly China and India, who are not part of ASEAN - provide political and economic support to the SPDC, and do not actively support international calls for reform. China praised the elections in Burma as a big step forward for the country. Both China and India have made profitable deals in recent years to ensure the supply of oil and gas from Burma, which they need for their economic development.

UNITED NATIONS ORgANISATIONSThe UNDP, UNHCR and UNICEF are working on Burma. The UN General Assembly and the Human Rights Commission latest critical resolutions on Burma were adopted in March 2010. Other UN agencies, particularly the ILO, call for international pressure on the SPDC because of its gross human rights abuses. In recent years the UN Security Council was divided on Burma. The permanent members, predominantly China and Russia, blocked any attempts by the council

ThE MILITARy’S BEST fRIENDSIn 2010 data emerged that the Burmese junta is trying to acquire nuclear technology from North Korea. Recent reports by Burmese exile media spoke of a new military pact between the two countries, which include construction of underground installations. This, however, has not yet been publicly confirmed. North Korea and Burma restored formal ties in 2007. North Korean engineers reportedly aided the Burmese junta in building a vast series of 600 to 800 tunnel complexes and underground facilities, particularly beneath the junta’s secretive new capital Naypyidaw. China, India, Israel and Russia continue to sell large numbers of arms to the military. Russia recently sold nuclear technology to the Burmese junta.

The economic influence of India, China and Thailand in Burma increases every year. Asian companies active in Burma do not always follow international legislation on labour rights, human rights and environmental protection. Their increasing Fishing on Inle lake

bcN aNNual report 2010 1514 burMa IN tHe INterNatIoNal areNa

to urge Burma to engage in an inclusive political process. BCN and other NGO’s urge the UN to appoint a special advisor for Burma.

USAThe USA extended the economic sanctions against Burma in July 2010, though President Obama also made an effort to engage the isolated country.At the ASEAN meeting in Hanoi in July 2010, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton said: ‘We urge Burma to put in place the necessary conditions for credible elections, including releasing all political prisoners, respecting basic human rights and ceasing attacks against ethnic minorities.’ After the elections, the Obama administrations has voiced its doubt on the democratic standard of the election process.

EUROPEAN UNION Since the late 1990s, the EU adopts a ‘Common Position on Burma’, consisting of both restrictive measures and support for aid and assistance in health care, education and the environment. This position is annually reviewed and renewed. The sanctions imposed on Burma after the crackdown of the Saffron Revolution in 2007 focus on investments and imports of metal, gems and timber. Political measures against members of the regime, such as restrictions on visa for government officials and freezing of private assets, had been imposed already.

SANCTIONSSoon after the elections, key opposition parties that participated in the elections, like the NDF and ethnic parties, appealed to ease the sanctions. In early 2011, in a video-speech to the world Economic Forum in Davos, Aung San Suu Kyi called for sustainable and socially just investments in Burma. A week after that, the NLD came out with a statement saying that the economic sanctions should be kept in place.

These mixed messages have led to different responses internationally, but have also opened up the complex and often polarized debate on sanctions.

BCN is in favour of cracking open the position on sanctions, as the economic and humanitarian situation in Burma justify international engagement. BCN stresses the need for responsible engagement for the benefit of the Burmese people and continues to support targeted or smart sanctions to prevent human rights offenders and members of the junta to benefit from possible relaxation of the sanctions.

BCN calls for reducing restrictions on development assistance and an increase in levels of aid. Restrictions of the mandate of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other UN agencies should also be eased.BCN shall lobby towards in-depth research on the effect of sanctions such as the US imposed sanctions on financial transactions, the sanctions on imports and the EU’s denial of trade privileges.

MISSION STATEMENT Burma Centrum Nederland works towards all inclusive democracy, respect for human rights, responsible and sustainable development, and a solution to the long lasting ethnic conflict in Burma. BCN does this through strengthening of Burmese civil society organisations, capacity building of civic and political actors in the political arena, lobby and campaign work and information dissemination.

ORIgINS AND DEvELOPMENTBurma Centrum Nederland has its origins in the ‘Burma Meeting’, an informal gathering of Dutch NGO’s working on human rights, environment, refugee care and development. The NGO’s met irregularly to exchange information on Burma related to their work and the international context. BCN was created in 1993 as a result of the perceived need to establish a Centre that would specifically focus on Burma.

The aims and objectives of BCN were initially to inform the Dutch public on the

situation in Burma, to gather support for democracy, human rights and sustainable development in Burma, and to build bridges between the different actors in Burma. Contacts with the Burmese democratic and ethnic opposition groups were established. Following Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for sanctions after her release from house arrest in the mid-1990s, BCN lobbied the Dutch and other European governments to support this appeal to have sanctions imposed on Burma.

