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7/27/2019 BR081410 an Intellectual Amit Bhaduri
1/2Economic & Political Weekly EPW august 14, 2010 vol xlv no 33 31
book review
An Intellectual Phenomenon Called
Joan Robinson
Amit Bhaduri
Joan Robinson by G C Harcourt and Prue Kerr(London: Palgrave Macmilla n), 2009; pp x+270,65.00.
One of the most colourful and ver-
satile economists of the 20th
century, Joan Robinson, aroused
admiration and hostility from the profes-
sion in almost equal measure. The volume
under review by Harcourt and Kerr on
Joan Robinson, in the Great Thinkers in
Economics series edited by Thirlwall,
helps us to understand this apparently
puzzling phenomenon in an apparently
scientic subject.
It would be a misleading over-simplica-
tion to say that the admiring and the dis-
paraging comments were simply from two
sides of the political divide. Joan Robinsons
contribution to academic economics was
so obviously important from a theoretical
point of view that even those who thor-
oughly disagreed with her world view could
not simply dismiss it. The issues involved
often went to the heart of the subject, andthe main merit of the book lies in explain-
ing them accurately to an uninitiated audi-
ence in an accessible way. Professional
economists who worry about the relation
between economics as a body of scientic
principles, and economics as ideology (or
rhetoric) would benet enormously by un-
derstanding the intellectual phenomenon
in economics called Joan Robinson.
This book would remain valuable for a
very long time because it illuminates the
complex relation between science and
ideology in economics which received
considerable attention in Robinsons writ-
ings throughout her life. During one of her
visits to Poland, I was told she made a very
interesting observation. The best test of a
scientic theory in economics, she is re-
ported to have said, is when you change your
politics, but do not change the economic
principles you apply. Its truth should be
apparent after the recent crisis. Stimulat-
ing demand through scal policy has beenaccepted by dogmatic free marketers, not
only in the United States and Europe, but
even in India by economists trained in the
World Bank type ideology.
A Rebel
Robinson was by instinct an intellectual
rebel, a rebel not identied either with the
orthodox Left or Right. This is because her
rebellious instinct was subservient to acute
logical reasoning, not by commitment to
any ideology. Professional economists
could not simply ignore her logically craft-
ed arguments. Brought up on the Marshal-
lian tradition of partial equilibrium analy-
sis (of mostly perfect competition), Joan
Robinson received international fame and
attention with the publication of her Eco-nomics of Imperfect Competition (1933). It
was a masterpiece in microeconomic theory
of the time. Most economists would have
developed vested interests in the particular
line of research which brought them such
professional success, and would have de-
fended its usefulness till the end of their
life. Joan Robinson did exactly the oppo-
site! She began to question its importance
as a line of research and, joined soon the
emerging Keynesian revolution in Cam-
bridge which reshaped macroeconomics.
Harcourt and Kerr document (Chapters 3
and 4) that for a while (mostly during the
1940s) three almost parallel lines of en-
quiry proceeded in her work, as she tried
sorting out the relation between imperfect
market structures and Keynesian theory.
First, and most obvious was the relation
between imperfect competition (the falling
demand curve) and deciency of aggregate
demand. Second, since Marx had con-
nected his theory of exploitation with therealisation problem arising from insufcient
demand, she found it natural to explore
the links between Marx and Keynes. And
nally, the analytical overlap between the
theories of Marx and Keynes despite their
diametrically opposite attitude to capital-
ism the former theorised to destroy it,
and the latter theorised to preserve it ledRobinson to face the question of the role of
ideology in economic theory, helping her to
formulate her own views about the role of
the state and the market especially in the
context of post-war planning in Britain. It
was now an intellectual challenge to rec-
oncile these three aspects in a comprehen-
sive analytical framework. Joan Robinson
searched for this framework throughout
her life, and her most perceptive work was
probably simulated by this search. She
searched relentlessly with complete intel-
lectual honesty, often admitting her own
mistakes about false starts without caring
for academic respectability or recognition,
and broke many intellectual conventions
in the process.
The attempt at reconciling theoretically
the three aspects of her enquiry was made
in herAccumulation of Capital (1956) with
its central propositions briey reformulated
in a short volume,Essays in the Theory of
Economic Growth (1962). She believed,probably rightly that such a framework
should be embedded in long period ten-
dencies of capitalist growth by generalis-
ing the General Theory in the long period
setting. Joan Robinson was the rst in the
immediate circle of Keynes to recognise
that the link between Marx and Keynes
could be deciphered through Kaleckis
work, while Harrod (1939) had already
provided the basic analytics for setting
Keynes analysis in the context of the long
period. A central point of her theory of
growth, combining Kalecki and Harrod,
was the two-way relation between the
rate of prot and the rate of economic
growth. In her scheme, growth affects
prot through realisation (Kaleckis version
of the multiplier mechanism) and prot
affects growth through an investment
function inuenced by prot expectations
(which can be similar to an accelerator-
like relation of Harrod).
