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The astral labyrinth at KnossosAuthor(s): Alexander MacGillivraySource: British School at Athens Studies, Vol. 12, KNOSSOS: PALACE, CITY, STATE (2004),pp. 329-338Published by: British School at AthensStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40960791Accessed: 02-03-2017 17:10 UTC

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28 The astral labyrinth at Knossos

Alexander MacGillivray

I believe that the Cretans in the palatial period adapted the calendars developed much earlier elsewhere to mark the passage of time, and propose that the mythical Cre- tan labyrinth, which the ancient Greeks attributed to Daidalos, was a garbled recollection of the Egyptian original and the complex calculations necessary to chart the sun's journey across the dome of heaven.

THE LABYRINTH, THE MITOS AND THE MINOTAUR

The labyrinth is a clever metaphor for life. Whoever goes into that maze must find their way through the complexity of twists and turns to defeat the monster lurking there. Success depends upon another equally profound metaphor: Ariadne's clew. In Greek myth it is the Mitos, the ball of thread which Ariadne gives to Theseus, the Athenian hero, to help him find his way by unwinding it through the Cretan labyrinth, which Daidalos made for King Minos at Knossos after seeing the Egyptian original. The Mitos, however, is also the life-line spun and rolled into a ball by the Fates at birth and unravelled throughout one's life, making it a guide through life's perplexities. The key is to find one's clew and to learn how to follow it; otherwise one is lost in the maze.

When Ariadne gave Theseus the clew, she showed him how to discover his true path through the labyrinth where he confronted the most powerful metaphor of all: the Minotaur. This monstrous progeny of the Greek god Zeus and Minos's queen Pasiphae incorporates godly spirit with human flesh. Both are important aspects of our being; but one is beastly and grounded in this world, the other is divine. To access

the latter we must reconcile and master the former. The

object of the maze, then, is not so much to get through it as to defeat what it holds and learn about oneself along the way. When we possess the clew, we no longer fear the outcome of our decisions; we know that we are on the right path. Ariadne gave that clew to Theseus and he used it well, emerging from the labyrinth with a new awareness - then he left her.

The labyrinth, the Mitos and the Minotaur ceased to be fanciful myths early in the fifth century BC when the Athenians began the process of promoting Theseus from legendary hero to historical figure. We see him slaying the bull-headed man dragged from the world of meander patterns in late Archaic art but, by the fifth century, the intricate pattern became a building (Cook 1914, 472-5). Knossos began to mint coins around this time and the earliest shows the Minotaur on the ob-

verse and a labyrinthine swastika with a star or sun motif in the centre on the reverse (FIG. 28.1). Through time the swastika gave way to the maze pattern and a human or bovine head replaced the central star (FIG. 28.2) (Cook 1 9 14, 477; Willetts 1962, 232). In the same century the nobleman Cimon gained popular acclaim by repatriat- ing Theseus's bones from the island of Skyros to Ath- ens where they became the tangible and archaeological proof of the brave Athenian king's existence.

Our first description of the original labyrinth also comes from the fifth century. "Even the Pyramids were bigger than words can tell," Herodotus marvelled, "and each of them equivalent to many Greek buildings, even big ones: but the Labyrinth surpasses even the Pyra- mids" (2. 148). His guides told him that this greatest of Egyptian buildings contained twelve courts and 3,000 chambers, 1 ,500 above and 1 ,500 below ground, all sur-

Fig. 28.1. Knossos: coins of the fifth century BC (after Pashley 1837, 1. 208).

/ VTjjO¿yyy^Y'V

Fig. 28.2. Knossos: coin (after Cook J9i4>477>fig-337)-


330 ALEXANDER MACGILLIVRAY

rounded by a single wall (Myres 1910). Current esti- mates based on excavations in the nineteenth and twen-

tieth centuries give us a single structure 1,000 m long by 800 m wide, which is nearly 1 sq km - and quite impressive even by modern standards (Lloyd 1970). This labyrinth was the funerary temple for the pyra- mid of the Twelfth Dynasty's richest pharaoh, Amenemhat HI, whose prenomen Labaris is the likely Egyptian origin of the Hellenised word labyrinth, which incorporates the foreign name with the suffix -nthos, a common feature of "pre-Hellenic" toponyms and bo- tanical names adopted by the Greeks when they arrived in the Aegean (Hall 1905, 327). King Labaris built the temple for the performance of funeral rites which, according to Pliny, included worship of the sun (Cook 1914, 472-3).