For several years, while BCN developed strong networks with a wide variety of ethnic and non-ethnic civil society organizations in Burma, the perspectives of these organizations did not have significant impact on its lobby agenda. However, over the years, this started to change and gradually BCN adapted a position on sanctions and the tourism boycott closer to that of the organizations BCN works with in Burma.

In 2007, this policy shift became evident as BCN decided not to continue to actively campaign for more sanctions. BCN still holds the position that targeted sanctions, like the freezing of assets of the key people within the junta, should be kept in place, but also calls for expanding development aid to the impoverished Burmese population. Reacting to the appeal of a growing part of the Burmese opposition, BCN advocates the need to investigate the impact of the sanctions on the common people, and to look into opportunities for more engagement in Burma in support of the population.Likewise, from 2007 onwards, based on contacts with organizations in Burma, BCN no longer calls for a tourism boycott, but supports responsible tourism as a tool to small scale economic development in Burma.

From the late 1990s BCN has been realizing a civil society programme. From 2007,

ABOUT BCN AND ITS wORK

Aung San Suu Kyi (2010)

bcN aNNual report 2010 1716 about bcN aNd ItS work

strengthening Burmese civil society became BCN’s main focus. BCN’s civil society programme includes facilitating initiatives that foster independent thinking, strengthening of democratic structures and confidence building, so as to provide participants with the tools to independently deal with their issues. Capacity building activities are vital ingredients in this process of empowerment. For the first years BCN mainly worked with environmental and development organisations in Burma. The last two years, in response to requests from key organisations in the civil society program, BCN moved towards more actively engaging political actors and citizens in the political process.

BCN works demand-driven and links Burmese organisations with other knowledge based or campaign based organisations and international networks. Where needed, BCN links civil society groups with potential donors.

BCN is also an active partner in developing a common international ethnic advocacy agenda on Burma. Internationally, the Burma policy is mainly focused on the lack of democracy and human rights, the agenda of the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi. The ethnic conflict in Burma and

BCN STRATEgIES AND ACTIvITIES IN 2010

ThE ELECTIONS In the past five decades, the people of Burma rarely experienced the process of democracy unfolding. In the last 20 years there were only two occasions when the people were formally asked to speak out: the elections of 1990 - when the NLD of Aung San Suu Kyi won a landslide victory that the junta did not recognized - and the referendum on the Constitution in 2008 - just a few days after the devastating Cyclone Nargis travelled over the area.

Consequently, it should come as no surprise, that the people of Burma are completely unprepared for the democratic process. It is, therefore, highly important to facilitate voter education and train political actors, and to stimulate information dissemination in Burma on the elections and the process of democracy. BCN considers this an ongoing concern, as the election of 2010 is but a small begin of the process of people’s empowerment and genuine, inclusive democracy.From the start, there was little doubt that the elections would not be up to

international standards, given the circumstances in Burma. The Constitution on which the elections are based, has neither been drafted nor accepted in a profound democratic process. Hence it could be anticipated that most groups in the exile community and some groups inside Burma decided to boycott, which BCN considers a valid option.

However, as groups inside Burma asked BCN for support to try to use what little democratic space might become available during the election period, BCN decided to answer these calls for assistance. Our work centred around three key activities in the election process: ∙ Capacity building of political actors ∙ Civic education ∙ Election monitoring

BCN organised training and exposure to regional democratic experiences for two different target groups: political actors and civic education actors. The programme developed by BCN was considered very helpful by all participants. In fact, there were many requests to BCN for more training and other kinds of support for electoral preparations since the start of the programme.

Political actors trainingsTwo trainings on democratization experiences in Indonesia, Philippines and Malaysia were organised for about 60 Burmese political actors. Actors from ethnic and non-ethnic civil society organisations and parties attended. The 2008 Constitution, Election Law, concepts of free and fair elections, electoral campaigning and the role of people’s organisations were discussed. Campaigning and political strategy experiences from the three Asian countries were shared with the Burmese participants.

BCN organised an exposure visit for Burmese political actors to the Philippines.

Election related meeting in Burma

the importance of the struggle for ethnic rights has not been suitably understood internationally, and therefore has not received the attention it deserves. Ethnic communities need to have equal partnership in order to create genuine democracy in Burma.

There is huge demand in Burma for the kind of activities BCN deploys, and there are not many international players active in the field. BCN considers strengthening civil society and facilitating a constructive ethnic dialogue crucial for the future of the country, and stresses the need to continue developing further activities in these contexts.

bcN aNNual report 2010 1918 bcN StrategIeS aNd actIVItIeS IN 2010

Elections were to be held in the Philippines in May 2010, and in March 20 Burmese participants from ethnic political parties could witness the process as a whole, and campaigning activities in particular. A five day programme introduced the Burmese delegation to all aspects of political campaigning. This exposure was much appreciated, as participants gained practical insights in campaigning. ‘Now we know what to do when we come home’, summarized one of the participants the experience.

