Book "Global Research" 2015

8/9/2019 Book "Global Research" 2015

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1 That the NATO violated the international law by bombing the FRY in 1999 wasclearly recognized in March 2014 by at that time Germany's cancellor (the PM)Gerhard Schreder ( , March 10th, 2014:


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http://www.nspm.rs/hronika/gerhard-sreder-intervenicija-na-krimu-je-krsenje-medjunarodnog-prava-ali-to-je-bilo-i-nase-bombardovanje-srbije-1999.html). On this

(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=joaNkHKxapk;http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gaz8rzUW0Lc;http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K4vzr8l3FvU). On the identity and politics in the post-Yugoslavia's successor states, see: Robert Hudson, Glenn Bowman, After Yugoslavia: Identities and Politics Within the Successor States, London New York:

Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.2 On the issue of destruction of ex-Yugoslavia and Kosovo question, see: F. StephenLarrabee (ed.), The Volatile Powder Keg: Balkan Security after the Cold War ,Washington, D.C.: The American University Press, 1994; Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution After the Cold War , Washington, D.C.: TheBrookings Institution, 1995; Richard H. Ullman (ed.), Wars, New York: A Council on Foreign Relations, 1996; James Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War , London: Hurst &Company, 1997; John B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia, New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press, 2000; Jelena Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize 1990 2000, I II,

Peace at Any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo, London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006; David Chandler, From Kosovo to Kabul and Beyond: Human Rights and International Intervention,London Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2006; David L. Phillips, Liberating Kosovo:Coercive Diplomacy and U.S. Intervention, Cambridge, MA: Belfer Center for Science, 2012; Misha Glenny, The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers1804 2011, New York London: Penguin Books, 2012.3 See: Ken Booth (ed.), The Kosovo Tragedy: The Human Rights Dimensions,London Portland, OR: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd, 2001.4

Balcania: Scientific Articles in English, Vilnius: Lithuanian University 129; James Headley, Russia and the Balkans: Foreign Policy from Yeltsin to Putin, London: Hurst &Company, 2008.


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5 European Urban and Regional Studies, 7 (2), 2000, pp.

175 180.6 On the issue of used depleted uranium by the NATO during the Persian Gulf War

Review of the Effects of Uranium and Depleted Uranium Exposure on Reproduction

Toxicology and Industrial Health, 17, 2001, pp. 180 191. It

bombing of the FRY in armour-penetrating munitions, military vehicle armor, andaircraft, ship and missile counterweighting and ballasting applications. The combatapplications of the depleted uranium alloy in the Persian Gulf War and the Kosovo

aerosol, and to the chronic exposure from tissue embedding of the depleted uraniushrapnel fragments.7 On the universal human and minority rights, see: Will Kymlicka (ed.), The Rights of Minority Cultures, Oxford New York: Oxford University Press, 2000; Jan KnippersBlack, The Politics of Human Rights Protection, Lanham, Maryland: Rowman &Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2010; Dinah L. Shelton, Paolo G. Carozza, Regional Protection of Human Rights: Basic Documents, Oxford New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 2013. It has to be stressed that the Albanian minority in Serbiawithin the region of Kosovo & Metohija in the Socialist Yugoslavia enjoyed all kindof minority rights according to the international law and even above it. The region hasits own president, constitution, parliament, police, academy of science, law, press,education system, etc. In the other words, Albanian-run and dominated Kosovo &Metohija was in fact an independent political subject in Yugoslavia equal with allYugoslavia's republics. Within such political conditions Kosovo Albanians developeda high range of the policy of the oppression and expulsion from the region of theethnic Serbs with a strong tendency to separate the region from the rest of Serbia andinclude it into a Greater Albania. What Milo abolishment of just political independence of both autonomous regions in Serbia Vojvodina and Kosovo & Metohija in order to protect the country from territorial

destruction. However, even after 1989 Kosovo Albanians enjoyed minority rightsaccording to the basic standards of the international law. Many minorities in Europeor elsewhere today can just dream about minority rights left to Kosovo Albanians by

nce, the Kurds in


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Turkey (from 1999 a candidate country for the EU membership) enjoy no singleminority right for the very reason as they are not recognized as minority group at all.From the legal point of view by the Turkish government, the Kurds do not even existin Turkey as the ethnocultural and linguistic group. For this reason, the process of Kurdish assimilation in Turkey is on the way on. On the Kurdish question in Turkey,see: Metin Heper, The State and Kurds in Turkey: The Question of Assimilation, NewYork: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007; Cenk Saraçoglu, Kurds of Modern Turkey: Migration, Neoliberalism and Exclusion in Turkish Society, Tauris Academic Studies,2010; Michael M. Gunter, The Kurds: The Evolving Solution to the Kurdish Problemin Iraq and Turkey, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011; Noah Beratsky (ed.), The Kurds, Greenhaven Press, 2013; Ramazan Aras, The Formation of Kurdishness inTurkey: Political Violence, Fear and Pain,London New York: Routledge, Taylor &Francis Group, 2014.8 On this issue, for instance, see:

Video: Boris Malagurski Kosovo: Can You Imagine Canada, 2009(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9nHWsWOgtiw&index=2&list=PL999EB6ACC07FC959);Video La Guerra Infinita First part, RAI, Italy(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ho2yXwa2dtE&index=21&list=PL999EB6ACC

07FC959);Video La Guerra Infinita Second part, RAI, Italy(http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8EnMJXvK7Bw&index=37&list=PL999EB6ACC07FC959).


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9 March Pogrom in Kosovo and Metohija. March 17 19, 2004 with a survey of destroyed and endangered Christian cultural heritage, Belgrade: Ministry of Cultureof the Republic of Serbia p. 8.


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13 On terrorism in Yugoslavia, see: ,


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14 Hannes Hofbauer, Eksperiment Kosovo: Povratak kolonijalizma, Beograd: Albatros

Plus, 2009 (original title: Experiment Kosovo: Die Rückkehr des Kolonialismus).15 On the street- - p-LaRouche on Danger of World War


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16 (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZWhtdPZNsns).17 N. Gibbs, First Do No Harm: Humanitarian Intervention and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009.18 On Slobodan Milo Slobodan Milosevic and the destruction of Yugoslavia, Durham London: Duke UniversityPress, 2002; Adam LeBor, Milosevic. A Biography, London Berlin NewYork Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2012.


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19 On this issue, see: Kosovo Knot , Pittsburgh: RoseDog Books, 2014.


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20 On Kosovo's transition to (quasi)independence, see: Aidan Hehir (ed.), Kosovo, Intervention and Statebuilding: The International Community and the Transition to Independence, London New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2010. On thequestion of contested states, see: Deon Geldenhuys, Contested States in World Politics, London New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.


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21 James Pettifer, The Kosova Liberation Army: Underground War to Balkan Insurgency, 1948 2001, London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2012, the back cover. This book is official history of the KLA ordered and financed by the Albanian-run Kosovo government composed by the KLA veterans.22 Sinisa Ljepojevic, Kosovo Murky Reality, Bloomington, Indiana: AuthorsHouse,2008, p. 1.23 See pro-Albanian and pro-western points of view on historical background for theKLA with described its activities up to and including the NATO intervention: HenryH. Perritt Jr. Kosovo Liberation Army: The Inside Story of An Insurgency, Universityof Illinois, 2008. The Albanian KLA is not lesser separatist and terrorist than, for instance, the Kurdish PKK. However, it is allowed for the Turkish government by the

and a clear violation of the human rights. On the question of the PKK party, see: AliKemal Özcan, Öcalan, London New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2006; AlizaMarcus, Blood and Belief: The Kurdish Fight for Independence, New York London:

New York University Press, 2007; Abdullah Öcalan, Prison Writings: The PKK and the Kurdish Question in the 21 st Century, London: Transmedia Publishing Ltd, 2011;Charles Strozier, James Frank, The PKK: Financial Sources, Social and Political Dimensions, VDM-Verlag Dr. Müller, 2011.


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24 On Lega Nord, see: Anna Cento Bull, Mark Gilbert, The Lega Nord and the Northern Question in Italian Politics, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001; ThomasW. Gold, The Lega Nord and Contemporary Politics in Italy, New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2003; Manlio Graziano, The Failure of Italian Nationhood: The

Geopolitics of a Troubled Identity, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010; AndrejZaslove, The Re-Invention of the European Radical Right: Populism, Regionalism,and the Italian Lega Nord , Montreal & Kingston London Ithaca: McGill-QueensUniversity Press, 2011.