Callimachus, the third century BC poet and scholar from Cyrene, explicitly refers to the Cretan labyrinth in his Hymn to Delos, the island also called Asteria at the centre of the Greek Cyclades. Famed for his out- burst that "Cretans always lie" (Call. Jov. 8), because they built a tomb for Zeus who was immortal, Callimachus also sings of the ancient and sacred image of Cypris (Aphrodite, but probably Ariadne here) es- tablished by Theseus in Delos on his return to Athens from Crete, where he had escaped the wild son of Pasiphae and the winding labyrinth (Del. 311).

Diodorus of Sicily (1. 61), who begins his exhaus- tive history of the inhabited world from the earliest times to his own day, 60 BC, with the geography and ethnography, including mythology, of the eastern lands, tells us that King Mendes of Egypt, another name for Amenemhat HI, built himself a tomb known as the Labyrinth, which was not only remarkable for its size but for its ingenious design: "for a man who enters it cannot easily find his way out, unless he gets a guide who is thoroughly acquainted with the structure." Some say, according to Diodorus, that Daidalos, visiting Egypt and admiring the structure, built a copy for King Minos in Crete where the later kept the "beast called Minotaur." Diodorus leaves us in no doubt that he is

relating a myth and points out that, while no trace of the Cretan building remained in his day, the Egyptian original was intact.

Our earliest literary reference to Daidalos and Ariadne is Iliad 18. 590-4, where the poet describes the finely crafted shield which Hephaistus made for Achilles: "in which the famed lame-one wrought a circular dance (%oqov), like the one that Daidalos fash- ioned (fjaxT|G6v - formed by art or fashion) for Ariadne of the beautiful tresses in broad Knossos". The choros in ancient Greece was a circular dance around

the altar of Dionysos (and thus the origin of Attic drama). But in Odyssey 8. 260 when Alcinous, king of the Phaeacians, orders a feast to celebrate Odysseus's visit, he commands that a circular choros be marked out; and before long the enchanted isle's young men are tapping it down well with their dance steps.

Modern explorers in Crete, with the ancient texts in hand, assumed that Homer alluded to a flat plain or open area, which Daidalos built at Knossos. This is what prompted Sir Arthur Evans, who uncovered and restored the complex of courts, halls and storerooms, which he called both the Labyrinth of Daidalos and the Palace of Minos at Knossos, to search for a wide and flat space as depicted in the Sacred Grove and Dance fresco, which he found and interpreted as a dance in honour of Ariadne. Deciding that the palace courts were too small and seeing that only olive trees were depicted in the wall painting, Evans concluded that the choros at Knossos was in the river valley to the east of the Pal- ace, now swept away by erosion (Evans 1928, 585, 1930, 80). Archaeologists continue to search the grounds at Knossos for the dancing place; Warren sees it in a stone circle in the western town of Knossos (Warren 1984), but others prefer the West Court of the Palace (Davis 1987, 156-7; Shaw 1996, 187).

The philologist Arthur Bernard Cook proposed, con- tra Evans, that the Minoan labyrinth was not the entire building at Knossos, but only the pavement in the Théâtral Area. Cook argued that the Minoans wor- shipped the sun and moon, and that the pattern in the paving stones traced the steps of Daidalos's choros. To Cook, it was both the place and the dance, the latter imitating the sun's celestial transit (Cook 1914, 479).

Here I should like to elaborate upon Cook's theory by going into greater detail about what I think that the sky meant to the Minoans. Though still at an early stage in my research, I believe that the legends of the Cretan labyrinth combine the folk memory of the most mag- nificent of all of the Egyptian buildings, which Minoans workers employed at Kahun and elsewhere during the Twelfth Dynasty would have marvelled at (Kemp and Merrillees 1980, 79-85), with the later Greek concept of the maze - a vast and confusing place associated with death and rebirth.

THE ANCIENT DOME OF HEAVEN

Most ancient societies believed that sky was a great dome circling the earth. To them, this dome of heaven spun round an invisible support at the only stationary point in the sky: currently the north star, which we call Pola- ris because of its position near the northern end of the axis or axle, which we imagine to pass through the earth at the poles. It does not take much watching the sky to observe that the sun, moon and the five readily visible planets move freely against the steady flow of the starry heavens. This is why they were among the first candi- dates for worship as supernatural and divine entities. They also provided early observers with cyclical patterns against which change, and therefore time, could be reliably measured.