Civic education trainingBCN organised a civic education training in the region in the spring. The participants came from different ethnic backgrounds and a large variety of NGO’s and learned from and shared experiences of Indonesian, Malaysian and Philippine trainers during a three day meeting.The sharing of experiences of experts from other countries in the region were considered valuable, as were the discussions on visions and strategies among the participants.One of the purposes of the meeting was to exchange perspectives on the meaning of elections in democratic theory and practice, based on the experiences with elections and democracy in several Southeast Asian countries which had moved away from dictatorships in the recent past. Another objective was to develop understanding of the role of grassroots citizenship movements in democratization. Specific attention was given to electoral fraud and irregularities in order to prepare Burmese civil society for this kind of irregularities. Participants also identified strategies to organise and mobilize people on specific issues and the election process under repressive conditions.

This civic education network widened into two different networks for independent elections observation in some parts of the country. Two international trainers went

to Burma, because BCN had understood from former sessions in the region that the sharing of election experiences from other ASEAN countries is highly valued. Previous trainings focussed on strategies, while this training emphasized the technical aspects of elections. This effectively prepared participants for a role as elections observers.The participants who attended the training afterwards disseminated the information and knowledge gained among the members of their organisations, and organized ‘Training of Trainers’ in several areas or the country. There was regular communication with other organisations doing civic education about division of work and difference in approach. The networks of the trainees showed a great variety, from parent teacher associations to ethnic women’s groups, and from youth groups to environmental groups. Their activities expanded to other parts of the country. Work was done on creating ‘trainer pools’ in these other areas. Members of the civic education training searched for suitable approaches for their voter education outreach. Voter educators continued to disseminate voter education in their various networks and neighbourhoods without openly posing as voter educator.

2010 Elections Observation Elections observation is a means to establish an independent source of information to judge the level of fairness of an election. However, in the case of the Burmese elections, the restrictions were too strict to develop a credible observation effort. BCN nevertheless helped organize several observation teams in order to promote democratic principles. BCN does not pretend to have organized elections observation at a formally acceptable level, but aimed at developing critical thinking about the process of elections in Burma, and stimulate people to participate in that process.

Civic education in the countryside


The observation mission included pre-elections observation, during election observation and post election observation. The government did allow neither international nor local elections observers to perform their tasks, so local elections observers kept a low profile whilst at work, as the government could brand them destructive elements and consequently charge them as they would see fit.To be able to gather documentation is one of the most important parts of a normal elections observation mission. The information and facts gathered from the field during the elections were funneled in order to centrally analyze the information.The only observers (or rather monitors) that were allowed during the election, were those who monitored on behalf of participating political parties. Opposition parties were not able to organize a monitoring effort in all locations in which they participated, and in some cases asked members of the independent observation networks to do the monitoring on behalf of their parties.

It is estimated that about 1300 election observers were active during elections day. They were organized in different informal networks.

EThNIC CRISIS PROjECT ‘Addressing the Ethnic Crises in Burma’ is a joint project by BCN and TNI (Transnational Institute) and aims to address the ethnic crises in Burma. The project gives a voice to ethnic minority groups in Burma who have been ignored and isolated in the international discourse on the country. By building coalitions with like-minded organisations, the project aims to enlarge support for a Burma policy that is pragmatic, engaged and based on reality. The project stimulates strategic thinking on how to respond to the challenges of the elections of 2010 and the period beyond that, has formulated practical and concrete policy options, and defined concrete

benchmarks on progress which national and international actors can support.

Early 2010, BCN -TNI organised a confidential strategic seminar on ‘Ethnic Crises in Burma: Opportunities for Change’, as the first of a series of meetings to develop strategic thinking on ethnic conflict in Burma, and formulate alternative policy options. The seminar was informal, and was attended by ethnic representatives from Burma and some international experts. The participants discussed specific policy and advocacy options for Asia, Europe and the US. The meeting resulted in a schedule for the advocacy missions to Europe and the US.

The project generated four BCN-TNI policy briefings in 2010:

∙ Burma Policy Briefing 1: Burma in 2010: A Critical Year in Ethnic Politics, June 2010.

∙ The general election scheduled by the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) could well determine the country’s political landscape for another generation. All institutions and parties are faced with the uncertainties of political transformation. At this critical moment in Burma’s history, it is still not certain whether the general election will prove an accepted step in the SPDC’s seven-stage roadmap for political reform or become the basis for a new generation of grievances…

∙ An inclusive discussion and focus on the election are vital if its conduct and consequences are to have common meaning – whether in Burma (Myanmar) or the international community. Burma’s first election in twenty years (and third in fifty) marks a rare moment of supposedly national participation in deciding the representatives of central and local government. Its historic importance cannot be ignored.’

