BR081410 an Intellectual Amit Bhaduri

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  • 7/27/2019 BR081410 an Intellectual Amit Bhaduri

    1/2Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 14, 2010 vol xlv no 33 31

    book review

    An Intellectual Phenomenon Called

    Joan Robinson

    Amit Bhaduri

    Joan Robinson by G C Harcourt and Prue Kerr(London: Palgrave Macmilla n), 2009; pp x+270,65.00.

    One of the most colourful and ver-

    satile economists of the 20th

    century, Joan Robinson, aroused

    admiration and hostility from the profes-

    sion in almost equal measure. The volume

    under review by Harcourt and Kerr on

    Joan Robinson, in the Great Thinkers in

    Economics series edited by Thirlwall,

    helps us to understand this apparently

    puzzling phenomenon in an apparently

    scientic subject.

    It would be a misleading over-simplica-

    tion to say that the admiring and the dis-

    paraging comments were simply from two

    sides of the political divide. Joan Robinsons

    contribution to academic economics was

    so obviously important from a theoretical

    point of view that even those who thor-

    oughly disagreed with her world view could

    not simply dismiss it. The issues involved

    often went to the heart of the subject, andthe main merit of the book lies in explain-

    ing them accurately to an uninitiated audi-

    ence in an accessible way. Professional

    economists who worry about the relation

    between economics as a body of scientic

    principles, and economics as ideology (or

    rhetoric) would benet enormously by un-

    derstanding the intellectual phenomenon

    in economics called Joan Robinson.

    This book would remain valuable for a

    very long time because it illuminates the

    complex relation between science and

    ideology in economics which received

    considerable attention in Robinsons writ-

    ings throughout her life. During one of her

    visits to Poland, I was told she made a very

    interesting observation. The best test of a

    scientic theory in economics, she is re-

    ported to have said, is when you change your

    politics, but do not change the economic

    principles you apply. Its truth should be

    apparent after the recent crisis. Stimulat-

    ing demand through scal policy has beenaccepted by dogmatic free marketers, not

    only in the United States and Europe, but

    even in India by economists trained in the

    World Bank type ideology.

    A Rebel

    Robinson was by instinct an intellectual

    rebel, a rebel not identied either with the

    orthodox Left or Right. This is because her

    rebellious instinct was subservient to acute

    logical reasoning, not by commitment to

    any ideology. Professional economists

    could not simply ignore her logically craft-

    ed arguments. Brought up on the Marshal-

    lian tradition of partial equilibrium analy-

    sis (of mostly perfect competition), Joan

    Robinson received international fame and

    attention with the publication of her Eco-nomics of Imperfect Competition (1933). It

    was a masterpiece in microeconomic theory

    of the time. Most economists would have

    developed vested interests in the particular

    line of research which brought them such

    professional success, and would have de-

    fended its usefulness till the end of their

    life. Joan Robinson did exactly the oppo-

    site! She began to question its importance

    as a line of research and, joined soon the

    emerging Keynesian revolution in Cam-

    bridge which reshaped macroeconomics.

    Harcourt and Kerr document (Chapters 3

    and 4) that for a while (mostly during the

    1940s) three almost parallel lines of en-

    quiry proceeded in her work, as she tried

    sorting out the relation between imperfect

    market structures and Keynesian theory.

    First, and most obvious was the relation

    between imperfect competition (the falling

    demand curve) and deciency of aggregate

    demand. Second, since Marx had con-

    nected his theory of exploitation with therealisation problem arising from insufcient

    demand, she found it natural to explore

    the links between Marx and Keynes. And

    nally, the analytical overlap between the

    theories of Marx and Keynes despite their

    diametrically opposite attitude to capital-

    ism the former theorised to destroy it,

    and the latter theorised to preserve it ledRobinson to face the question of the role of

    ideology in economic theory, helping her to

    formulate her own views about the role of

    the state and the market especially in the

    context of post-war planning in Britain. It

    was now an intellectual challenge to rec-

    oncile these three aspects in a comprehen-

    sive analytical framework. Joan Robinson

    searched for this framework throughout

    her life, and her most perceptive work was

    probably simulated by this search. She

    searched relentlessly with complete intel-

    lectual honesty, often admitting her own

    mistakes about false starts without caring

    for academic respectability or recognition,

    and broke many intellectual conventions

    in the process.

    The attempt at reconciling theoretically

    the three aspects of her enquiry was made

    in herAccumulation of Capital (1956) with

    its central propositions briey reformulated

    in a short volume,Essays in the Theory of

    Economic Growth (1962). She believed,probably rightly that such a framework

    should be embedded in long period ten-

    dencies of capitalist growth by generalis-

    ing the General Theory in the long period

    setting. Joan Robinson was the rst in the

    immediate circle of Keynes to recognise

    that the link between Marx and Keynes

    could be deciphered through Kaleckis

    work, while Harrod (1939) had already

    provided the basic analytics for setting

    Keynes analysis in the context of the long

    period. A central point of her theory of

    growth, combining Kalecki and Harrod,

    was the two-way relation between the

    rate of prot and the rate of economic

    growth. In her scheme, growth affects

    prot through realisation (Kaleckis version

    of the multiplier mechanism) and prot

    affects growth through an investment

    function inuenced by prot expectations

    (which can be similar to an accelerator-

    like relation of Harrod).

