Brexit and Europe’s 4.8%: Understanding the Anti-Islamic

Rhetoric of the Brexit Campaign

Hattie Schofield

Research paper for the module Political Communications

University of Kent, Brussels School of International Studies

(academic year 2017/2018)

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Abstract:

Muslims account for 4.8% of the total EU population yet many of the debates during

Britain’s EU referendum campaign centred around the discussion of Islam and expanding

Muslim communities in the UK. This paper discusses how UKIP’s Nigel Farage successfully

captured the UK’s anti-immigration sentiments over several years by connecting the refugee

crisis, the Paris terrorist attacks and Brexit migration arguments to generate strong resistance

to continued membership of the EU due to fears of Muslim immigration. It draws upon the

communication tools of rhetoric, frame bridging, frame amplification, frame extension and

frame transformation to show how Nigel Farage managed to intensify and prolong the effects

of mental model generation regarding Muslims and terrorism.

Keywords:

Political discourse, political communications, Brexit, UKIP, framing, rhetoric, European

Union.

Introduction

On 23rd June 2016 – in one of the most significant moments in modern history - Britain

voted by a slim majority (48.1-51.9%) to leave the EU and its institutions (BBC News, 2016).

The British population has had a history of poor engagement with the EU, its turnout for

elections consistently having stood at around 35% (UK Political Info, 2017). Despite this, it

could be argued that it had legitimate concerns – like most member states - surrounding EU

immigration. However, unfolding within some of the anti-immigration arguments used by

Leave campaigners was a strong anti-Islamic sentiment.

In a pivotal moment towards the end of the campaign, prominent Leave advocate and former

UKIP leader, Nigel Farage, unveiled his party’s latest poster – “Breaking Point” - which

displayed lines of Syrian refugees from a photo taken, not in the UK, but in Slovenia and which

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ordered Britain to “take back control of its borders”. (Telegraph, 2016) Its resemblance to

1930s Nazi Germany propaganda was chilling. More worryingly, Islamophobic hate crimes

spiked in the immediate aftermath of the Brexit vote and have not since returned to pre-

referendum levels (Al-Jazeera, 2017).

However, official figures show that the Muslim population of Europe stands only at around

4.8%*1 (Pew Research, 2017) and Oxford University’s Migration Observatory statistics show

that most Muslim immigration does not come from within the EU itself but from non-EU

countries, notably from Pakistan and Bangladesh. (Rienzo & Vargos-Silva, 2017)

Therefore, the research question that I seek to answer through this paper is : why was the anti-

Islamic rhetoric so deeply entrenched into political discourse during the Brexit campaign given

that the Muslim population of the EU stands at roughly 4.8%?

Thesis statement:

It is necessary to cast a wider glace at the political discourse regarding Muslims in

relation to the EU by politicians made before the Brexit campaign even started. In this paper, I

will argue that key peddler in the Leave campaign, Nigel Farage, successfully bridged and

reinforced disputes surrounding two notable events of 2015 – the refugee crisis of that summer

and the November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks - through a process of frame alignment to

successfully incorporate strongly anti-Islamic sentiments into the EU membership debate.

1 In this research, Europe is defined as the 28 EU member states plus Switzerland and Norway

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Methodology:

This paper will focus primarily on frame analysis. I seek to first briefly identify key

aspects of three individual frames in this conundrum as projected by Nigel Farage. Framing,

as defined by Gail Fairhurst, is:

the ability to shape the meaning of a subject, to judge its character and significance. To

hold the frame of a subject is to choose one particular meaning (or set of meanings)

over another. When we share our frames with others (the process of framing), we

manage meaning because we assert that our interpretations should be taken as real over

other possible interpretations. (Fairhurst, 2005)

In the Art of Framing and Reframing the Art of Framing, she elaborates on how to successfully

frame a scenario, primarily through three key components: language (including its five tools:

metaphor, jargon/catchphrases, contrast, spin, and stories), thought and forethought (Fairhurst,

2005) . Therefore, I will apply this structure to the three moments to highlight the

characteristics of the given frames and ultimately determine their success on an individual

basis.