∙ Burma Policy Briefing 2: Burma’s 2010 Elections; Challenges and Opportunities, June 2010.

∙ ‘In 2010, Burma (Myanmar) will hold its first elections in twenty years. These have been widely dismissed internationally as a charade, and Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy have refused to participate, condemning the governing legislation as “unfair” and “unjust”. However, despite the very obvious flaws in the process, it represents the most significant political transformation for a generation. New leaders and a new political landscape will emerge, giving rise to opportunities to push for change, as well as a new set of challenges. It will also have a crucial impact on the ethnic question: either by setting the scene for further tension and violence or by opening the space for discussing ethnic grievances.’

∙ Burma Policy Briefing 3: Unlevel Playing Field: Burma’s Election Landscape, October 2010

∙ ‘While the general contours of the election process are now clear, precisely how it will play out remains uncertain, both to observers and the regime itself. Opposition parties participating in the elections do not regard directly confronting the regime as a winning strategy, as has been demonstrated repeatedly in recent years. They view boycotting the elections as a strategic mistake, futile and potentially counter-productive. The only way forward for them is to play a better game of chess, making the best strategic use of the limited space available.’

∙ Burma Policy Briefing 4: A Changing Ethnic Landscape: Analysis of Burma’s 2010 Polls, December 2010.

∙ ‘The elections held in Burma on 7 November 2010 were not free and fair. The manipulation of the vote count was even more blatant than those

parties and individuals who decided to participate, despite the unlevel playing field, had expected. This has severely limited the opposition’s representation in the legislatures, and it has seriously damaged the credibility of the new government to be formed in the coming weeks. Nevertheless, the significance of the elections should not be underestimated. Despite its many serious deficiencies, a crucial feature of the 2008 constitution is that it defines Burma as a multi-ethnic, multi-party democratic state, something that cannot be said of many countries in the region. This twenty-first century vision of Burma has yet to be realized in practice, but as an aspirational goal it is widely shared and important..’

The publications were distributed to a large number of policy makers, local and international NGO’s, academics and journalists working on Burma in Asia, Europe and the US, and were circulated during the advocacy missions in Europe and the US by the delegation from Burma. Hard copies of all four publications were also sent to organizations in Europe, Asia and the US for further distribution in their home countries. The Burma Briefing Papers were made available on the BCN website and the project’s joint website www.tni.org/work-area/Burma-project

‘Addressing the Ethnic Crises in Burma’ gives a boost to the construction of an informal network of civil society organisations from ethnic areas and the development of joint strategies towards the international community. It created awareness of the need for further discussion on the ethnic issue in Burma within the international framework in the countdown towards the elections, and afterwards. It also showed that civil society in Burma is quite vibrant, and independent action is not as impossible as people outside Burma tend to think.


Advocacy tripsBCN-TNI organised an advocacy trip for three ethnic nationality delegates from Burma to Europe during 8-18 June. They visited Oslo, London, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, The Hague, and Berlin. The delegation met with government officials, parliamentarians, NGO’s, journalists, and Burma Campaign organisations. Representatives from BCN and TNI accompanied the delegation from Burma. Several organisations in the countries visited participated in making arrangements for the meetings. From July 21 to July 30 two ethnic nationality delegates from Burma visited the US. The delegation was hosted by Refugees International in Washington.

The ‘Addressing the Ethnic Crises in Burma’ project will continue in 2011 with strategy seminars, advocacy visits, Briefings and more in-depth publications. The first of which will address the situation in Karen State.

LOOKINg fORwARD

other international organisations) to construct a lobby that includes voices from inside, but have also noticed that relatively few people have the skills to be involved in this work, and that such skills need to be developed and expanded. Furthermore, many people from civil society organizations feel it is difficult to claim to represent fellow Burmese when speaking to the outside world. Therefore, building up a representative structure and the expertise to effectively make the voices from inside Burma heard outside, will be central in BCN’s work in 2011.

LISTENINg TO vOICES fROM INSIDE BURMA To make sure that voices from inside Burma are heard and taken seriously, BCN has, together with a number of other organisations in a process led by Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, prioritized sharing experiences and views of people from inside Burma. Building on and expanding the work done over the past few years, a planning meeting for this programme was organised in Cambodia in December. The general purpose is to capture the perspectives of a broad spectrum of people in Burma on priority issues they themselves identify, and to share these views with the international community.This will ensure that the voices of the people of Burma can resound in domestic and international policy to secure genuine political and social transformation; and to guarantee that civil society initiatives will lead to strengthening local capacity for conflict transformation, development and humanitarian progress. A pool of competent advocates who can articulate major issues affecting Burma regionally, nationally and internationally will be created from key social networks, civil society and religious organizations.The main three layers of the program, to be developed further in the coming years, are: ∙ organising and training civil society persons across ethnic, religious and