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25 Vladislav B. Balcania: Scientific Articles in English, Vilnius: Lithuanian University of

141.


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26 On the ISIS, see [Lincoln J., ISIS: The Rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria,

Kindle edition, 2014; Knight J. C., ISIS: Origin of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria,Kindle edition, 2014; Sekulow J., ISIS: A Threat We Can't Ignore, New York:Howard Books, 2014; Fisk Z., The Terror of ISIS: Assessing the Real Threat Posed bythe Islamic State, Blowfish LLC, 2014].


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27 -europe-30571911].28 A Court of Appeals in Bosnia-Herzegovina sentenced Jasharevic to 15 years in jail

Attacker Gets 15 Years in Jail -us-embassy-attack/25174652.html].29

On the Dayton Accords, see [Cousens M. E., Towards Peace in Bosnia: Implementing the Dayton Accords, International Peace Academy Occasional Paper Series, 2001; Chollet D., Road to the Dayton Accords: A Study of AmericanStatecraft , New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005].


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30 On Islamic terrorism at the Balkans, see [Shay Sh., Islamic Terror and the Balkans,Transaction Publishers, 2008]. On radical Islam today, see [Pargeter A., The Muslim Brotherhood: From Opposition to Power , London: Saqi Books, 2013; Wickham R.C., The Muslim Brotherhood: Evolution of an Islamist Movement , Princeton, NJ:Princeton University Press, 2013].31 On the Afghan Taliban-Bosnian Bosniak connections, see [Kohlmann F. E., Al-Qaida's Jihad in Europe: The Afghan-Bosnian Network , New York: Berg, 2004]. Onthe Al-Qaeda's network in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see [Schindler R. J., Unholy Terror: Bosnia, Al-Qa'ida, and the Rise of Global Jihad , St. Paul, MN: Zenith Press, 2007].32

On the national identity of the Rashka's district (Sanjak of Novi Pazar) SlavicMuslims, see [Fridman F., The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (With Reference to the Sandzak of Novi Pazar): Islam as National Identity, NationalitiesPapers, 2000].


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of Bosnia-Herzegovina: Their Historic Development from the Middle Ages to the Dissolution of Yugoslavia, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996]. Ondissolution of ex-Yugoslavia, see [Woodward L. S., Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution After the Cold War , Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1995;Owen D., Balkan Odyssey, London: Indigo, 1996; Finlan A., The Collapse of Yugoslavia 1991 1999, Ospray Publishing, 2004; B. V., Emigration,

, Vilnius:Lithuanian University of Educational Sciences Press, 2013; Mikasinovich B.,Yugoslavia: Crisis and Disintegration, Plyroma Publishing Company, 2014].35 See [Lings M., Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, Inner Traditions, 2006; The Quran, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008; Husain E., The Islamist , New York: Penguin Group, 2008; Euben L. R., Zaman Q. M. (eds.), Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought: Texts and Contexts from Al-Banna to Bin Laden, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009; Spencer R., Islam: Religionof Bigots, Sherman Oaks, CA: David Horowits Freedom Center, 2013].36 M.

National Interest), vol. 17, no. 2, Belgrade: Institute Davidson L., Islamic Fundamentalism: An

Introduction, Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2013.37 after the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina about the Arab Mujahedeens fighting in Bosnia-Herzegovina on the side of the Army of Bosnia- Herzegovina led by the Muslimgovernment in Sarajevo and about the impact of the Wahabbies on the Muslim societyin post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina. The movie is available on[http://vimeo.com/8482257]. On the holy war of Jihad , see [Firestone R., Jihad: TheOrigin of Holy War in Islam Cook D., Understanding Jihad California Press, 2005; Kepel G., Jihad: The Trial of Political Islam, London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2006; Bonner M., Jihad in Islamic History: Doctrines and Practice,Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008; Bostom G. A., The Legacy of Jihad: Islamic Holy War and the Fate of Non-Muslims, New York: Prometheus Books, 2008;

Lindsey H., The Everlasting Hatred: The Roots of Jihad , Washington, D.C.: WNDBooks, 2011; Kemp A., Islam's 1,300 Year War on Western Civilisation, CreateSpaceIndependent Publishing Platform, 2013].


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38 On Wahhabies and their mission, see [Algar H., Wahhabism: A Critical Essay,Oneonta, NY: Islamic Publications International, 2002; DeLong-Bas J. N., Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad , Oxford: Oxford University Press,2004; Bradley R. J., Saudi Arabia Exposed: Inside a Kingdom of Crisis, PalgraveMacmillan, 2006; Allen Ch., God's Terrorists: The Wahhabi Cult and the Hidden Roots of Modern Jihad , Da Capo Press, 2007; Ayoob M., Kosebalaban H. (eds.), Religion and Politics in Saudi Arabia: Wahhabism and the State, Lynne Rienner Pub.,2008; Commins D., The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2009; Hegghammer Th., Jihad in Saudi Arabia: Violence and Pan-Islamism since 1979, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010; Lacroix S., Awakening Islam: The Politics of Religious Dissent in Contemporary Saudi Arabia,Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2011; Dillon R. M., Wahhabism: Is It a Factor in the Spread of Global Terrorism?Kindle edition, 2012; Salvato F., The Muslim Brotherhood & Wahhabism in America, Virginia Beach, VA: BasicProject,2012; Peskes E. (ed.), Wahhabism: Docrine and Development , Critical Surveys inIslamic Denominations Series, 2014; Crawford M., -Wahhab, London:Oneworld Publications, 2014; Subhani J. A., Wahhabism, CreateSpace IndependentPublishing Platform, 2014].

39 http://www.serbianna.com/columns/mb/035.shtml].

40 On destruction of the Serbian Christian property and pogrom of the Serbs byKosovo Muslim Albanians see, for instance [ March Pogrom in Kosovo and Metohija.

March 17 19, 2004 with a survey of destroyed and endangered Christian cultural heritage, Belgrade: Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Serbia (displaced), 2004].


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41 For example, on the Jihad in Bosnia-Herzegovina, see[http://www.nspm.rs/komentar-dana/dzihad-u-sarajevu.html]. About the CIA and AlQaeda at the Balkans, see [http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1394711/posts].


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42 o [inserbia.info/today/2014/09/danger-of-radicalization-of-islamic-youth-in-kosovo-and-bih/].43 See more in [ 1, ].44 On Mother Teresa, see [Spink K., Mother Teresa: An Authorised Biography, New

York: HarperCollins Publishers, 2011; Scot D., The Love That Made Mother Teresa: How Her Secret Visions and Dark Nights Can Help You Conquer the Slums of Your Heart , Manchester, NH: Sophia Institute Press, 2013; North W., Mother Teresa: A Life Inspired , North Wyatt, 2014].


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45 About the western borders of Slavic extension in the early Middle Ages, see [Engel,1979, p. 36].


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46 About the Pan-Slavism, see in (Kohn, 1960).


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47 About the Russian history, see in (Riasanovsky, 2006).48 49

About Ukraine-Russian identity relations, see in (Plokhy, 2008; Plokhy, 2010).50 About the spiritual and geopolitical rivalry in the Balkans by the great European powers, see in ( ; Narochnitskaya, 1998).


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51

th

century tothe mid-19th century, see in ( , 1870).52 About history of the Cold War, see in (Lewis, 2005; Zubok, 2007).53 About the end of the USSR, see in (Plokhy, 2014).


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54 About different opinions on the nature of Yugoslavia, see in (Allcock, 2000;Sabrina, 2006).55 Woodwards, 1995; Ullman, 1996; Oven, 1996; Markovi 1996; Guskova, 2003;

, 2013a).


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56 About Peter the Great and his reformes in Russia, see in (Hughes, 2000; Cracraft,2003).


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57About the idea of the Holy Russia as a Third Rome, see in (Johnson, 2004).58 -Cold War imperialism and global hegemony, see in (Kiernan,

2005; Baron, 2014).


