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The New Profile of Peruvian HistoryAuthor(s): Heraclio BonillaSource: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 16, No. 3 (1981), pp. 210-224Published by: The Latin American Studies AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2502930 .

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THE NEW PROFILE OF

PERUVIAN HISTORY

HeraclioBonillaInstitutoeEstudios eruanosnd

Universidadat6lica, ima

In the ast decade in Peru, therehave been substantive hanges in think-ing about Peruvianhistory nd society.Although thischange is visiblein all the social sciences,in a specialway economicanalysis and histori-cal investigation ave made some important ains. Economics no longerconsists, n the works of its better dherents, of vague meditationsorthe crude accountingof a druggist; nd historical tudies are also finallybeginning o reach a minimal evel of seriousness.Once the end productofonly a few particularlyucidminds, the concept thatwe have todayofhistory nd the work of the historian s now shared by a much larger

group. It s interesting, herefore, o see where thesechanges have beenmade, not only because of the academic necessityof giving a correctaccounting,but also because the outlines of thisnew consciousness ofits past thatPeruvian society s acquiring need to be underscored. Thestudyof history n Peru,more than any other social science, is partofthe continual struggle to redraw the past of Peruvian society and todestroy he collective mnesia ofthe masses. These two objectives havealways been sought but onlynow are they being achieved by works ofindisputablerigor.

The purpose of this review is to recount the achievements ofPeruvianhistoriographyn thepastdecade inunderstanding heprocessthatbegan with the incorporation f Peru into the internationalmarketin the sixteenth entury nd ended with the impactof the 1929 worldcrisison its economy. Any inventory s arbitraryn that it shows thepreferencesof its author and because it tends to start with the mostrepresentativeworks. In thissense, a complete bibliography f the his-torical iterature f the last ten years mightwell reveal that most stillhold thetraditional iew ofhistory nd thatthechange postulatedhere

is not so evident. But it is the existenceofthisbreech,however small,that t s important o note.

Translated ith unds rovided y theJosiah harlesTrentMemorial oundation,nc.

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TheTransitionromheAndean othe olonial ystem

The greatmovements n pursuitof freedom rom he colonialoppression

imposed on the peoples of Asia and Africa; he revolutions, ike thoseinMexico, Bolivia, and Cuba; and the crisis in Westernhistoriographycaused by its nability o accountsatisfactorilyor he changes occurringin these "peoples without a history"have made it indispensable toreconsiderthe process of colonial societies and to formconcepts andinstruments hat are adequate to reconstructt. In the case of SpanishAmerica,this change implied abandoning the idea of colonialhistory sa mere extension of European history nd replacingit with one thatdealt with the characteristicseculiarto colonial society nd favored he

testimony f those colonized. The break imposed by the conquest thusconverted heheroic epic ofPizarro and hismen into an investigation fthe dismantlingof the mechanisms that upheld Tawantinsuyond theeffects f this destruction n the native population. This "vision of thevanquished," to use the beautiful expression coined by the MexicanMiguel Leon Portilla,permittedNathan Wachtelto reconstruct,n LaVision esVaincus:es ndiens uPerou evantaConquetespagnole,530-1570 (Paris: Gallimard,1971), the dramaticprocess ofthedestructuringof Andean society.Similarly,Karen Spalding, in De indioa campesino

(Lima: IEP, 1974) extended thistypeofanalysis nto the colonial period,and FranklinPease, in Del tawantinsuyola historia elPeru' Lima: IEP,1978), showed the implications fthis approach forPeruvian historiog-raphy.Another example of this type of analysis is Steve Stern's "TheIndian People of Huamanga, Peru, and the Foundation of a ColonialSociety,1532-1640" (Ph.D. dissertation,Yale University, 979), whichshows how colonial order n any region was established n response tothe Andean peasant and his struggles. For this Andean view of thehistory f the conquest and the colonial period, the support of anthro-

pologicalthought nd the worksofJohnV. Murraon thefundamentalsof Andean civilizationbefore 1532 have been indispensable. Investiga-tors n this field,giventhe weakness of social historyn Peru, call suchwork "ethnohistory."

One oftheproblemsthat t s important o discuss in an examina-tion ofthe transition rom he Andean to the colonial system s how tomeasurethe mpactoftheconqueston thesize ofthenativepopulation.This problemhas long occupied the leisure time of those interested nboth Spanish and Indian studies, and defendersof both the black and

rosyaccounts of the conquest. Demographic historyn Peru stillhas noBorah,orGoubert,orLaslett,butprogresshas been made. Noble DavidCook, in "The Indian Population ofPeru, 1570-1620" (Ph.D. disserta-tion,University fTexasatAustin, 1973),and GiinterVollmer,n Bevbl-kerunspolitikndBevolkerungsstrukturr,IVizekonigreicheru u Endeder

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Kolonialzeit, 741-1821 (Berlin: Bad Homburg von derHobe, 1967) haveoffered he first igures n theevolutionof the nativepopulationfor hecolonial period;Nicolas Sanchez-Albornoz, n Indiosy tributosn al AltoPeru' Lima: IEP, 1978), has examined, althoughforonlya limited rea,the relationships mong population, tribute, nd thenative economy.