Burma’s isolation has resulted in the population having limited access to international debate and analysis. The international discourse on Burma is dominated by opposition groups who live outside Burma and therefore have easier access to international media and advocacy. Aid to the country is politicized, and so is communication about the country. There is always fear of the risk that information can be misinterpreted and that can put people in acute danger. This has lead to reluctance in sharing information coming directly from the people of Burma, and in turn has caused ongoing polarization on how circumstances inside the country are presented. In recent years BCN has developed into an organisation that strives to nuance the discussion on Burma by promoting ‘voices from inside Burma’. People and organisations inside Burma, despite the obvious difficulties and dangers, are increasingly finding ways to raise their voices internationally.

Organisations from inside Burma highly appreciate the efforts of BCN (and some

bcN aNNual report 2010 2524 lookINg ForMward

geographical groups in Burma on information gathering, sharing and translating it to advocacy and lobby;

∙ documenting and publishing the information and perspectives gathered;

∙ and organising advocacy and lobby visits for Burmese to decision makers in Asia, Europe and the USA, return visits by policy makers to Burma, and reflection meetings to share experiences and formulate ideas.

BCN will actively participate in developing and executing this programme, and will organise advocacy trainings in 2011 and onwards, highlighting the basics of advocacy and developing advocacy skills, thus creating understanding of the Burma policies internationally.

wOMEN’S PARTICIPATION Burmese women seem to be expanding their political involvement. BCN promotes emancipation, participation and empowerment of Burmese women through all its programs. During BCN’s democracy trainings in 2010, it became obvious that most political actors are men. It was impossible to secure equal participation of women in the trainings. Discussions with Burmese partners about this situation inspired a small group of women from civil society organisations to start networking among women leaders to address the issue of participation of women in politics. It is very likely that an organisation will be formed by a number of women from this network. Where possible and needed, BCN will support this new organisation in its activities, expanding its (international) network and defining its strategy. It is to be expected that BCN’s contribution will mostly be concerned with linking this new organisation with similar organisations elsewhere in the world.

LOBBy IN 2010

well as the rising tensions between the armed resistance groups and the Tatmadaw (the Burmese army) caused by the scheme to reform cease fire groups into Border Guard Forces. The elections and the opportunities these might present for the ethnic communities were also discussed.

Round TableBCN twice organised a Round Table for Dutch NGO’s working in Burma in order to share information and insights on the current situation in Burma. In May, NGO participants discussed their Burma activities and shared them with the Burma desk of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.In September a representative from an ethnic organisation in Burma participated and shared insights in the processes leading up to the elections.

ASIA-EUROPE

Workshop Asia Europe People’s ForumOn October 3, BCN, the Euro Burma Office and Asien Haus organised a workshop at the Asia Europe People’s Forum in Brussels: ‘The Emerging Role of Civil Society in Burma and Challenges and Opportunities of the 2010 Elections’. The purpose of the workshop was to inform the participants on the strategic role and function of civil society in Burma and strategies towards the elections.Experienced civil society workers from Burma were invited to speak at the event.About 30 interested members of civil society organisations from Europe and Asia, as well as policymakers participated.

DECENTRALISATION AND LOCAL gOvERNANCELate 2010 BCN has started working on local governance and decentralisation. A first seminar on the issue was held in February 2011. For the first time, legislative and executive power in Burma is being partly decentralised. Each of the fourteen regions and states now has its own legislature, together with a local government headed by a chief minister. Six self-administered areas have been delineated for certain ethnic groups, giving them a degree of autonomy within the states concerned. Although the legislative and executive powers of regions and states as for now are limited, this shift could mean that governance will turn out to be more responsive to local concerns. Even if the structures remain authoritarian, local decisions will be taken by people from the area, sitting in a parliament or government located in the region/state concerned. The impact of this change will be felt most strongly in the ethnic states where ethnic political parties have sizable minorities and whose representatives will be included as ministers in the local governments. From 2011 on, BCN will continue to work in this area and facilitate sharing of experiences from elsewhere in Southeast-Asia with Burma.

NEThERLANDSLobby in the Netherlands was hardly possible as the government collapsed and elections were scheduled for June of this year. All politicians were occupied with campaigning, and after the elections it took a fair while before a functioning government was formed.However, statements have been issued concerning the lack of democratic process in the elections, the ongoing concern for the human rights and the refugee situation in Burma. There are signals that the Dutch government is not unwilling to look into possibilities to review the sanctions and supports the proposal to research the circumstances of the people in Burma and finding ways to improve the basis of existence in the country.