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59 About the Pax Americana, see in (Dorrien, 2004; Clarke, 2008; Parchami, 2009;Roncallo, 2014). On the remaking of the World Order, see (Huntington, 2002;Kissinger, 2014). On the post-Cold War US- Ukrainian crisis, see in (Stent, 2014).60 in (Weller, 2009; Tsurtsumia, 2010; Hehir, 2010; Francis, 2011; Souleimanov, 2013;

, 2013b).61 Donaldson, 2014). About Russia and her

closest neighbours, see in (Szajkowski, 1994; Hungtington, 2011, pp. About Russia and the Balkans after 1991, see in (Ekinci, 2013).


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62 88;Lazare

63 After 1991, a tycoonization of the politics and economies in the ex-Soviet and theWarsaw Pact countries means that the society became mainly depended on several

extremely rich and powerful persons or/and families who control a biggest scope of national finance and economy and therefore politics too. They became rich as have been ectremely privilaged during the process of privatization of the former socializm-


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64 , 2014).


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67 About this issue, see more in (Headley, 2008).68 About the globalization of the NATO pact, see in (Kitchen, 2010; Nazemroaya,2012).


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69 After the final withrowal of all military forces from Kosovo-Metohija in 2003,Russia opened in Prishtina a Representative Office (Hofbauer, 2009, 151)70 About discussion on the origins of the WWI, see in ( , 2014).


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71 On the NATO-Russia peacekeeping cooperation in Bosnia-Herzegovina and

Kosovo-Metohija, see more in (NATO and Russia).72 2002; Fremont- Afghanistan from 2001 onwards, see in (Gall, 2014).


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73 About this issue, see more in (Mendeloff, 2008; Kanet, 2010; Leichtova, 2014).74 About the Bosniaks, as a matter of comparison, see in (Donia & Fine, 1994; Pinson,1996).


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78 At the Congress of Berlin (from June 13th to July 13th political goal was to maintain a balance of power in Europe which would block creation of any anti-German bloc. His assessment was based on the realpolitik politics

Risti

(Misha, 1999, p. 149).79 accordingly gas prices as the main budget source of export revenue in Russia and the


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80 The region of Kosovo (under such name known in the western politics and science)is traditionally and historically called by the Serbs as Kosovo-Metochia, while by theAlbanians as Kosova or Kosovë. The western portion of the region is Metochia andthe eastern one is Kosovo.81 , , 15. 11. 2006:http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/721626.82 On history, antropology, religion and ethnography of the Caucasus, see: N. Griffin,Caucasus: A Journey To The Land Between Christianity And Islam(Chicago: TheUniversity of Chicago Press, 2004); B. Grant, L. Yalcin-Heckmann (eds.), Caucasus Paradigms: Antropologies, Histories and The Making of A World Area(LIT Verlag,2007); Ch. King, The Ghost of Freedom: A History of The Caucasus York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Th. De Waal, The Caucasus: An Introduction

The Caucasus: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); A. Tsutsiev, Atlas of The Ethno-Political History of The Caucasus(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014);G. M. Hahn,

Caucasus and Beyond (McFarland & Company, 2014). On ethnopolitical conflicts inthe Caucasus, see: S. E. Cornell, Small Nations and Great Powers: A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus 2001); E. Souleimanov, Understanding Ethnopolitical Conflict: Karabakh, South


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Ossetia, and Abkhazia Wars Reconsidered (New 2013).83 On self- and followed war between Georgia and Russia in August 2008, see: S. E. Cornell, S.F. Starr (eds.), War in Georgia(M. E. Sharpe,2009); R. D. Asmus, A Little War That Shook The World: Georgia, Russia, and The Future of The West (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010); D. Gierycz, The Mysteries of The Caucasus(Xlibris Corporation, 2010).84 Up today there are more than 100 states in the world, according to Kosovo Ministryof Foreign Affairs, who recognized this territory as an independent state. Among themare and 26 EU member states. However, Kosovo is not still a member of anyinternational political, economic or sport organization. The first two states whichrecognized Kosovo proclamation of independence in February 2008 were Afghanistanand the USA. The number of states who really recognized Kosovo independence isvery questionable.85 Moscow used the domino effect principle in the case of unification of the Crimean

Peninsula with Russia in the spring 2014 and can use the same principle for theunification with Russia of any other region of Ukraine or other ex-Soviet republicswith significant number of the Russian-speaking population or at least to support their autonomous or separatist political movements.


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86 There is a claim that the Ossetians are only European nation in the Caucasus, butthis claim is up to now not scientifically proved. The Ossetians themselves believe tooriginate from the Sarmatian tribe of Alans. The Ossetians speak a language that isremotely related to the Persian.87 See: Ph. M. Parker (ed.), (ICONGroup International, Inc., 2010).88 The Serbian Christian Orthodox cultural heritage in Kosovo-Metochia is of thecrucial importance for the national identity of all Serbs (

( vol. 35, no. 1, 2013)).89 .


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90 On history of Georgia, see: R. G. Suny, The Making of The Georgian Nation(Indiana University Press, 1994); D. Rayfield, Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia(London: Reaktion Books Ltd., 2012); S. F. Jones, Georgia: A Political History Since Independence(I. B. Tauris, 2014).91 For instance, see: Oblast

(Sarajevo: Orijentalni institut uSarajevu, 1972).92 About this issue, see:

. . .

( ).


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93 Before 1945 it was hardly known what the exact borders of this province have beenas it historically depended on the power of the local feudal lords (ex. the Brankovior foreign power (ex. the Kosovo Vilayet in the Ottoman Empire) which wasadministering the province.94 The Albanian minority in Serbia within the region of Kosovo-Metochia in theSocialist Yugoslavia enjoyed all kind of minority rights according to the internationallaw and even above it. The region has its own president, constitution, parliament, police, academy of science, law, press, education system, etc. In the other words,Albanian-run and dominated Kosovo- Metochia was in fact an independent political

conditions Kosovo Albanians developed a high range of the policy of the oppressionand expulsion from the region of the ethnic Serbs with a strong tendency to separatethe region from the rest of Serbia and include it into a Greater Albania. What S.Milo of both autonomous regions in Serbia Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metochia in order to protect the country from territorial destruction. However, even after 1989 KosovoAlbanians enjoyed minority rights according to the basic standards of the internationallaw. Many minorities in Europe or elsewhere today can just dream about minority

comparison, for instance, the Kurds in Turkey (from 1999 a candidate country for theEU membership) enjoy no single minority right for the very reason as they are notrecognized as minority group at all. From the legal point of view by the Turkishgovernment, the Kurds do not even exist in Turkey as the ethnocultural and linguisticgroup. For this reason, the process of Kurdish assimilation in Turkey is on the way on.On the Kurdish question in Turkey, see: M. Heper, The State and Kurds in Turkey:The Question of Assimilation(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); C. Saraçoglu, Kurds of Modern Turkey: Migration, Neoliberalism and Exclusion in Turkish Society(Tauris Academic Studies, 2010); M. M. Gunter, The Kurds: The Evolving Solution tothe Kurdish Problem in Iraq and Turkey(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011); N.Beratsky (ed.), The Kurds(Greenhaven Press, 2013); R. Aras, The Formation of Kurdishness in Turkey: Political Violence, Fear and Pain(London New York:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014). On Slobodan Milo rom the western perspective, see: L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the destruction of Yugoslavia(Durham London: Duke University Press, 2002); A. LeBor, Milosevic. A Biography(London Berlin New York Sydney: Bloomsbury, 2012).