As for the Hispanic population, the other component of earlycolonial society,two recentbooks go beyond mere reiteration f thedeeds of the men of the conquest. SpanishPeru, 1532-1560 (Madison:University fWisconsinPress, 1968) and TheMenofCajamarca Austin:Universityof Texas Press, 1972), both by James Lockhart,show thesocial positionof theconquistadoresand the new institutionsheywerecreating n theverymidst of thewars ofconquest.

Studyof Andean religionwas for longtimea minor ppendix tothe institutional istoryof the Catholic Church. Here, too, anthropo-logical thoughthas obligated historians o change theirperspective. Be-sides the initial works ofPease, Pierre Duviols' La Lutte ontre esReli-gionsAutochtonesansle PerouColonial Lima: Institut rancaisd'EtudesAndines, 1971), and the currentresearch coordinatedby JoseMatosMar,based on documentsofthe exterpation f dolatry, hould be men-tionedin thisnew context.

TheColonial ining conomy

The need to understand the mechanisms of the primitive ccumulationofcapitalhas attracted he attention f North American and Europeanhistorians o theminesand precious metalsofcolonial Peru. The worksof EarlJ.Hamilton,ofHuguette and PierreChaunu, and PierreVilar,tomention onlythemost relevant, re testimony o this nterest.But, forobvious reasons, these analyses emphasized the role that the exportofpreciousmetals fromLatin America played in changingthe European

economyof the sixteenth entury nd in unleashing rising ecular pricetrends. Later works by Alvaro Jara, Tres nsayos obre conomiaminerahispanoamericanaSantiago: Universidad de Chile, 1966) and Peter J.Bakewell, "Registered Silver Production in the Potosi District,1550-1735" Uahrbuckur Geschichte ateinamerikas,and 12, [1975]), althoughthey howed carefullyhefluctuationsnproduction,did little o changethe orientation fstudieson colonial mining.

Now, however, fthehypothesisput forth yMurraon the func-tioning f thepre-Columbian economy s correct, t s logical to suppose

that it began to erode with the opening of the mines at Potosi andHuancavelica and the circulation of the metals, as the commodity-money,from heirplace of productionuntiltheywere shipped out fromCallao and Buenos Aires.Carlos Sempat Assadourian has dedicated twoimportantworks to an examination of the formation f this Andean

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REVIEW ESSAYS

economic space and theproductionof silver: "Sobre un elementode laeconomia colonial: produccion y circulacionde mercanciasen el interiorde un conjunto colonial" (Santiago: Eure, no. 8 [1973]) and "La produc-cion de la mercancia dinero en la formaciondel mercado internocolo-nial" (Lima: PUC, Economia , no. 2 [1978]). The problemof the mita ndits mplications or he Peruvian economy of the eighteenth enturyhasbeen studied by Enrique Tandeter n "La rente comme rapportde pro-duction et comme rapport de distribution: e cas de Potosi, 1750-1826"(These de 3e Cycle en Histoire, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en SciencesSociales [Paris], 1980). Finally,JohnFisher, n Minas y minerosn el Peru'colonial Lima: IEP, 1977), has set aside the idea of an extreme risis nmining n the last third f the eighteenth entury, howing thatproduc-tion at Cerro de Pasco, even if it never reached the former evels atPotosi, nevertheless permitted he mining sectorto functionuntilthevery ve of ndependence.

Colonial griculture

The rural economy and society of colonial Peru have not yet beentreated to a study like that which Francois Chevalier conducted forMexico; untilnow, the most suggestive points have been outlined byPablo Macera, particularlyn Trabajos e historia, vols. (Lima: INC,1977). However, this vacuum has been filled partially n the last fewyears by several solid regional monographs that show the profounddiversity f the colonial agrarianstructure rom hevery beginningsofits development: among these are, for the northcoast, the work ofSusan Ramirez-Horton, Land Tenureand the Economics of Power inColonial Peru" (Ph.D. dissertation,University fWisconsin, 1977); and,for he central oast,themagnificentook byRobertKeith, Conquest ndAgrarian hange: heEmergenceftheHacienda ystemn thePeruvianCoast Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity ress, 1976); theproblemof thestability f themiddle- and small-size holdings nthecountrysideof Arequipa has been discussed extensivelyby Keith Davies in "TheRural Domain of theCityofArequipa, 1540-1665" (Ph.D. dissertation,Universityof Connecticut, 1974). The most efficient aciendas werewithout doubt controlledby theJesuits n the Peruviancoastal region;Nicholas P. Cushner has dedicated his book, LordsoftheLand: Sugar,Wine ndJesuitstatesfCoastal eru, 600-1767Albany: tateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1980),to a studyof how these haciendas operated.