Burmese delegation meet at Ministry of Foreign Affairs A delegation of ethnic representatives visited the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs in The Hague in the beginning of May. The need for a constructive dialogue between ethnic groups was discussed, as

bcN aNNual report 2010 2726 SerVIce aNd INForMatIoN dISSeMINatIoN

SERvICE AND INfORMATION DISSEMINATION

All through 2010 the focus of BCN has been on the elections, the ethnic crisis and the tensions around the forming of the Border Guard Forces. Several events were organised to share information and initiate debate on these subjects. A media strategy was developed towards the elections.

MEDIABCN was well able to get its position on the elections in key Dutch newspapers, on radio and TV. Where in most European countries the boycott stand dominated the coverage, BCN’s media strategy was quite successful, as Dutch media also gave attention to the perspectives of those opposition parties that decided to participate in the elections; the perspectives of the ethnic political opposition parties in particular.

Workshop for journalistsA Workshop for Dutch journalists was held on June 16. BCN, Amnesty International, Free Voice and de Scherpenzeel Stichting organised a meeting for members of the Dutch press to inform them on the election process in Burma, to give information and offer practical support for working

in Burma. An encouraging number of twenty journalists attended. Three Dutch journalist and two Burmese colleagues shared their experiences on working in Burma. Participants left motivated to work on Burma and the elections. BCN keeps regular communications with the participants of the workshop.

WebsiteBCN launched a new website in September. The site includes historical and other background information, news and analyses. It has a special press section, a page in English, and theme oriented sections.

NewsletterBCN’s three monthly electronic newsletter (for 2000 subscribers) has been upgraded to a monthly publication since May. The newsletter focuses more on BCN activities, including links to BCN pages on Facebook, LinkedIn, Twitter and Hyves. Internet provides BCN with new challenges to share information on Burma and BCN. By developing the use of social networks BCN aims to reach a wider audience.

EvENTS AND DEBATES Book launch: ‘Listening to Voices from Inside: Ethnic People Speak’September 13, BCN launched ‘Listening to Voices from Inside: Ethnic People Speak’, published by the Centre of Peace and Conflict Studies in Cambodia. The book is the result of extensive research among civil society workers and ethnic communities in Burma.

Elections debateOn September 16, BCN, Amnesty International and SIB (International Student Organisation) Amsterdam organised an evening of film, information and debate on democratization in Burma. The documentary Burma VJ was shown and discussed with experts and an audience of approximately 50 people, mostly students.

Elections event at de Balie, Amsterdam

Workshop at BCN

bcN aNNual report 2010 2928 SerVIce aNd INForMatIoN dISSeMINatIoN

‘Dictators do not vote’ BCN participated in a manifestation on the elections hosted by SIB (International Student Organisation) in Utrecht on the 2nd of November. A Burmese student and the director of BCN spoke for an audience of approximately 30 students.

Voices of democracyOn Election day, BCN organised a talk show in De Balie in Amsterdam. It was a lively afternoon with debates, newsflashes, comments from experts and journalists, and music. About 70 people were present. Amnesty International covered part of the costs of the event and a representative of the organisation participated in the discussion.

Movie: Amsterdam on BurmaBCN asked filmmaker Dikla Zeidler and journalist Bahram Sadeghi to make a vox pop movie on the elections. The film, shot in Amsterdam’s Vondelpark, centred around Aung San Suu Kyi’s portrait and the question whether or not people recognized her. (A fair number of interviewees did recognize the Lady, and knew basic facts on Burma). The movie was posted on youtube and will be used for promotion. (‘Amsterdammers over Birma’ - 380 hits)

ORgANISATIONAL DEvELOPMENT

BOARDThe board has seen some changes in composition, but from half 2010, it functioned again at full capacity of five members.

STAffIn 2010, BCN’s office was staffed by a director (0,8 fte) and 2 project managers civil society (0,2 and 0,6 fte). The last half of 2010, BCN enjoyed the services of an office manager (0,6 fte). The office manager supported the staff in the busy election period.

vOLUNTEERSThe contribution of volunteers was substantial in developing the new BCN website, as they shared in the writing and editing of articles. Highly motivated and skilled volunteers were instrumental in successfully organising events regarding the elections in the autumn of 2010.