Taking from the works of Snow and Benford, who define frame bridging as the "linkage of

two or more ideologically congruent but structurally unconnected frames regarding a particular

issue or problem" (Benford & Snow, 2000), I will demonstrate how the Islamophobic rhetoric

could be stretched across the three events through the process of frame alignment.

Finally, to highlight the future risks of frame alignment, I will utilise Nicholas Winter’s work

Dangerous Frames to substantiate the argument that beliefs about race can influence seemingly

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unrelated policy when a political rhetoric about that group has already been established, even

when solid statistics can prove the rhetoric wrong (Winter, 2008).

Frame 1: The Refugee Crisis - "Isis are using this route to put jihadists on European

soil"

2015 saw a sharp influx in the number of refugees arriving into Europe and the world

witnessed more and more mass casualties in the Mediterranean. More than 911,000 landed in

Europe that year, the majority over the summer period, 75% of them fleeing war and terror in

Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq (UNHCR, 2015). On 2nd September 2015, the circulation of an

image of young Aylan Kurdi, a 4 year old Syrian refugee who had drowned in the

Mediterranean, was a turning point for the refugee crisis. The right-wing, anti-immigration

press hailed Kurdi a “tiny victim of a human catastrophe” (Huffpost, 2015).

Exactly a week later, at the 2015 State of the Union in Strasbourg, Nigel Farage spoke out

against the Mediterranean refugee movementi (see appendix. 1) in a relatively unscripted

address which would later be shared by UKIP throughout social media platforms. In doing so,

Farage used three successful tools for framing the refugee crisis: firstly, he contrasted himself

against that week’s sentiment and the application of the European Common Asylum Policy for

shared responsibility in sharing out asylum seeker applications (European Commission, 2017)

and, in doing so, effectively denied the legitimacy of those landing in Europe. By highlighting

the negatives when framing the refugee crisis, he made the problem seem overwhelming

(Fairhurst & Sarr, 1996) . This is successfully done through use of select language, as Farage

stirs up imagery of a mass exodus of those coming from the Middle East and Africa by boat

through his use of “flow of biblical proportions”. This is used to invoke extreme terror in the

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targeted audience who would be able to relate to the holy story of Exodus. Farage then further

develops his version of the refugee story by using the narrative that “all they have to do is

throw their passports in the Mediterranean” and a builds a picture for his audience that the

refugees are gleefully throwing away their passports in order to travel onwards to the promised

land.

The thought aspect of Fairhurst’s model is heavily based on Peter Senge’s definition of mental

models in his work The Fifth Discipline i.e. ‘conceptual frameworks consisting of

generalizations and assumptions from which we understand the world and take action in it’

(Senge, 2010) . This is best observed through the ‘Ladder of Inference’ (see fig.1) as outlined

in Senge’s later work The Fifth Discipline Fieldbook (Senge, 1994)).

(fig.1)

I TAKE ACTIONS BASED ON BELIEFS

I ADOPT BELIEFS (about the world)

I DRAW CONCLUSIONS

I MAKE ASSUMPTIONS BASED ON MEANINGS

I ADD MEANINGS (Cultural/personal)

I SELECT “DATA” FROM WHAT I OBSERVE

OBSERVABLE “DATA”/EXPERIENCES

The reflexive loop: our

beliefs determine which

data we process next time

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In this scenario, we can see that Farage has a pre-formed mental model regarding the refugee

crisis, i.e. he has already created a generalisation of those coming over in boats as “economic

migrants”, jihadists put on “European soil” by ISIS and people sent over by “criminal

trafficking gangs”. These mental models are then projected to his audience through use of

strong, emotive language.

Finally, through the forethought aspect, Farage exerts control over his audience. This is

achieved through the method of priming, a way of producing the state of readiness that is

critical for effective spontaneous communication (Fairhurst & Sarr, 1996) and a process which

brings mental models to the surface. It is possible to prime your own thought process but in

this paper, I will take the interpretation that the media or an individual can (politically) prime

its audience to activate certain constructs, so that if the constructs are judged to apply to the

current situation – applicability – they can ultimately influence people’s political judgments

(Price & Tewksbury, 1997) and in turn can affect voting outcomes. In this speech, Farage has

been able to prime his audience to accept his interpretation of the refugee crisis, enabled them

to form similar mental models to the ones upon which he bases his own beliefs and actions and

then ultimately linked the influx of migrants to the possibility of leaving the European Union

– a idea that could be activated in voters later in the EU Referendum campaign.