Simplest, and thus probably the earliest, to chart is the moon's change in appearance from nothing to full then back to empty again; a period of about 29.5 days


THE ASTRAL LABYRINTH AT KNOSSOS 33 1

known as the synodic lunar cycle. This synodic lunar calendar gave early observers the 12 lunar months of the 354-day lunar year. Related to this is the time that the moon takes to return to the same position against the background of stars: the sidereal lunar cycle of 28 days (or 27.321 to be exact). It is the latter that seems to have been preferred, if scholars such as Alexander Marshack (1991) reading from notches on bones of the Upper Palaeolithic period, roughly 30000 BC, in Eu- rope, are correct. This 28 day cycle, with its conspicu- ous subdivision into the four quarters of the moon, each lasting seven days - our week - has probably been a part of our consciousness since then.

We have the names of at least nine months from the

Knossos Linear B tablets (Boulotis 2000). As the word used to denote month - me-no - is similar to the an-

cient Greek word for the Moon (jlh^vt|), I suggest that these months belong to one of the lunar calendars. Also, as these month names top lists of offerings made to gods, it seems likely that the Cretan clerics, like their ancient Egyptian counterparts, used this lunar calendar for their temple records. This implies that those calendrical tablets at Knossos are from temples or shrines, though no written trace of a civic calendar has come to light for comparison.

The sun's manifest transit back and forth along the eastern horizon due to the spin of the Earth's tipped axis, 23.5o t0 either side of the celestial equator, is also very obvious and simple to measure (FIG. 28.3) (Goodison, in this volume). An Aegean observer standing in the same place on consecutive days sees the sun rise at a different place each morning in a horizontal journey across a wide expanse. At the northern extreme, the sun appears to stand still for a few days around 21 June, the summer solstice - the longest day of the year. It then travels back across the horizon reaching its southernmost point around 22 December, the winter solstice - the shortest day. Exactly halfway between these two extremes is the centre of the transit which, if marked accurately, will give the observer the position of due east where the sun passes twice: once on the vernal equinox heralding the first day of spring around 20 March, and again on the autumnal equinox, around 22 September. The lengths of day and night are exactly equal at each equinox. The journey from the vernal equinox and back again is 365 days: our solar year, with the four seasons marked by the two extremes and each equinox (FIG. 28.4).

The ancient astronomer in mountainous country recorded the sun's horizontal transit by which peaks it appeared to ascend and descend throughout the solar year; which might have been a factor in selecting where to place an astral observatory which, I believe, was the primary function of the so-called peak sanctuaries (MacGillivray et al 2000, 169). An observer by the eastern shore, however, must have used an artificial device. Ideally suited is the cult symbol called the "two-crested

mountain" or, as I prefer, "twin peaks", which the Egyp-

tians in the Predynastic period used to symbolise the horizon (Newberry 1908). One of the clearest examples, though much later, is on the ceiling of Hathor's temple at Dendera (FIG. 28.5). The leafless trees seen flanking Hathor in the centre are probably the "twin sycamores of turquoise", which the Egyptian Book of the Dead (chapter 109) tells us stood at the eastern gate of heaven from which Re, the sun, often depicted between Hathor's bovine horns, went forth each morning. The Egyptian sycamore is a fig tree, not to be con- fused with the European tree called by the same name, but which is in fact a large species of maple {Acer pseudoplat anus), or the North American sycamore (Platanus occident alts) common to riverbanks there. To the Egyptians, the sycamore was a celestial tree, a mani- festation of the sky goddess Nut who shielded the dead Osiris and "rejuvenated his soul among her branches".

The twin peaks symbol is well known to Aegean archaeologists as the "horns of consecration", a term coined by Evans who thought that it represented the bucranium - or sacrificial bull's horns (D'Agata 1992, 247-8). But Percy Newberry insisted that the two sym- bols, Egyptian and Minoan, really were one and the same (1908, 27-8), and others have since made the same case (Gärte 1922; Powell 1977), with which I agree (MacGillivray et, al 2000, 129). When the Minoans adopted the symbol from Egypt in the Old Palace period, I suspect that they also borrowed its meaning as the mountainous horizon, and used it as the basis for the device which they substituted for the undulating skyline, either because one did not exist, or because they wished to standardise the points where the solstices and equinox appeared yearly. We know from examples re- covered in excavation that the Minoans crafted this

device out of stone and probably placed it on parapets, porches, terraces or other parts of their building façades. Examples vary in size; the largest come from Knossos and Juktas, and may have stood as high as 2 m (D'Agata 1992, 249). The size variation could reflect the relative distance between observer and device: the greater the distance, the larger the gap between the peaks. Practi- cality aside, the twin peaks were also an important symbol on their own and in combination with other recur- ring signs.