INTERNSIn May and June BCN hosted two interns from the Foreign Affairs Training in Chiang

Mai. This training is now independent (previously it was an activity of NCUB), and aims to provide middle level NGO staff with an introduction in international affairs.


fINANCIAL STATEMENT

Market at Inle

32 FINaNcIal StateMeNt bcN aNNual report 2010 33

BALANCE ShEET

31-12-2010 31-12-2009 euro euro

fIXED ASSETStangible fixed assets 346 1,015

CURRENT ASSETSgrants receivable 10,341 0amounts receivable 2,685 3,324pre-paid costs 3,796 4,349 16.822 7.673CASh 166,147 289,486Currentassets 182,969 297,159

CURRENT LIABILITIESgrants prepaid 52,322 216,198Salaries staff 10,739 11,975other amounts owed 41,562 9,316currentliabilities 104,623 237,489

Currentassetslessliabilities 78,346 59,670

Totalassetslesscurrentliabilities 78,692 60,685

RESERvESALLOCATED RESERVESContinuityreserve 78,692 60,685

GENERAL RESERVE 0 0 78,692 60,685

RECORD Of RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE

budget 2010 2010 2009 euro euro euro

RECEIPTSgrants 447,589 254,151other receipts 12,522 0 9,237total receipts 460,111 500,548 263,388

eXpeNdIture

personnel expenses 120,664 120,000 103,906organisation costs 34,953 49,500 37,041activity costs 286,487 311,048 132,134Totalexpenditure 442,104 480,548 273,081

RESULT 18,007 20,000 9,693 –

allocatIoN oF tHe reSult

dotation from or to continuity reserve 18,007 0 8,938 –Togeneralreserve 0 0 755 –

bcN aNNual report 2010 3534 FINaNcIal StateMeNt

Yearof acquisition bookvalue depreciation bookvalue acquisition value 31-12-2009 2010 31-12-2010

OffICE EqUIPMENTdell server February ’07 4.460 247 247 02 Notebooks Fujitsu June ’07 1.444 241 241 0Nettop + monitor November ’09 542 527 181 346 6.446 1.015 669 346

EXPLANATORy NOTES TO ThE BALANCE ShEET AND ThE RECORD Of RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE

ACCOUNTINg PRINCIPLES APPLIED TO ThE vALUATION AND DETERMINATION Of ThE RESULTAssets and liabilities are stated at face value unless indicated otherwise. Assets and liabilities denominated in foreign currencies are translated into Euro at the year-end exchange rate. Transactions in foreign currencies are translated at the exchange rate in effect at the time of the transaction.Grants are recognised as income in the statement of income and expenditure in proportions of the progress of the project as well as project expenditure. Income and expenditure are recorded in the period to which they relate.

A possible positive result is destined to an allocated reserve for the purpose of continuity of the organization. The allocated reserve for continuity is restricted to a maximum for covering half a year of salary and organisation costs. The allocation every year is a decision of the board.

SURvEy TANgIBLE fIXED ASSETSThe tangible fixed assets are stated at the acquisition cost, less straight-line depreciation. The depreciation is calculated on the basis of acquisition cost less residual value and the estimated useful life of the related asset. The estimated useful life of the mentioned office equipment is 3 years.

EXPLANATORy NOTES TO ThE BALANCE ShEET

31-12-2010 31-12-2009 euro euro

CURRENT ASSETSGRANTS RECEiVAbLEMinistry of Foreign affairs 10,341 0 10,341 0

OThER AmOuNTS RECEiVAbLE Interest 2,685 3,324 2,685 3,324

PRE-PAiD COSTS Insurances 3,796 4,349 3,796 4,349

CAShFortis bank 35 241Fortis kwartaaldeposito 12 12INg 2,288 324abN-aMro bank 733 580aSN bank 87,081 111,797aSN deposito 50,000 50,000triodos bank 4,661 115,125triodos rendement 21,055 10,815petty cash 1 32Foreign cash 281 560 166,147 289,486

The amounts on bank accounts are immediately payable, except for the money on the deposit accounts. The Fortis Kwartaaldeposito has a term of three months, the ASN deposit account has a term of one year.

36 FINaNcIal StateMeNt bcN aNNual report 2010 37

EXPLANATORy NOTES TO ThE BALANCE ShEET

31-12-2010 31-12-2009 euro euro

CURRENT LIABILITIESGRANTS PREPAiD oxfam Novib 45,000 0cafod 0 10,900Ministry of Foreign affairs 0 51,750bcN sponsor 7,322 153,548 52,322 216,198

SALARiES STAffwage taxes 3,383 3,162Social security 1,683 610pantar salary contribution 580 3,158Holiday pay 5,093 4,302pension contributions 0 743 10,739 11,975

OThER AmOuNTS OwEDauditor 5,500 4,500bookkeeping 1,919 2,080burmese partner 27,132 0burmese partner 3,819 office costs 927 860transnational Institute 2,231 0travelcosts 34 947Miscellaneous 0 929 41,562 9,316

RESERvEScontinuity reserve on January 1 2010 / 2009 60,685 69,623general reserve on January 1 2010 / 2009 0 755result 2010 / 2009 18,007 9,693 – 78,692 60,685

ALLOCATION Of ThE gENERAL RESERvEcontinuity reserve 60,685 69,623dotation from or to the continuity reserve 18,007 8,938 -Allocatedreserve 78,692 60,685