Frame 2 : Terror in Paris – “Isis said they would use the migrant tide to flood the EU

with half a million jihadists”

With 130 people dead and several hundred left wounded, the terrorist attacks of 13th

November 2015 brought the issue of Islamic migration across the EU to light again (BBC

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News, 2015). The violent and co-ordinated attacks, carried out by IS, fit perfectly with the

timing of UKIP’s “Say NO to EU Tour” which was making its way across the country ahead

of the referendum in 7 months’ time and which was showcased throughout social media.

On 16th November 2015, Nigel Farage stood before an audience in Basingstoke, England to

urge them to vote to leave the EU. In advance of the keynote speech, the audience watched

footage of the speech made by Farage on 9th September at the State of the Union in Strasbourg.

The 30-minute-long speech then opened with and focused predominantly on the “problem” of

Muslims in the UK. Farage described Muslims as the “fifth pillar” to the EU and states that

“The warnings were pretty clear… ISIS said they would use the migrant tide to flood the EU

with half a million jihadists… I would suggest 5000 is too many… 500 is too many… it only

took eight to cause that destruction in Paris the other night… This dream of the free movement

of people, this dream for others of the Schengen area. It hasn’t just meant the free movement

of people, it has meant the free movement of Kalashnikov rifles. It has meant the free movement

of terrorists, and it has meant the free movement of jihadists.” (Farage, 2015)

In this important part of the speech, Farage positions himself as a soothsayer. Using language

to provide a strong narrative, he continues to build upon his own biblical-sounding account of

the refugee crisis and of migration across the EU. Using the tool of anaphora (Keith &

Lundberg, 2008), or repetition, he also manages to contrast the concept of “the dream of the

free movement” against a nightmarish vision of terrorists armed with Russian weapons.

What we can also see here is another mental model of Farage’s - the notion that migrants

coming to the EU on boats are terrorists and a clear dismissal of genuine reasons for fleeing.

The argument is substantiated through inductive reasoning, a type of reasoning that assumes

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that if something is true in specific cases then it is true in general (Keith & Lundberg, 2008)

and the justification for such reasoning is shown with “5000 is too many… 500 is too many…

it only took 8”. In this case, Farage inflates the case of the Paris attacks to incorporate the idea

that only a couple of jihadists are needed to cause such extreme terror. Equally, he misleads

the audience in this case since at least 7 of the 9 perpetrators of the attacks were, in fact, Belgian

and French citizens, having operated out of a terrorist cell in Brussels. (BBC News, 2015).

Furthermore, Fairhurst notes that “because our memory works through associations, language

helps us to remember and retrieve information” (Fairhurst & Sarr, 1996). Given this well-

established view, we can deduce that the audience’s memory can be triggered by language and

therefore, that Farage retains the capability to activate mental models by linking the words

“freedom of movement” to such vivid imagery of terrorism. Freedom of movement, as a key

feature of EU membership, would be a term frequently used throughout the referendum

campaign period and in creating an association of the term with terrorism, Farage has again

been able to prime his audience to apply these same mental models and which could ultimately

affect the outcome of the referendum.

Frame 3: Brexit – “Breaking Point”

On 16th June 2016- exactly one week before the referendum- Nigel Farage unveiled the

first in his series of six pre-referendum posters entitled “Breaking Point”. On the same day,

Labour MP Jo Cox was brutally murdered in her constituency by far-right extremist and

“terrorist”, Tommy Mair (The Guardian, 2016) . Farage subsequently came under fire for

blaming the outrage over the poster on “unfortunate timing” (Mirror, 2016) with the murder.

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Three days later, Farage made one of his final TV appearances of the referendum campaign.