    In this scheme, class distribution of in-come also affects the multiplier relation

    by affecting the savings propensity, and

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    BOOK REVIEW

    august 1 4, 2010 vol xlv no 33 EPW Economic & Political Weekly32

    this brings into the argument the impact

    of exogenous technical progress on in-

    come distribution. One point not men-

    tioned by the authors of this volume is the

    unfortunate intellectual insularity of the

    Cambridge school. Although Robinson in

    particular had been trying to integrate the

    market structure of imperfect competitionwith aggregate demand in her work, she

    overlooked Josef Steindls seminal work

    on this very theme,Maturity and Stagna-

    tion of American Capitalism (1951) written

    in post-war Oxford under the intellectual

    inuence of Kalecki. Undoubtedly, The

    Accumulation of Capital would have been

    enriched by Steindls theoretical and em-

    pirical insights on the subject.

    Robinsons growth theory made novel

    connections with theories of value and

    distribution through its treatment of capi-

    tal. She took the lead from Wicksell, and

    showed how change in relative price be-

    tween capital and consumer goods at dif-

    ferent rates of prot (an old problem due

    to Ricardo) plays havoc with the traditional

    production function. It becomes both a

    useless and a misleading tool of analysis,

    destroying in particular the marginal pro-

    ductivity theory of distribution. Since she

    had already established in her scheme

    that prot was inuenced by growth, themarginal productivity of capital was

    unnecessary for her analysis. Moreover,

    outside a one commodity world it was a

    logically faulty concept, and gave a mis-

    leading explanation of the rate of prot

    through relative scarcity of capital as a

    factor of production. In the rejection of the

    relative scarcity explanation of prot, her

    economics came dangerously close to

    upsetting a main ideological pillar of con-

    ventional economics. Conventional econo-

    mists who had found it so convenient to

    believe in an apologetic justication of

    prot as the reward (for temporal or inter-

    temporal) scarcity of capital hated that

    their beliefs were being questioned on

    logical grounds.

    Sraffas classicProduction of Commodi-

    tities by Means of Commodities (1960) set

    matters to rest by exposing the logical

    hollowness of the entire neoclassical para-

    digm, and its explanation of prot in parti-

    cular. For conventional academic wisdomit became a logical disaster. Marginal

    productivity theory of prot was shown to

    have no logical foundation. Re-switching

    of technique was shown to be possible, as

    the same method of production (tech-

    nique) could be protable both at a rela-

    tively low and a relatively high real wage

    rate and yet be unprotable in the inter-

    mediate range. Thus it destroyed irrevoca-

    bly the inverse relation between the rateof prot and the capital-labour ratio,

    measuring the relative scarcity of capi-

    tal in aggregate models.

    Capital Controversy

    In this demolition job of neoclassical capi-

    tal theory, Joan Robinson again became a

    main player, and popularised its implica-

    tions for economic theory through her

    writings. The debate on capital theory was

    logically won with its devastating implica-

    tions for standard theory, and yet nothing

    changed in the profession! Business con-

    tinued as usual, because the vested intel-

    lectual interest in standard neoclassical

    economics as a worldwide industry was

    too great. It also made clear that economic

    ideology in the service of capitalism does

    not need logic on its side! In disgust, Joan

    Robinson picked up the word mampsimus

    from the dictionary which means persisting

    deliberately in mistake (pp 103-05).

    However, in her search for a more real-istic and logically coherent theory of capi-

    talistic growth, Joan Robinson herself be-

    gan to see that the capital controversy

    could play only a limited negative role. It

    was useful for clearing up the ideological

    cobwebs of neoclassical theory about dis-

    tribution and prot. And yet, a realistic

    theory of economic growth has to meet a

    different and even more difcult challenge.

    A theory of growth that wishes to illumi-

    nate history has to take the question of path

    dependence far more seriously. The his-

    torically inherited stock of capital goods

    in this sense raised a different set of issues

    in this context which had been ruled by the

    assumption of malleability of the stock of

    capital. Her idea of the pseudo production

    function in which each point on an imag-

    ined production function had its capital

    stock consistent with its past history entailed

    a deeper criticism of the equilibrium

    method in economic theory. She had found

    an incomplete answer already in herAccu-mulation by comparing different equilibrium

    growth paths, but as she rightly insisted,

    comparison is a very unsatisfactory way

    of understanding change.

    By taking snapshots of different posi-

    tions and comparing them, you hardly un-

    derstand how things change or develop

    from one position to another through

    time. It is a problem to which we do not

    know the answer. Irreversibility in time,path dependence arising in particular

    from past mistakes in forecasting the

    future or small probability chance events

    combine in historical (as well as biological)

    processes. We can describe them in his-

    torical narratives, but their complexities

    remain analytically intractable. With the

    intellectual honesty typical of her, Joan

    Robinson refused to fudge the problem,

    and insisted on the distinction between

    accumulation in historical and in logical

    time to highlight the contrast. Joan Robinson

    became a source of discomfort to other

    economists, as she admitted candidly that

    she did not know the answer and was try-

    ing to nd a way. Because, through this

    admission she made us aware how most

    academic economists were simply fudg-

    ing their answers by avoiding the real

    analytical issues. Towards the end of her

    life, she was fond of repeating in lectures

    and private conversations that economics

    is an important subject, mainly because itprevents you from being fooled by other

    economists! This is a lesson we all need to

    take to heart in this media age confronted

    frequently with economists who have

    either turned politicians or pretend to be

    modern pundits.

    Amit Bhaduri ([email protected]) is

    professor emeritus at the Jawaharlal Nehru

    University, New Delhi.

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