RemainingGeneralreserve 0 0

EXPLANATORy NOTES TO ThE RECORD Of RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE


RECEIPTS GRANTSalgemene Spaarbank Nederland 2,500 0caFod 11,953 11,256Stichting doen 0 29,769dutch embassy 0 20,000Ministry of Foreign affairs 113,841 0euro burma office 0 20,000government of Norway 0 9,078Health unlimited 0 9,000Icco 40,000 40,000konfederatie Nederlandse religieuzen / pIN 0 2,984Stichting pelgrimshoeve 1,200 0restitution project 2008 0 1,067oxfam Novib 33,000 83,746bcN sponsor 210,936 8,548transnational Institute 27,159 0uk embassy rangoon 0 11,703Zoa 7,000 7,000TotalGrants 447,589 0 254,151

Although some granting institutions support the BCN for long years, the BCN does not receive structural support. All grants are requested and evaluated on a year by year basis. With ICCO and BCN sponsor 1 a 3-year support is contracted. With Cafod BCN has a 2-year contract.All donors have approved their subsidies of 2010 or will do so upon receipt of BCN ‘s Annual Report.The majority of the grants is project-oriented, but ICCO, Oxfam Novib, ZOA Vluchtelingen-zorg and CAFOD support the BCN for her general objectives.

OThER RECEIPTSSales of publications 673 0 248donations 3,412 0 5,071compensations 990 0 515Interest 3,439 0 3,401Miscellaneous 4,008 0 2Totalotherrevenues 12,522 0 9,237

38 FINaNcIal StateMeNt · eXplaNatorY NoteS to tHe record oF receIptS aNd eXpeNdIture


PERSONNEL EXPENSESSALARiESSalaries 94,027 0 99,450Social security 13,989 0 15,562pension contribution 4,356 0 2,801allowance for expenses 375 0 409Insurance sick-leave/arbo 9,169 0 10,300 121,916 0 128,522 Salary contribution wwb 4,186 – 0 17,599 –Sick leave pay 0 0 8,950 – 4,186– 0 26,549 –

STAff COSTStravel costs 624 0 475Volunteer costs 384 0 462Miscellaneous 1,926 0 996 2,934 0 1,933 Personnelexpenses 120,664 120,000 103,906

ORgANISATION COSTSOffiCE ACCOmmODATiON rent and energy 15,008 12,440cleaning, furnishing and insurances 1,395 0 1,893equipment 729 2,036 17,132 0 16,369general costs accounting 7,672 7,449auditing 5,994 4,500external evaluation 0 6,014Miscellaneous 4,340 0 3,834 18,006 0 21,797 overhead contribution wwb 185 - 0 1,125 -

Totalorganisationcosts 34,953 49,500 37,041



ACTIvITy COSTS office costs 936 0 2,209communication 2,804 0 2,556website 2,119 0 387travel and accommodation abroad 11,233 0 5,986travel and accommodation Netherlands 224 0 1,805travel and accommodation guests 1,819 0 73,893accomodation conferences and meetings 2,850 0 2,931other conference and meeting costs 416 0 5,618campaigning material 0 0 310external consultancy 3,080 0 5,927publications and publicity 1,175 0 3,000electoral and political training burma 259,155 0 0costs cooperating organizations 0 0 27,169MISCELLANEOUS 676 0 343Totalactivitycosts 286,487 311,048 132,134

Activity expenses were higher in 2010 then in 2009, mainly because BCN organised electoral and politcal training in in Burma. This explains also the high costs for travel and accommodation abroad. Furthermore, the support to organize activities locally in Burma, increased in 2010. This is the financial implication of the board’s policy decision to give more attention to development of civil society in Burma. In 2010 BCN invested in a new website, and paid a webdesigner for setting this up.

NOTE ON STAff, vOLUNTEERS AND BOARDpaid staff end of 2010: 1 x 0,8Fte 2 x 0,6Fte 1 x 0,2Fte

For one member of staff the BCN received in January and February a salary contribution from the Municipality of Amsterdam.The highest salary paid is 36.000 Euro for 0,8 FTE in 2010.A steady group of about 6 volunteers is actively involved in the work of the Burma Center.BCN ‘s Board members work unsalaried.

bcN aNNual report 2010 4140 FINaNcIal StateMeNt


ColophonBCN annual report 2010

burMa ceNter NetHerlaNdS

Postal addressP.O. Box 145631001 LB Amsterdam

Office addressDe Wittenstraat 251052 AK AmsterdamThe NetherlandsTelephone +31 (0)20 671 69 52Fax +31 (0)20 671 35 13

E-mail [email protected] www.burmacentrum.nl

Design and layout Marnix Dees

44 FINaNcIal StateMeNt

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