In view of this possible practical function for the twin

peaks device, perhaps we should look beyond the symbol itself to what the ancient viewer anticipated between the crests (FIG. 28.6). What we find most often in Minoan and Mycenaean art is the double-bitted axe - the double axe of Evans's "bull cult" (FIG. 28.7). But, unlike Evans, I see the simple staff with crossed diago- nal lines forming two opposed triangles of equal pro- portion standing upright at the centre of the twin peaks as a symbol of the equality of day and night: the equinox. I currently wonder if this so-called double axe, thus read, might not represent the fullness of the sun's yearly journey and so be shorthand for the sun itself. While the twin peaks device is practical, it and the dou-



Precession x N

Pole of ecliptic '

1 t , Celestial North Pole ^ | /

^ ' ! ' Spring | ^^ 'equinox N66^

Precession ^ ' '/^'*~*r*>Z^ *' / f'*

Summer solstice / I ¡i' &^°A / ^ >k}/ EARTH 'f ¡i' Yy/J / / ' ^¡nter so|stjce 23AK XT^VX / O

^-' ' ^^ I -r^ >^ ^r Apparent motion N. ^ ^ '¿^ ** of sun and Planets

AutumrX

I equinox '

'. '

/ . ^ Celestial South Pole

' Pole of ecliptic Fig. 28.3. The spin of the Earth 's axis and the Celestial

equator (Maria Xanthopoulou).

ble axe can also symbolise the passage of time, the chang- ing seasons, perhaps the changes in the earth and what- ever metaphorical meaning could be transferred to hu- mans as they pass through the seasons of their lives. The doubled double-bitted axe, with extra projec-

tions on either side (such as Müller 1997, 254, fig. 147), could symbolise an extension to include the moon and

stars, which are seen to make a journey similar to the sun's across the skyline each solar year. This doubled axe could symbolise the marriage of the sun and moon, perhaps the union of the solar and lunar calendar which Cook, reading from Greek mythology reminds us pro- duced Asterios, another name for the Minotaur (Cook 1914, 523-4). This brings us to the third calendar.


THE ASTRAL LABYRINTH AT KNOSSOS 333

equinox Ibi $ Zii w Í ^^^Si/^^^ I =* I ^ I ^ l_<o L ec1uinox sunset "ïc'i| £ "°1 i I ^^^^^^ I I w" |"§" I Í f^ | sunrise

i^£. 2S.4. Circular dial showing the degree change at marked celestial events (after Avenii99O,fig39).

^ - ■ - -f /'

.F^. 28.5 (left), Dendera: detail of ceiling with Hathor rising (after Chassinat 1935, pi 315)-

1 1 • 1 i ••• J; *i 1 • f 1 1 • rf • »I î«

Fig. 28.6 (below). Knossos, Little Palace: clay sealing (after Evans 1935, 608, fig. 597AJ).

LEAPS OF FAITH

We know that the ancient Egyptians recorded the heliacal rising of Sothis, our Sirius, at least as early as 4236 BC to mark the first day of their 365 day civil calendar, but we credit the ancient Sumerian civilisation with the brilliant observation of the heliacal rising of the decans: the 36 stars and planets which appear on

the dawn horizon at 10 day intervals. These bright lights, including Sirius, gave them the astral calendar of 12 30-day months, which they divided into 12 peri- ods of two hours, each of these divided into 30 parts of four minutes. This third, Astral, calendar was a revo- lution in time keeping, but it was also essential for long distance navigation, which we know from Homer included night sailing (Od. 13. 28-95, 14- 257-7°)-



Fig. 28.7. Achladia: twin peaks with double-bitted axe (after Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti 199s* ¡33, fig- 97) -

The astral calendar introduced a host of new heav-

enly characters to the divine melodrama, which plays out yearly over our heads. Too numerous to go into here, a few examples demonstrate why I believe that the Minoans adopted astral observation and probably used it for their civil calendar.

The very first sealing that Evans found at Knossos had, as he records in his diary, "the clay impression of a Mycenaean signet [ring]. It bore a bold but somewhat imperfectly executed design of a lion in a contracted position, with a star-like object on the fore shoulder" (MacGillivray 20000, 181) The star is well placed in the shoulder (FIG. 28.8), right where we should expect to find Regulus, the star known as the coeur de lion - the lion heart (Popham and Gill 1995, 13 pls. 5, 36. Ni).