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95 The Kosovo Albanian birth-rate after the Second World War is highest in Europeand even higher than in Albania for the very political reason to claim Kosovo-Metochia to be exclusively Albanian territory a claim to be based on the ethnicrights as the Albanians do not have any historic right on this province (( Kosovo Knot (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: RoseDog Books, 2014)).96 The South Ossetian referendum is called by Georgia as illegal like Kosovo

based. At themoment of the Kosovo Albanian referendum this South Serbian province did not haveany political autonomy. Kosovo-Metochia enjoyed very wide political autonomy until1989 when it was cancelled by Belgrade in order to prevent separation of the provincefrom the rest of the country. It was left to Kosovo-Metochia after 1989 cultural andeducation autonomy for the local Albanians the right which they enjoyed inMontenegro and the FYR of Macedonia. The South Ossetia was never enjoying suchwide political autonomy (semi-independence) in the USSR as it was the case of Kosovo-Metochia in the Socialist Yugoslavia till 1989.97 On the Kosovo Liberation Army, see, for instance pro-Albanian and pro-western points of view on historical background for the Kosovo Liberation Army withdescribed its activities up to and including the NATO intervention: H. H. Perritt Jr., Kosovo Liberation Army: The Inside Story of An Insurgency(University of Illinois,

2008); J. Pettifer, The Kosova Liberation Army: Underground War to Balkan Insurgency, 1948 2001 (London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2012). The last book is official history of the Kosovo Liberation Army ordered and financed by theAlbanian-run Kosovo government composed by the Kosovo Liberation Army


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veterans. The Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army is not lesser separatist and terroristthan, for instance, the Kurdish PKK. However, it is allowed for the Turkish

the PKK including and a clear violation of the human rights.98 About the case of the Republic of Serbian Krayina see:

( Regardingthe case of destruction of ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s, see: J. Guskova, Istorija

2003). Up today, theRepublic of Kosova is not a member of any international political, sport, cultural or economic organization.99 According to 1989 data, ethnic breakdown of Georgia was: the Georgians 69%,Armenians 9%, Russians 5%, Azerbaijanis 3%, Ossetians 3%. In 1993 it was 146.000

refugees in Georgia. At the same time about one million persons left Georgia, live in break-away regions or were expelled after 1989 (I. Ivekovic, Ethnic and Regional Conflicts in Yugoslavia and Transcaucasia: A Political Economy of Contemporary Ethnonational Mobilization(Ravenna: Longo Editore Ravenna, 2000), 18.


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102 An unrecognized the Republic of Pridnestrovje, the break-away region of theRepublic of Moldova is very good example of transitional, or uncompleted statehood.It is de facto not under Moldovan control, possessing all formal attributes of a

part of the world- -Proclaimed Republic: Nation-Building, Territorial Identities and Prospects of ConflictResolution (The Case of Moldova- Bianchini (ed.), From the Adriatic to the Caucasus: The Dynamics of (De)Stabilization(Ravenna: LongoEditore Ravenna, 2001), 87). Abkhazia, the South Ossetia and Pridnestrovje are the

-proclaimed independence of theRepublic of Nagorno-Karabakh in 1991. However, it is not done up today by any of the UN member states.103 On the issue of violation of minority rights in Albanian-governed Kosovo-Metochia, including and the policy of ethnic cleansing, see, for instance: The March

and endangered Christian cultural heritage(Belgrade, 2004); H. Hofbauer, Experiment Kosovo. Die Rückker des Kolonialismus(Wien: 2008); M.

(2006 March

(Serbian Political Thought ), vol. 43, no. . Such policy of violation of

minority rights including and ethnic cleansing, at least at such extent, is not recordedin the cases of the South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Pridnestrovje. According to Miroljub

ion of Serbian ChristianOrthodox national and cultural heritage in this province have Islamic background (

National Interest), vol. 17, no. 2 (Belgrade: Institute for Political Studies, 2013) ). On Islamic fundamentalism, see: L. Davidson, Islamic Fundamentalism: An Introduction(Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2013).


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105 On political history of Azerbaijan since 1991, see: Svante E. Cornell, AzerbaijanSince Independence(M. E. Sharpe, 2010).106 Azerbaijan did not apply fot the NATO help for at least three reasons: 1) not tospoil good relations with Russia; 2) not to provoke Iran a country which wassupporting Azerbaijan in its conflict with Armenia; and 3) the NATO at that time wasnot ready for the confrontation with Russia in the region which was de factorecognized by Brussels and Washington as the Russian zone of interest. On theKosovo- -Yugoslavia,

European Urban and Regional Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2,

(2000), 175 80; T. Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge(New Haven London: YaleUniversity Press, 2002); A. Finlan, The Collapse of Yugoslavia 1991 1999 (Ospray

-Metochia in 1999, see: T. G.Carpenter (ed.), ictory: A Postmortem on the Balkan War (CatoInstitute, 2000); B. S. Lambeth, Operational Assessment (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2001); D. Henrikson, Gamble: Combining Diplomacy and Airpower in the Kosovo Crisis 1998 1999

intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999, see: D. N. Gibbs, First Do No Harm: Humanitarian Intervention and the Destruction of Yugoslavia(Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2009).


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107 The author of this article has strong belief that the USA and the Russian

administrations simply decided in 2008 to recognize at the moment de factosituationupon the Balkans and the Caucasus affairs: Kosovo-Metochia will be recognized asthe USA domain, while the South Ossetia and Abkhazia as the Russian one. By now,


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113 The first official Ottoman territory, done in 1455, is up to now the most important and reliable historical andstatistical source on Kosovo during the first years of the Ottoman rule. According tothe Yugoslav scientific experts, the analysis of the names and surnames from thiscensus book ( Defter ) it is clear that in Kosovo at that time lived only 2% of Albanians

and all of them in the area of Djakovica that is a town very close to the border withthe present day Republic of Albania. The rest of Kosovo population was composed byoverwhelming Slavic (Serb) majority ( 1455 godine, 1, Orijentalni institut u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 1972 [


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Monumenta Turcica, Historiam Slavorum Meridionalum Illustranta, Tomus tertius,serija II, Defteri, knj. 2, sv. 1]. Original census book is in the Turkish language andarchived in Istanbul).114 The Autonomous Province of Kosovo from 1974 till 1989 had its own President,

Constitution), police forces, territorial defense forces, Academy of Science and Artsand the Prish other votes by all six Socialist Republics and the Autonomous Province of Vojvodinawith the veto rights power. In practice, Kosovo at that time was enjoying the samelevel of political-administrative independence as all other Yugoslav republics andVojvodina province. Nevertheless, the fact was that autonomous provinces in the post- however, no single other Yugosl was probably very unique case in history of applied federalism. On the SocialistFederal Republic of Yugoslavia, see: (J. R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History: TwiceThere Was a Country, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000; J. B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia, New York: Columbia University Press, 2000;

[in original: Alex N. Dragnich, ugoslavia];

L. Benson, Yugoslavia. A Concise History, New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004).115 Destroyed and Endangered Christian Cultural Heritage, Belgrade: Ministry of Culture of tina (displaced), 2004;

; H. Hofbauer, Eksperiment Kosovo. Povratak kolonijalizma, Beograd: Albatros Plus, 2009 [in original: Hannes Hofbauer, Experiment Kosovo. Die Rückkehl des kolonialismus].


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116 The customary laws are still followed to various degrees by many Albanians in alllands populated by this ethnolinguistic nation in the Balkans but more and more and


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in those European countries in which the Albanians today live. The fact is that theselaws have survived very much, and even in many cases replaced, the implementation

their importance for the Albanian society everywhere. The issue is that in these

customary influential written form of the Albanian customary laws is a codex by LekëDukagjinit (Sh., Gjeçovit, Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit , 2014).


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117 According to ( Kosovo Knot , Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: RoseDogBooks, 2014, p. 424).


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120 On geopolitics, see: Klaus Dodds, Geopolitics: A Very Short Introduction,Oxford New York: Oxford University Press, 2007; Jeremy Black, Geopolitics,London: The Social Affairs Unit, 2009; Saul Bernard Cohen, Geopolitics: TheGeography of International Relations, Lanham, Maryland: The Rowman & Littlefield

Publishing Group, Inc., 2009; Eric Walberg, Postmodern Imperialism: Geopoliticsand the Great Games, Atlanta, GA: Clarity Press, 2011; Colin Flint, Introduction toGeopolitics, New York: Routledge, 2012; Harvey Starr, On Geopolitics: Space, Place, and International Relations, Paradigm Publishers, 2014.


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121 On this issue, see: Robin W. Winks, Susan P. Mattern-Parkes, The Ancient Meditteranean World: From the Stone Age to A.D. 600, New York Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press, 2004; Ralph W. Mathisen, Ancient Mediterranean Civilizations: From Prehistory to 640 CE , New York: Oxford University Press, 2011; Thomas S.Parker (ed.), History of The Ancient Mediterranean World , Kendall Hunt Publishing,2011.122 See: Alastair Finlan, The Gulf War 1991, Osprey Publishing, 2003; Richard S.Lowry, The Gulf War Chronicles: A Military History of the First War with Iraq,Lincoln, NE: Iuniverse, 2008.123 See: Tim Judah, Kosovo: War and Revenge, New Haven London, Yale UniversityPress, 2002; Alastair Finlan, The Collapse of Yugoslavia 1991 1999, OsprayPublishing, 2004.124

See: John Lamberton Harper, Cold War , New York: Oxford University Press,2011; Carole K. Fink, Cold War: An International History, Boulder, Colorado:Westview Press, 2014; William T. Walker, America in the Cold War: A ReferenceGuide, ABC-CLIO, 2014.