In this scheme, class distribution of in-come also affects the multiplier relation
by affecting the savings propensity, and
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7/27/2019 BR081410 an Intellectual Amit Bhaduri
2/2
BOOK REVIEW
august 1 4, 2010 vol xlv no 33 EPW Economic & Political Weekly32
this brings into the argument the impact
of exogenous technical progress on in-
come distribution. One point not men-
tioned by the authors of this volume is the
unfortunate intellectual insularity of the
Cambridge school. Although Robinson in
particular had been trying to integrate the
market structure of imperfect competitionwith aggregate demand in her work, she
overlooked Josef Steindls seminal work
on this very theme,Maturity and Stagna-
tion of American Capitalism (1951) written
in post-war Oxford under the intellectual
inuence of Kalecki. Undoubtedly, The
Accumulation of Capital would have been
enriched by Steindls theoretical and em-
pirical insights on the subject.
Robinsons growth theory made novel
connections with theories of value and
distribution through its treatment of capi-
tal. She took the lead from Wicksell, and
showed how change in relative price be-
tween capital and consumer goods at dif-
ferent rates of prot (an old problem due
to Ricardo) plays havoc with the traditional
production function. It becomes both a
useless and a misleading tool of analysis,
destroying in particular the marginal pro-
ductivity theory of distribution. Since she
had already established in her scheme
that prot was inuenced by growth, themarginal productivity of capital was
unnecessary for her analysis. Moreover,
outside a one commodity world it was a
logically faulty concept, and gave a mis-
leading explanation of the rate of prot
through relative scarcity of capital as a
factor of production. In the rejection of the
relative scarcity explanation of prot, her
economics came dangerously close to
upsetting a main ideological pillar of con-
ventional economics. Conventional econo-
mists who had found it so convenient to
believe in an apologetic justication of
prot as the reward (for temporal or inter-
temporal) scarcity of capital hated that
their beliefs were being questioned on
logical grounds.
Sraffas classicProduction of Commodi-
tities by Means of Commodities (1960) set
matters to rest by exposing the logical
hollowness of the entire neoclassical para-
digm, and its explanation of prot in parti-
cular. For conventional academic wisdomit became a logical disaster. Marginal
productivity theory of prot was shown to
have no logical foundation. Re-switching
of technique was shown to be possible, as
the same method of production (tech-
nique) could be protable both at a rela-
tively low and a relatively high real wage
rate and yet be unprotable in the inter-
mediate range. Thus it destroyed irrevoca-
bly the inverse relation between the rateof prot and the capital-labour ratio,
measuring the relative scarcity of capi-
tal in aggregate models.
Capital Controversy
In this demolition job of neoclassical capi-
tal theory, Joan Robinson again became a
main player, and popularised its implica-
tions for economic theory through her
writings. The debate on capital theory was
logically won with its devastating implica-
tions for standard theory, and yet nothing
changed in the profession! Business con-
tinued as usual, because the vested intel-
lectual interest in standard neoclassical
economics as a worldwide industry was
too great. It also made clear that economic
ideology in the service of capitalism does
not need logic on its side! In disgust, Joan
Robinson picked up the word mampsimus
from the dictionary which means persisting
deliberately in mistake (pp 103-05).
However, in her search for a more real-istic and logically coherent theory of capi-
talistic growth, Joan Robinson herself be-
gan to see that the capital controversy
could play only a limited negative role. It
was useful for clearing up the ideological
cobwebs of neoclassical theory about dis-
tribution and prot. And yet, a realistic
theory of economic growth has to meet a
different and even more difcult challenge.
A theory of growth that wishes to illumi-
nate history has to take the question of path
dependence far more seriously. The his-
torically inherited stock of capital goods
in this sense raised a different set of issues
in this context which had been ruled by the
assumption of malleability of the stock of
capital. Her idea of the pseudo production
function in which each point on an imag-
ined production function had its capital
stock consistent with its past history entailed
a deeper criticism of the equilibrium
method in economic theory. She had found
an incomplete answer already in herAccu-mulation by comparing different equilibrium
growth paths, but as she rightly insisted,
comparison is a very unsatisfactory way
of understanding change.
By taking snapshots of different posi-
tions and comparing them, you hardly un-
derstand how things change or develop
from one position to another through
time. It is a problem to which we do not
know the answer. Irreversibility in time,path dependence arising in particular
from past mistakes in forecasting the
future or small probability chance events
combine in historical (as well as biological)
processes. We can describe them in his-
torical narratives, but their complexities
remain analytically intractable. With the
intellectual honesty typical of her, Joan
Robinson refused to fudge the problem,
and insisted on the distinction between
accumulation in historical and in logical
time to highlight the contrast. Joan Robinson
became a source of discomfort to other
economists, as she admitted candidly that
she did not know the answer and was try-
ing to nd a way. Because, through this
admission she made us aware how most
academic economists were simply fudg-
ing their answers by avoiding the real
analytical issues. Towards the end of her
life, she was fond of repeating in lectures
and private conversations that economics
is an important subject, mainly because itprevents you from being fooled by other
economists! This is a lesson we all need to
take to heart in this media age confronted
frequently with economists who have
either turned politicians or pretend to be
modern pundits.
Amit Bhaduri ([email protected]) is
professor emeritus at the Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi.
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