When scrutinised by Sky News’ Dermot Murnaghan on his failure to apologise for the poster

and questioned why he would release the poster given that the UK is not part of the Schengen

zone, he justified himself:

“The vast people who have come into the Schengen zone would not qualify as refugees under any

measure… They can come [to the UK] if they get passports in years to come… We have effectively

no border controls to over 500m people” (Farage, 2016)

Farage has effectively added spin to create his own version of the refugee story, making use of

the passport tool again, as used in previous frames. Taking the interpretation that the poster can

be viewed as a piece of propaganda (a form of communication that attempts to achieve a

response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist) (Jowett & O'Donnell, 2006). We

can infer that Farage is attempting to persuade his audience that all the refugees in the picture

are eligible and looking for UK citizenship through the EU system. Additionally, the mental

model that the refugees are economic migrants has resurfaced again and has been reinforced

through language “under any measure”. Finally, priming is seen here as Farage equates

membership of the EU with no border controls and thus giving the impression that the UK has

an open-door policy to 500 million people, refugees (or economic migrants) included.

Building a bridge for a strong rhetoric

Snow and Benford, in Framing Processes and Social Movements, argue that to achieve

collective action (in this case, UKIP, headed by Farage, wanted to achieve the common

objective of leaving the EU), there must be a process of frame alignment: “the connection and

alignment of events and experiences so that they hang together in a relatively unified fashion.”

(Benford & Snow, 2000) . To achieve frame alignment, a “frame alignment process” must be

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carried out (Benford & Snow, 2000). This is achieved, and I believe was successfully

accomplished, through four steps for which I will elaborate:

Frame bridging: “the linking of two or more ideologically congruent but structurally

unconnected frames regarding a particular issue or problem”. This is most “prominent” form

of frame alignment (Benford & Snow, 2000). In this case, Farage took legitimate concerns

surrounding migration within the EU and linked it directly with concerns over the number of

people arriving into the EU in 2015 or the free-movement of “jihadists” around Europe.

Given that the UK is not part of the Schengen Zone and that, according to FullFact, “the UK

doesn’t accept asylum applications from abroad, and within the EU people are supposed to

apply to the first safe country they arrive in.” (FullFact, 2016), Farage has managed to bridge

loosely connected ideas despite them being based on weak statistics . Equally since bridging

is effected primarily by organisational outreach and information diffusion (Snow, 1986),

UKIP has utilised social media to reach a wide audience.

Frame amplification: “the idealization, embellishment, clarification, or invigoration of

existing values or beliefs.” (Benford & Snow, 2000)Farage has built on a part-justified idea

that EU migration is a problem. However, he includes the exaggerated use of 500m people who

might have access to the UK and the fearmongering tactic of reiterating that it only took 8

people to carry out the Paris terrorist attacks, therefore that EU membership should be

withdrawn and all immigration to the country to be stopped.

Frame extension: “Depicting an SMO’s [social movement organisations] interests and

frame(s) as extending beyond its primary interests to include issues and concerns that are

presumed to be of importance to potential adherents.” (Benford & Snow, 2000) UKIP’s

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primary function pre-referendum to remove the UK from a “political union” (Farage, 2016).

Its latest manifesto at the time made no mention of Muslim immigration (UKIP, 2015) yet

Farage used his mental models to prime an audience of voters to believe that the issues are

intrinsically linked.

Frame transformation: “changing old understandings and meanings and/or generating new

ones” (Benford & Snow, 2000). Farage, eventually succeeded in transforming the framing of

Muslims entirely throughout the process of almost a year to link membership of the EU with a

rise in terrorism and a mass migration of Muslim refugees into England. It may be no shock

that data released in July 2016 showed the UK topping the EU tables for largest increase in

unfavourable opinion towards Muslims with a leap of 9% on the previous year (Pew Research,

2016).