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125 On the NATO Cold War strategy, see: Mark Smith, NATO Enlargement During the Cold War: Strategy and System in the Western Alliance, New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2000.126 International Spectator , No. 4, 1992, p. 5.127 On the US navy presence in the Mediterranean Sea area, see: Importance of United States Naval Forward Presence in Mediterranean Affairs, Naval Postgraduate School:Pennyhill Press, 2014.128

On the post-Cold War Mediterranean security challenges, see: Nikolaos A. Stavrou(ed.), Mediterranean Security at the Crossroads: A Reader , Duke University Press,1999; Stephen C. Calleya, Security Challenges in the Euro-Med Area in the 21 st Century: Mare nostrum, New York: Routledge, 2013.


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129 Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man, New York: Avon Books,Inc., 1992; Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order , New York, NY: Touchstone Rockfeller Center, 1997; Susanne Peters,

,Geopolitics, 1999; Kanayo Nwankwo, The West and the Rest: In the Wells of Hell ,Charleston, SC: BookSurge Publishing, 2008; The Clash of Civilizations? The Debate: Twentieth Anniversary Edition, Foreign Affairs, 2013.130 Richard Rosencrance: A New Concept of Powers, Foreign Affairs, New York,1992. However, more accurate term for the post-Cold War international relations

tirovi

Balcania. Scientific Articles in English, Vilnius: Lithuanian University of Educational 129).131 Richard Fal , Current History, Philadelphia,April 1993, p. 145.


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132 On the problem of migration and security, see: Elspeth Guild, Security and Migration in the 21 st Century, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2009; Thanh-Dam Truong,Des Gasper (eds.), Transnational Migration and Human Security, Berlin Heidelberg:Springer-Verlag, 2011.133 Brynen Rex, Pete W. Moore, Bassel F. Salloukh,Marie-Joelle Zahar, Beyond the Arab Spring: Authoritarianism & Democratization inthe Arab World , Lynne Rienner Publisher, 2012; Paul Danahar, The New Middle East: The World After the Arab Spring , New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2013;FawasA. Gerges, The New Middle East: Protest and Revolution in the Arab World , NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 2014.134 Mark Gasiorowski (ed.), The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa, Boulder, Co: Westview Press, 2014.135 On this issue, see: Bruce K. Rutherford, Egypt after Mubarak: Liberalism, Islam,and Democracy in the Arab World , Princeton Oxford: Princeton University Press,2013; John McHugo, Syria: From the Great War to Civil War , Saqi Books, 2014.136

On Taliban case, see: Robert D. Crews, Amin Tarzi (eds.), The Taliban and theCrisis of Afghanistan, Harvard University Press, 2008; Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: The Power of Militant Islam in Afghanistan and Beyond , London New York: I.B.Tauris,2010.


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137 On Islamic Republic of Iran and Islamic fundamentalism, see: Ray Takeyh, Hidden Iran: Paradox and Power in the Islamic Republic, New York: Times

Books Henri Holt and Company, 2006; Lawrence Davidson, Islamic Fundamentalism: An Introduction, Santa Barbara, California: Praeger, 2013.138 See: Hesham Al-Awadi, The Muslim Brothers in Pursuit of Legitimacy: Power and Political Islam in Egypt under Mubarak , I.B.Tauris, 2014.


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Conflict , New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2010; Andreas Constandidos, Britain and , Saarbrücken: LAP

Lambert Academic Publishing, 2011.144

International Spectator , Roma, 1995, No. 3, p. 34.145 On this issue, see: Mirela Bogdan, Turkey and the Dillema of EU Accession: When Religion Meets Politics, I.B.Tauris, 2010; Kenan Aksu (ed.), Turkey-EU Relations: Power, Politics and the Future, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge ScholarsPublishing, 2012; CRC Report for Congress: European Union Enlargement: A Status

-RS22517 , BiblioGov,

2013.146 On the question of democratization of the Turkish society and policy and the Turkish

Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 2005, pp. 167


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European Union Politics, Vol. 9, No. 4,2008, pp. 487

International Relations, Vol. 27, No 1, 2012, pp. 52 73.


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147 On the question of PKK party, see: Ali Kemal Özcan, Theoretical Analysis of the PKK and Abdullah Öcalan, London New York:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2006; Aliza Marcus, Blood and Belief: The Kurdish Fight for Independence, New York London: New York University Press,2007; Abdullah Öcalan, Prison Writings: The PKK and the Kurdish Question in the21 st Century, London: Transmedia Publishing Ltd, 2011; Charles Strozier, JamesFrank, The PKK: Financial Sources, Social and Political Dimensions, VDM-VerlagDr. Müller, 2011.148 On the Kurdish question in Turkey, see: Metin Heper, The State and Kurds inTurkey: The Question of Assimilation, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007; Cenk Saraçoglu, Kurds of Modern Turkey: Migration, Neoliberalism and Exclusion inTurkish Society, Tauris Academic Studies, 2010; Michael M. Gunter, The Kurds: The Evolving Solution to the Kurdish Problem in Iraq and Turkey, New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2011; Noah Beratsky (ed.), The Kurds, Greenhaven Press, 2013; RamazanAras, The Formation of Kurdishness in Turkey: Political Violence, Fear and Pain,London New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.149

-Cold War Era: Evolving Domestic and The Southeast European Year Book ,1994 1995, p. 527; Kerim Yildiz, The Kurds in Turkey: EU Accession and Human Rights, Pluto Press, 2005.


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150 Lambert M. Surhone, Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation,Betascript Publishing, 2011; Markus Philipp Vogtenhuber, Analyse der Black Sea

Economic Cooperation (BSEC), GRIN Verlag, 2012.151 Stephen J. Blank, Stephen C. Pelletiere, William T. Johnsen, Position at the Crossroads of World Affairs, Strategic Studies Institute: CreateSpaceIndependent Publishing Platform, 2012.


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152 On this issue, see: Ruud van Dijk (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Cold War , New York:Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2008; Keith Lowe, Savage Continent: Europe inthe Aftermath of World War II Applebaum, Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe 1944 1956 , New York:Anchor Books, A Division of Random House, Inc., 2012.153 On the post-Cold War Greek identity and politics, see: Vangelis Calotychos, The

Balkan Prospect: Identity, Culture, and Politics in Greece after 1989, New York:Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.154 Gregory Zorzos, The Greek Debts 1821 2010 and the New Seventh Bankruptcy,CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2010 (Greek edition).


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155 d.), Southern European Security in the 1990s, Pinter

Pub Ltd, 1992, pp. 6263.156 See, for instance: Costis Hadjimichalis, European Urban and Regional Studies, Vol.

7, No. 2, 2000, pp. 175 180.


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157 On this issue, see: Loring M. Danforth, The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World , Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,1995; Hugh Poulton, Who Are the Macedonians?, Hong Kong, 2000; James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question, London: 2001; Victor Rounometof,Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2002; P. H. Liotta, Cindy R.Jebb, Mapping Macedonia: Idea and Identity, Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers,2004; George C. Papavizas, Claiming Macedonia: The Struggle for the Heritage,Territory and Name of the Historic Hellenic Land, 1862 2004, Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2006; Andrew Rossos, Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History, Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 2008;Ernest N.

Damianopoulos, The Macedonians: Their Past and Present , New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2012; Zhidas Daskalovski, Marija Risteska (eds.), The MacedonianQuestion: 20 Years of Political Struggle Into European Integration Structures,Rangendingen: Libertas, 2012.


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158 After the Balkan Wars of 1912 -

the Balkan Wars, see: Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912 1913: Prelude to the First World War , London New York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2000;Jacob Gould Schurman, The Balkan Wars: 1912 1913, A Public Domain Book, 2013.159 The Falsification of Macedonian History, which withreliable proofs clearly demonstrates the Hellenic origin and national feeling of the

prize was awarded to the author at the Festive Plenary Session of the March 25th,1985 (Nicolaos K. Martis, The Falsification of Macedonian History, Athens: GraphicArts of Athanassiades Bros. S.A., 1984).


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160

, Politique Etrangere, Paris, No. 2,1992, p. 315.161 , The International Spectator ,Roma, No. 4, 1994, p. 57.