The ancient Egyptians personified the sky as the goddess Nut. The pivotal northern point of the Earth's axis in the Old Kingdom fell between the constellations we call Ursa Minor, the little bear, and Ursa Major, the great bear, big dipper or wagon (Spence 2000). This could be why the ancient Egyptians depicted the latter as the bull's haunch, something mighty enough to hold the sky's dome in place (FIG. 28.9; Evans 1935, 433-40, fig. 359; Krupp 1991, 229). I think that the Minoans, under strong Egyptian influence, adopted the same symbol, which we see depicted alongside the vertical staff held firmly by the master in the Chania Master Impression (MacGillivray et. ah 2000, 127-8). Other

Fig. 28.8. Knossos: sealing with lion and starry heart (after Popham and Gill 1995, pl. 36. Ni).

possible constellations in this powerful scene may be the sickle pattern of the Lion's head and Taurus in standard juxtaposition for mid summer when Leo rules the sky and Taurus sinks into the west - the lion always wins this combat.

Taurus is a good candidate for the ancient Greek Minotaur. This constellation is part of a sequence of particular interest to Aegean observers. The bull's head is composed of the Hyades and the Pleiades, the seven maidens, are in his shoulder. Charging east, Taurus is confronted by Orion, the great youth, and somersaulted by the hero Perseus on his way to rescue the forlorn Andromeda, the woman in chains, bound to a rock (FIG. 28.10). These players are instantly recognisable in the well known Taureador panels from Knossos (Hood and Cameron 1967, pl. 9).

A close inspection of the fragments from these panels reveals that the female figure behind the bull in the restored example displayed in the Herakleion Museum has something dangling from her right wrist. Other fragments show hands with a striped design resembling cloth (FIG. 28.11; Hood and Cameron 1967, pl. 10, fig. 5). A similar striped pattern appears on the object that the faience votary from the Temple Repositories held in her right hand until Evans restored it as a snake, which it almost certainly was not (FIG. 28.12). This candy-stripe pattern more likely represented a length of heavy twine or rope - perhaps Ariadne's Mitos, the labyrinthine clew?

I believe that this fresco depicts the end of the astral year, just before the rising of Sirius, who comes imme- diately after Orion, which is why Orion was equated with Osiris in Egypt, and Hathor/Isis with Sirius. They symbolised the end of the old year and the beginning of the new year, the triumph of life over death.

To symbolise the complete Astral calendar, Evans's "astral circle" works well (Evans 1 921, 478-9, figs. 342-


THE ASTRAL LABYRINTH AT KNOSSOS 335

'^^^¡^ 7ft Uff

*% ! ' / » ^ » IV * * L /I ^^^ I ^^^^m

Fig. 28. g (above). Egyptian sky-goddess Nut with Ursa Major as bull's haunch on coffin lid, Dynasty X or XI (after Krupp içqi, 22g).

Fig. 28.10 (below). The constellations of Orion, Taurus, Perseus and Andromeda in their celestial order as

observed from 40o to 50o N latitude.

' ' PERSEUS V X TAURUS u^ ^ y v"1 u/^sT72 ' ß^Elnath V^^fmx ^ y ANDROMEDA

Bettelgueuse a« >v ' ' ' '^^ /x ^V » M31

ORION Bettelgueuse /^««JS^aV *"»/ «f*w /x "Ttî VÎT" »

Saiph '^'9 V I *j »VVN^^*>^_ v^" "5^ X% frw««' »2/ / Mô N, v^"

Naira.s/'I >^¿fr »2/ XheHyades / Mô k?»"*«~^ - . pjgel Aldebaran ^



Fig. 28.11. Knossos: fragment of Taureador panel (after Hood and Cameron 1967, pl. 10, fig. 5).

^^^^^^P[^ ^HaV Fig. 28.12. Temple Repositories: faience votary (after


THE ASTRAL LAB YRINTHAT KNOSSOS 337

Fig. 28.13 (right). Knossos: Evans's "astral circle" motif (after Evans 1921, 479>fig- 343)-

Fig. 28.14 (below). Akrotiri: Theran ship with astral circle emblem at the prow (after Morgan 1988,122, fig. 67).

3). This 16 or 18 pointed star (FIG. 28.13), certainly not the star-fish that some Aegean art historians claim (Mountjoy et al. 1978, 148), could be the points of the decans through which the sun travels in his precession (but that is the subject of a full study to be presented elsewhere).

I conclude here with what I think that the discovery of the decans and the astral circle really meant to the early Aegean societies. I believe that the "nautical emblem" floating before the prow of a Theran ship (FIG. 28.14; Morgan 1984, 171, fig. 2 b-c, 1988, 131, 170, fig. 87), is the same as Evans's astral circle and symbolises the Aegean sailor's knowledge of the decans, which would have been essential for reliable orientation and

accurate time-keeping during those long overnight voy- ages.

At present, I believe that Daidalos's labyrinth recalls the intricate measurements used to chronicle the celes-

tial motion of the stars and planets: Ariadne's swirling dance across the heavens, as symbolised on fifth century BC Knossian coins.

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