Frame issues for a forward-looking Britain

Nicholas Winter’s work is particularly relevant to the future of this conundrum. Even

though its focus is on race discrimination, since religious groups are also “othered” in a similar

manner to races, I maintain that the word religion could be substituted and maintain relevance

to the argument. Dangerous Frames explores how “political rhetoric can engage our ideas

about race… even when the subject at hand has nothing explicit to do with…race… —a process

[called] “group implication.” (Winter, 2008)

Winter further argues that

[g]roup implication is certainly dangerous in this sense: political rhetoric that subtly draws on

our ideas about race… can—and does—cause harm by mobilizing prejudice it can have

powerful effects, and this power is particularly problematic because it is often invisible and

because its effects may go beyond what we realize or intend. (Winter, 2008)

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Given this definition, Farage successfully used group implication within key arguments which

would ultimately help him achieve his goal - to leave the EU. However, he enthusiastically

pursued a route which would scapegoat Muslims at a time when tensions in the UK were high.

Had he intended or not to achieve a result of violence towards Muslims, we cannot truly know.

However, since the power that he exerted on his audience is ultimately invisible, we are unable

to judge whether his linking of Muslims to the EU debate had had a damaging effect on the

Muslim population.

Conclusion

Regardless of any ethical arguments surrounding the framing process - whether it was

ethical or not to draw in issues of the refugee crisis and Muslim immigration - it is abundantly

clear that Nigel Farage successfully captured the anti-immigration feeling within the UK

around the time of the EU referendum and employed his own prejudices to create a bigger and

more sinister representation of Muslims. The process of frame alignment may well have

contributed to the rise in Islamophobic hate attacks in the UK, however there is no empirical

evidence to support a theory that the perpetrators of said racist acts were UKIP or Farage

supporters nor is there evidence to suggest that UKIP attempted to incite racial or religious

violence during the campaign process.

It is, therefore, much likely that Nigel Farage triggered and continuously reinforced mental

models within those who were more susceptible to his opinions and more likely to vote to leave

the EU on anti-immigration grounds- both before and during the campaign season.

Furthermore, the two incidents of 2015 provided him with ample opportunity to exploit the

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anti-EU sentiment with the how extreme – and perceivably threatening to the country’s security

– the cases were.

Conversely, as per Nicholas Winter, voters maintained an ability to play a more conscious role

in digesting this kind of rhetoric, should they have chosen to. If citizens “evaluate frames

consciously, they may be more active and discerning consumers of the political spectacle”

(Winter, 2008) and so, had they opted to take a more sceptical approach to the “information”

pushed out by Nigel Farage and truly scrutinised its threat and/or validity within the Leave

arguments, the power could have lay within their hands to push back against this disturbing

rhetoric, rather than let it snowball as it has done until now.

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1 APPENDIX 1.

Nigel Farage – 2015 Speech at the State of the Union

Below is the text of the speech made by Nigel Farage in the European Parliament on 9 September 2015.

Mr President, Mr Juncker has simply got this wrong. As I warned in April, the European Common Asylum

Policy sets its terms so widely as to say that anyone setting foot on EU soil can stay: I said it would lead to

a flow of biblical proportions, and indeed that is what we are beginning to see. This has been compounded

by Germany saying last week that basically anyone can come. It is a bit too late now to draw up a list, by

countries of origin, of who can stay and who cannot stay. All they have to do, as they are doing, is throw

their passports into the Mediterranean and say they are coming from Syria.

As we know, the majority of people who are coming – and the Slovakian Prime Minister has been honest

enough to say so – are economic migrants. In addition, we see, as I warned earlier, evidence that ISIS is

now using this route to put their jihadists on European soil. We must be mad to take this risk with the

cohesion of our societies. If we want to help genuine refugees, if we want to protect our societies, if we

want to stop the criminal trafficking gangs from benefiting as they are doing, we must stop the boats

coming – as the Australians did – and then we can assess who qualifies for refugee status.

I noted your comments, Mr Juncker, because there is a referendum coming in the United Kingdom. I look

forward to seeing you in the UK. I know you intend to spend tens of millions of pounds of British

taxpayers’ money telling us what we should think. I have a feeling that the British people will warm to you

on a personal level, but, as to suggesting that getting rid of a few EU regulations is going to change our

minds, sorry – unless you give Mr Cameron back control and discretion over our borders, the Brits, in the

course of the next year, will vote to leave.

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