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162

, Australian Outlook,Canbera, No.2, 1987, p. 101.163 conflict and the present-day US/NATO peace-keeping mission in the region, see:


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Hannes Hofbauer, Eksperiment Kosovo: Povratak kolonijalizma, Beograd: 2009(original title: Experiment Kosovo: Die Rückkehr des Kolonialismus).164 On this issue, see: John A. Agnew, Place and Politics in Modern Italy, Chicago:

The University of Chicago Press, 2002.165 On the politics in the Maghreb, see: Michael J. Willis, Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco from Independence to the Arab Spring ,London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2012.


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166 On this case, see: Michael K. Bohn, The Achille Lauro Hijacking: Lessons in the

Politics and Prejudice of Terrorism 167 On Iraq-Iran War, see: Dilip Hiro, The Longest War: The Iran-Iraq MilitaryConflict , New York: Routledge, 1991; Efraim Karsa, The Iran-Iraq War 1980 1988,Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2002.


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176 An extra ordinary feature of Bosnia-Herzegovina is that it covers the fault lines between three major confessions: Roman Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam. Fromthis point of view, local nationalism(s) are not only ethnic; they are even moreconfessional ones.177 Lexical differences have been a primary criterion for the establishment of a

separate Bosnian language.178 However, both Serbs from Eastern Herzegovina (regularly) and Western Serbia (inmany cases) are using future tense construction /kupit Bosnian and Croatian.


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179 Former Serbo-Croat language was composed by (officially) three dialects:Chakavian, Kajkavian and Shtokavian. The last one became standardized literallanguage for Serbs, Croats, Montenegrins and Muslims/Boshnjaks. Shtokavian dialectwas/is subdivided into three sub-dialects: Ijekavian (mlijeko= milk), Ikavian (mliko)and Ekavian (mleko). Ikavian is not standardized.180 Similar policy of using alphabet in Bosnian language was pursued by Austro-Hungarian authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1878 1918.181

Besides these mentioned, historically, on the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina have been used and Glagolitic and Greek scripts.182 According to the Constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina official languages are:Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian. Such constitutional-linguistic situation in Bosnia-


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Herzegovina is quite similar to the Swiss one Italian, French and German (plusRomansh, spoken by very small community).183 During the Bosnian-Herzegovinian civil war of 1992 1995 Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs tried unsuccessfully to purify their language by elimination of

new neologisms (ex: socks, =sugar, pamuk =cotton, etc.). It is interestingthat common nickname for Bosnian Muslims given by the local Christians, but alsoand as a group name used by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims to identify themselves,

was Turci (the Turks). The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Christians used and the term poturice(those who became the Turks, i.e. convertors). The Bosnian-HerzegovinianMuslims, on the other hand, called the real ethnolinguistic Turks (Turkish languagespeakers) from Anatolia as Turku or .


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184 In historical sources the name Bosanski jezik (Bosnian language) is mentioned for the first time in the year of 1300. It is true that the earliest Slavonic philologists like P.J. and J. Kopitar used the term Bosnianlanguage but only as provincial speech of all inhabitants of the Ottoman Pashaluk of Bosnia but not as alanguage of Bosniansin ethnic term.185 For instance, according to the decree of 1880 for Austro-Hungarian administrationin Bosnia-Herzegovina existed only Boshnjakswho are by confession divided intothose of Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox denominations. In general, Austro-Hungarian administration in Bosnia-Herzegovina very much favored local RomanCatholic and Muslim inhabitants at the expense of the Orthodox.186 It has to be emphasized that even before Austro-Hungarian administration inBosnia-Herzegovina the local population used the terms Bosnian

language and Bosnians alongside with more pure ethnic names Serbian/Serbsand Croatian/Croats.187 Ottoman Pashaluk of Bosnia before 1683 encompasses and parts of historicalterritories of Croatia and Dalmatia.


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188 Vinko Pribojevi , a Dominican friar from the island of Hvar in Dalmatia in his Deorigine successibusque Slavorum(Venice, 1532) pointed out that Ottoman sultansappointed many South Slavs as the commanders of his army and that 20.000 of hisguard (the Janissaries) are recruited among the Thracians, Macedonians and Illyrians

aboriginal Balkan people, -

the Ottomans subjugated many states and peoples in Europe.189 Mavro Orbini, a Benedictine abbot from Dubrovnik, in his famous pan-Slavic

- De regno Sclavorum(in Italian version Il regnodegli Slavi), printed in Pesaro in 1601, was very clear telling that all South Slavs arespeaking the same language and composing one nation within a wider network of united ethnolinguistic Slavdom. More precisely, he inclined to call all speakers of ex-Serbo-Croat language of Shtokavian dialect as the Serbs. However, a Croatiannobleman of German origin from Senj, Pavao Ritter 1713) in his political-ideological-programmatic bookCroatia rediviva: Regnante Leopoldo MagnoCaesare, Zagreb, 1700 claimed that all Slavs, including and those in the Balkans,originated from the Croats and speaking in the essence Croatian language with

)writings is that all South Slavs (especially the Shtokavians) are composing oneehnolinguistic group (in modern sense - nation).190

when a majority of the most important Croatian scientific, literal and culturalinstitutions signed a Declaration upon the name and position of Croatian literal language


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192 The first President of post-Yugoslav independent Bosnia and Herzegovina and aleader of ruling Muslim political Party of Democratic Action(SDA), AlijaIzetbegovi , was known as an author of nationalistic Islamic Declarationfrom 1970according to which any form of multiculturalism and multiconfessionalism was not possible for the Muslims who have to establish pure Islamic society firstly byIslamization of the whole Muslim community.193

The most problematic and unproved in the sources hypothesis upon the ethnicorigins of the Boshnjaks (supported by, for instance, Bosnian linguist ) isthat they are posteriors of the mediaeval Bosnian Bogumilswho allegedly have been aseparate ethnic group, i.e. not Serbs or Croats.


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194 It is believed that the Vlach worshipers of the pagan god of herders Volos.195 In Greek language Koutsos Vlachis considered as a synonymfor the shepherds.196 This ethnonym is used by the community itself in most cases. According to theVlach tradition, the Armanian

a non-197 It means those who have been living at the Mt. Grammos that is on the border between Albania and Greece.198 The ethnonym Cincars or Tsintsars is given to the Vlachs probably because the

Nevertheless, the Cincar one of the hypotheses, the Tsintsars is derived from the Roman Fifth Legion (tsintsi,means five) since it is believed that the Vlachs are descendents of the Roman soldiers

from this legion, which operated in the Balkans during the time of the Late RomanEmpire.199 The Choban This term is of the Oriental origin.


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200 On the Balkan Wars and the First World War, see [Gerolymatos A. The BalkanWars: Conquest, Revolution and Retribution from the Ottoman Era to the TwenthiethCentury and Beyond , New York: Basic Books, 2002; Gilbert M., The First World War: A Complete History, New York: Henry Holt and Company, LLC, 2004; HootonR. E., , Fonthill, 2014;Schurman G. J., , CreateSpace Independent PublishingPlatform, 2014].201 During the last half of the century the natural increase (birth-rate) of the Vlachs isnegative since the parents (remarkably from the urban environments) opted to have a

single-child family.202 Besides the Vlach geographical dispersion across the Balkan Peninsula, the factthat they traditionally migrated in summer and winter time makes one of the pivotaldifficulties to fix their real number.


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205

I X 206 See more in [Koukoudis I. A., The Vlachs: Metropolis and Diaspora, Zitros

Publications, 2003; Koukoudis I. A., The Life of the Vlachs in 1900, Kapon Edition,2008].


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207 They were breeding the horses and sheep on natural pastures in the two mainseasons (summer and winter). The food, cloths, furnishing and transportation were provided primarily from the horses and sheep. One of the main characteristics of theVlach livelihood and lifestyle was that they had in most cases a permanent summer and winter camps, which have been the only territorial communities (independent andisolated from both one another and settlements of the other ethnic groups).208 On the Ottoman-Habsburg wars, see in [Anscombe F. F. (ed.), The Ottoman

, Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2006; Wheatcroft A.,The Enemy at the Gate: Habsburgs, Ottomans and the Battle for Europe, New York:Basic Books, 2009; Aksan H. V., , New York: Routledge, 2013].


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209 For instance, they were summering on the Mt. Osogovske (2084 m.) in the EasternMacedonia, but wintering as far as an area of the city of Salonika (Thessaloniki) inGreece.210 As a result of the Romanian-language and the school curricula education and propaganda a huge number of educated Vlachs received at the beginning of the 20thcentury a Romanian ethnocultural feeling. It produced the Vlach (Aromanian)national revival movement that was based on the self-awareness of the Romance

origin. This trend brought the Vlachs closer to the Romanians who formed in the mid-19th century a national state (in 1859). Consequently, there was a deep distinctionconcerning the Vlach self-determination since some of them identified themselves asthe Aromanians while the others did it as the Romanians. In the course of time a trial


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self-identity was present in many of the Vlach families: Aromanian in the privatesphere, Romanian in intra-community sphere, and as a member of macro-communityin the public sphere.211 The Christianity was always one of the crucial ethnic determinations of the Vlachself-identity. Consequently, there were some cases that the Vlach women fromnomadic communities had been tattooing crosses on the foreheads and hands. Themost important collective celebrations of the Vlachs are Christmas, Easter, St

also very much celebrated in majority of the Vlach nomadic communities. However,it should be stressed that coming to the churches and having regular contacts with the priests for the Vlachs was rather complicated because their communes have beenliving faraway from the population settlements. Permanent contacts with the churchhad only the urban Vlachs.212 In this region the Vlachs developed very profitable trade that was mainly based on

flourishing sheep/horse-breeding, but as well on crafts and cartage.213 Macedonia for the reason to escape a tyrannical rule of the Ottoman governor of Ioanina, Ali-Pasha.


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216 Traditionally, the family was the main protector of the Vlach language, customsand ethnic features.


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217 For instance, majority of young Vlachs prefer to speak the language of the macro-community instead of the Vlach one.218 On language and identity, see in [Joseph E. J., Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious Language and Identity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009; Watt D.,Llamas C. (eds.), Language, Borders and Identity, Edinburgh: Edinburgh UniversityPress, 2014].219 The South Epirus is part of Greece. Epirus was divided between Albania andGreece after the Second Balkan War in 1913 when the independent state of Albania

independence was proclaimed in the city of Vlorë on November 28th, 1912). On Epirus, see [HammondL. G. N., Epirus. The Geography, The Ancient Remains, The History and TheTopography of Epirus and Adjacent Areas, Clarendon P., 1967; Potts J., The Ionian Islands and Epirus: A Cultural History, Oxford: Signal Books Limited, 2013].220 See the map on page 194 in [Poulton H., The Balkans. Minorities and States in

Conflict, London: Minority Rights Group, 1994]. The number of the SlavMacedonians in Albania ranges from 4,000, according to the Albanian sources, to100,000, according to the Macedonian sources. Most probably, the real figure is15,000.


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221 Albania has an area of 28,748 sq. kms. and, according to the census from 1981 ithad a population of 2,752,300 with the highest population growth rate in Europetogether with Kosovo. The figure of 35,000 Vlach community in Albania is claimedin [Horak M. East European National Minorities: 1919 1980, Colorado, 1985]. The other twofigures are put by the independent researchers and the international institutions andorganisations for protection of human and minority rights. There are even some

originally ethnic Vlachs. This claim is surely not supported by historical sources.222 This Greek claim is based on the fact that before the Second World War there were400,000 Orthodox believers in Albania who have been registered as the members of the Independent Orthodox Church in Albania, which used exclusively the Greek

x population attended the Greek

according to the religious affiliation into the Roman Catholics (10%), Orthodox(20%) and Muslims (70%). The Orthodox population, according to the ethnic belonging, was composed by the Greeks, Vlachs, Montenegrins and Macedonians (i.e., the Macedonian Slavs). The Serbs officially do not live in Albania, while theMontenegrins are separated from the Serbs. Nevertheless, after 1967, when Albaniaofficially proclaimed to be the first world atheist state, there is no available records on

ethnic minorities members, see in [Amnesty International, Albania: Political Imprisonment and the Law, AI EUR, 11. April 1984, p. 13]). For sure, the biggest part

census there were 95% of total population who declared themselves to be the ethnicAlbanians. The 5% belonged to the ethnolinguistic minorities. After 1967 there weremore than 600 Orthodox churches destroyed and other 600 converted to other

purposes like the grain store-houses, theatres, coffee shops, stables, etc. [ Human Rights in Albania: Hearing Before the Sub-Committee on Human Rights and International Organizations of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, statement by Nikolaos A. Stavrou on January 25th, 1984].


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223 He was born in 1908 in Gjirokastër, exactly in the southern part of Albania wherethe most Vlach concentration has been and died in 1985 in Tiranë. E. Hoxa ruledAlbania from 1946 to 1954 as the prime minister and from 1954 to 1985 as the firstsecretary of the Communist Party of Albania [D. Crystal (ed.), The Cambridge Encyclopedia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 543]. On Enver

Albania as Dictatorship and Democracy, Albanian Studies, 2006].

224 such policy. For instance, many Christian Orthodox geographical and settlementnames adopted the Albanian ones (for example, the ethnic Greek village of Agios Nikolaos, that is St. Nicolas, became renamed into Albanian Drita, what means the

not been changed. It can be explained with the fact that traditionally the Islam wasone of the crucial components of the Albanian national identity within the OttomanEmpire (the Albanians have been surrounded with hostile non-Muslim neighbours of

the Christian Orthodox creed: the Greeks and the Slavs from Serbia, Macedonia andMontenegro).225 This anti-


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226 Amnesty International, Albania: Political Imprisonment and the Law, AI EUR,April 11th, 1984. The Greek national identity as minority group in the South Albania(and other Balkan states as well), where the Greeks live mixed with the Vlachs, isclosely connected with the adherence to the Christian Orthodox Church, the use of theGreek language and the use of the Greek forms of personal names, surnames,geographical names and names for the settlements (i.e. villages).227 Prifti P., Socialist Albania since 1944: Domestic and Foreign Developments,Cambridge, Mass, London, 1978, p. 164.228 News Network International ,

May 17th

, 1990.229 New York Times, June 220th,1988.230 BBC, Summary of World Broadcasts, Eastern Europe/0983 I, January 30th, 1991.


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231 About the minority rights, including and those on the education in the mother tongue, see in [Fishman J., Language and Ethnicity in Minority Sociolinguistic Perspectives, Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd., 1989; Kymlicka W., The Rights of

Minority Cultures, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000].232 of minority rights, but general European standards in the field may be found in severalEurope-wide instruments which can provide the basic guidelines for minority


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protection of each European country like: [ Framework Convention for the Protectionof National Minorities(accessed on April 26th, 2001); European Charter for regional or Minority Languages(accessed on April 26th, 2001); European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms(accessed on April 27th,2001)].233

In Bulgaria there is a great and even politically coloured debate on the name of theVlach minority group: should they be designated by the accepted scientific term Aromaniansor to be called as the Armaniansthat is the ethnonym used by the Vlachsthemselves.


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234 Romania required the north-west Bulgarian province of the South Dobruja (the

North Dobruja was already included into Romania accordi decision in 1878) in 1913 as a compensation for giving up the Vlachs (Wallachians)

as a Balkan minority of the Romanian ethnolinguistic origin. The geographic-historical territory of Macedonia was divided in 1913 between Serbia, Bulgaria and

in division of Macedonia. The South Dobruja was returned back to Bulgaria in 1940while the North Dobruja remained within Romania up today. The region of Thracewas divided in 1913 between the Ottoman Empire (the East Thrace) and Bulgaria (theWest Thrace). However, in 1919 the biggest portion of Bulgarian Thrace becameincluded into Greece. Bulgaria temporally occupied both portions of Dobruja in 1916

of these border changes. For instance, after the First World War there were 250,000

Bulgaria; 360,000 Turks and Muslims left Macedonia and the West Thrace, 100,000left Bulgaria and 25,000 left Crete to Turkey; 650,000 Greeks from Smyrna region inAsia Minor, 260,000 from Trabzon area, 50,000 from the South-East Asia Minor and260,000 from the East Thrace emigrated from Turkey to Greece after the Greek-Turkish War of 1919 1923 and additional 50,000 of the Greeks left Bulgaria toGreece after 1919 [Westermann Großer Atlas zur Weltgeschichte, Braunschweig,

Min Communities and Identities in Bulgaria,Ravenna: Longo Editore Ravenna, 1998, pp. 66 68; Genov G., The Legal Status of Minorities, Sofia, 1929, p. 125; Ladas S., The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria,Greece and Turkey, New York: Macmillan, 1932, pp. 122 123]. According to theGreek historiography, in 1923 there were 1,100,000 Greeks who moved from Turkeyto Greece, while some 380,000 Muslims were transferred from Greece to Turkey[Clogg R., A Concise History of Greece, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1992, p. 101]. The Greek-Turkish population exchange in 1923 was in accordance tothe Convention on compulsory exchange of population between Greece and Turkey,

signed in January 1923. The war was over in July 1923 by the Treaty of Lausanne. Onterritorial clams by the Balkan nations, see in [ Emigration, Refugees , Vilnius: Lithuanian

].


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238 1923. However, the

Both of them played an important role in the formation and maintenance of theAromanian ethnocultural and linguistic identity. Undoubtedly, due to the activities of aforementioned institutions, together with the Aromanian Youth Association(established in 1923), the Aromanian language, traditions and customs were verymuch preserved in Bulgaria. These institutions have been closed in 1948 when the

epublic of Bulgaria became fully involved into the Soviet political-economic bloc. After 1948 the Aromanians in Bulgaria have been officiallyconsidered as the Vlachs and later as ethnic Bulgarians who spoke a neo-Latinlanguage.239

According to J. B. Schechtman, under this treaty it was exchanged circa 61,000Bulgarians and about 100,000 Romanians (the latter number includes and ethnicVlachs) [Schechtman B. J., European Population Transfers (1939 1945), New York:Oxford University Press, 1946, pp. 406 409].


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240 Before this exodus of 1989 it happened twice in the communist-Bulgaria that 1951 (154,000

persons) and between 1969 and 1978 (130,000 persons).241 In the recent Bulgarian history it occurred twice between 1878 and 1945 that theBulgarian government persuaded campaigns of forced conversion and name changesamong the minority groups for the sake of Bulgarization (during the wars of 1912 1913 and in 1942 1944).242 The Karakachans and the Vlachs have a common feature in the point of livelihoodand denomination, but these two minority groups differs from one another in theterms of language: the Vlach language is a neo-Latin, while the Karakachan languageis a neo-Hellenic (it belongs to the northern dialect of the modern Greek language).The Karakachans are either 1) descendents of the ancient Balkan peoples (theThracians, the Illyrians) who have been living in pre-classical and classical times inthe mountainous areas of the southern parts of the peninsula, but became Hellenized;or 2) they are descendents from sedentary Greek peasants who left their settlements inthe late Middle Ages and became the nomadic shepherds. The Karakachansthemselves believe that the Mt. Pindus in Greece is their original home place. Todaythey are living in Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Serbia. At any case, themajority of the present-day Vlachs and Karakachans is bilingual especially the males.243 ion of 1991 recognises the rights of the ethnic,religious and linguistic minority members in Bulgaria to self-protect and develop their

culture and self-identity by using the mother tongue, along with the compulsory studyof the Bulgarian language.244 Monitoring the EU Accession Process: Minority Protection 2001, Open SocietyInstitute, Budapest, 2001.


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245 Undoubtedly, the claim by some experts in the Vlach studies that in the North

Bulgaria it can be found about 400,000 Vlachs is overwhelming exaggeration of thetruth [ European Parliament Working Document , 2 119/1985].246 Communities and Identities in Bulgaria), Ravenna: Longo Editore Ravenna, 1998, p. 19.


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247 st, 19 Official Gazette Sofia, 1992. The legal provisions, which banned the establishment of political partieson ethnic basis have been included in the agreement upon creation of the Union of Democratic Forces (in 1990) in the Political Parties Act (in 1990) and in the post-communist Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria (adopted on July 12th, 1991).248 Notably, the Bulgarian constitutional and legal provisions from the time of

zens regardlesson their ethnic, religious or linguistic origin. It included the rights to exercise minorityethnocultural features, to practice their religion and to speak the mother tongue.However, in practice, non-Bulgarians have been often under political pressure. Thefirst Vlach cultural association in Bulgaria was established in 1895 and the firstRomanian-language school in Bulgaria was opened in 1896. Both of them have beenregistered with the purpose to develop Vlach education and culture [Hristu V.,

Graiul romanesc 7, 1931, p. 86].249

Poulton H., The Balkans. Minorities and States in Conflict,London: MinorityRights Group, 1994, p. 189.250 Regardless that some of the Vlach emigrants from Greece claim the figure of 60


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254 Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2002; Rossos A., Macedonia and the Macedonians: A History, Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press,2008; onia between Greek, Bulgarian, Albanian and Serbian

Serbian Studies: Journal of the North AmericanSociety for Serbian Studies Damianopoulos N.E., The Macedonians: Thier Past and Present , New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012;

Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in , Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2014]. On

r J. (ed.), The New Macedonian Question, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001].


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255

of the Vlach language in Greece. However, some of the leading Vlach figures inGreece did not support those critics and openly defended the standpoint of the Greek government. Nevertheless, the Vlach émigré organizations in France, Germany, the


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USA, etc. on their regular meetings are heavily condemning the Greek linguistic policy and especially the practice that the Greek Vlachs are pressed to use the Greek alphabet in order not to antagonize the local authorities. The Vlach diaspora isfighting for the use of the Latin alphabet like it is a practice in Romania (after 1863).


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256 A geographic-historical Macedonia was divided in 1913 between Serbia, Bulgariaand Greece. This Balkan province was occupied by the Ottoman Turks in 1371 andliberated from the Ottoman lordship in 1912. About the Macedonian issue, see in[Poulton H., Who are the Macedonians?, London: Hurst & Company, 1995; Danforth

M. L., The Macedonian Conflict. Ethnic Nationalism in a Transitional World ,Princeton: Princeton University Press, New Jersey, 1997; Brailsford N. H., Macedonia: Its Races and their Future, London: Methuen & Co., 1909.257 Andreev V. (and others),The Republic of Macedonia, Skopje, 1995, pp. 2 3.


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258 On Kosovo case, see in [Hofbauer H., Eksperiment Kosovo. Povratak kolonijalizma, Beograd: Albatros Plus, 2009 (Hofbauer H., Experiment Kosovo. Die Rückkehl des Kolonialismus)].259 The Romanian struggle over Macedonia lacked in comparison with the Bulgarian,Serbian and Greek efforts a national clergy, which will attract the Vlachs to theRomanian church, but not to the Bulgarian, Serb or Greek ones. Anyway, the

Ottoman authorities supported the Romanian efforts at the expense of the Greek Patriarchate especially in the Bitola district in Macedonia. After diplomaticintervention in Istanbul by the Romanian ambassador in 1903 it was established aseparate Aromanianecclesiastical autonomy in Macedonia.


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260 It was established in Bucharest at the turn of the 20th century most important Vlachcultural organization under the name of Macedonian-Romanian Society for Intellectual Culture. This organization was during the First and the Second BalkanWars (1912 1913) the main proponents against territorial division of Macedonia between Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece. Instead, it fought for Macedonian autonomous province. The same Vlach organization was presented at the Versailles PeaceConference in 1919 requiring establishment of the autonomous Macedonia with anindependent canton for the Vlachs, which will include the area of the Pindus Mt. The

Principality state in this portion of the peninsula. The area of the Principality covered Epirus,Macedonia and Thessaly. The prince was Alcibiades Diamandi. The Principality had

and its own armed forces supported the Italian fascism [Averoff-Tossizza E., The Call of the Earth, New York: New Rochelle, 1981].261 Poulton H.,Who are the Macedonians?, London: Hurst & Company, 1995, p. 94.


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263

On the ancient Thracians, see in [Hoddinott F. R., The Thracians, Thames &Hudson, 1981; Fol A., Fol V., The Thracians, Coronet Books, 2005; Dimitrov A. P.,Thracian Language and Greek and Thracian Epigraphy, Newcastle upon Tyne:Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009].


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264 For instance, according to the 1981 census, in the district of the city of Bor therewere 10,29% Vlachs.265

Noe C., Popesco-Spineni M., Les Roumains en Bulgarie, Craiova: Ramuri, 1939, 266 Statistical Yearbook of Yugoslavia 1988, Belgrade, 1989, p. 442 (in Serbian);

, Beograd, 1985, p. 32 36.


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267 There are Bulgarian scholars who found evidences that parts of the Timok and theDanub

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