To my knowledge, studies of thistypedo not exist forthe tradi-tionalmountainhaciendas nor for he evolutionof the nternal tructureof the ruralcolonial communities.Exceptforthe solid inspection givenbyMagnusMornernPerfile asociedadural e Cuzco fines e a colonia(Lima: Universidad del Pacifico, 1968), and the well-known thesis of

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Karen Spalding for the region ofHuarochiri, "Indian Rural SocietyinColonial Peru: The Example of Huarochiri" Ph.D. dissertation,Univer-sityof California t Berkeley, 967), thefunctioning f thiskindofpro-ductive unit has yetto be investigated.

We are equally ignorant f the forms f aborand the transforma-tion of relations of production. FrederickBowser's monumental book,The African lave in ColonialPeru (Stanford,Calif.: StanfordUniversityPress, 1974) tells about the characteristics f slavery n early colonialtimes, but it is of littleuse in understandingthe functionof slaverywithin he colonialeconomyand thenatureof ts articulationwith otherforms fproduction. t would be important,n thiscontext, o examinethe problem of slavery ncolonial Peru in lightofthedebate inspiredbyEugene Genovese and RobertW.Fogel several years ago.

ObrajesndColonialndustry

The obrajes, ike the mines, are significant or their capacity to induceinternalchanges in the regional economies, since they call for precisenetworksboth for he supplies theyrequire s well as for he distributionof theirtextileproduction. These facts, ogetherwiththe type of laborforcethey employed, are sufficiento justify heirstudy,not only to

understandthefunctioningfthe "industrial ector"ofthecolony,butalso to figureout the logic of the colonial economic system. Unfortu-nately,with the exception of the old book by Fernando Silva Santiste-ban, only the recentwork of MiriamSalas, De los obrajesde Canaria yChincheroslascomunidadesndigenaseVilcashuamanLima,1979),givesany informationbout Andean obrajes. Thus, Robson P. Tyrer's "TheDemographic and Economic HistoryoftheAudiencia of Quito: IndianPopulation and the Textile ndustry,1600-1800" (Ph.D. dissertation,University fCalifornia t Berkeley, 976), although trefers omodern

Ecuador,will remainthefundamental eferencework n this fielduntilsimilarmonographsare written orPeru.

The tate ndColonial inances

The operationofthe Peruvian colonial system evolved around the fiscalextraction f the surpluses it produced. These facilitated hereproduc-tion of the internal ystemofpoliticaldomination and maintenanceofthe metropolitan tate;hence the special care taken by the colonial bu-

reaucracy n keeping the accounts of the Cajas Reales of the viceroy.Thus, an analysis of thisvoluminous documentationnot only gives agood idea oftheextent f colonialexploitation ut also givesinformationabout the productive potentialsof the differentegionsof the colonialsphere. Such has been the aim ofthestudiesbased on these sourcesby

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JavierTord and HerbertKlein and JohnTePaske. The former as pub-lished his preliminary indingsn"Sociedad colonialyfiscalidad" Lima:Universidad del Pacifico, Apuntes 1979]); the others are preparing topublish theirstatisticaldata in the series of the InstituteforPeruvianStudies.

Discussion on the nature of the colonialstate, on the otherhand,has just begun. Inspired bythe Weberian dea of patrimonial upport ofpower, Richard Morse, in "The Heritage of Latin America," in TheFounding fNew Societies, d. Louis Hartz (New York: Harcourt, Brace,Jovanovich, nc., 1964),and Magali Sarfatti,n SpanishBureaucraticatri-monialism n America Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1966),were the first o initiatemodern studies on the colonial state. JulioCot-ler, n a moregeneral work, Clases, estadoy nacion n el Peru'Lima: IEP,1978), uses similar premises to examine specificcharacteristics f thecolonial state. Withoutdoubt, this is an area where collaborationbe-tweenpolitical scientists nd historians s necessary.But even if theory,in this case political theory, s necessary in order for the historian tounderstandthe realityhe is studying,nevertheless,theorizing hat isnot backed by empirical evidence runs the risk of turning nto puremetaphysics.The fact s thatempirical nvestigations n the structureand functioning f the colonial state in Peru simplydo not yet exist.Thus, the books by JohnFisher, Governmentnd Society n ColonialPeru:The ntendantystem, 784-1814 (London: University fLondon Histori-cal StudiesNo. 29, 1970); GuillermoLohmannVillena, Los ministrose aaudienciaeLima nel reinadoelosBorbones,700-1821: squemae unestudio obreun nucleodirigenteSeville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-americanos, 974);MarkBurkholder nd D. S. Chandler,From mpotencetoAuthority:heSpanish rown ndtheAmerican udiencias,687-1808(Columbia: University fMissouri Press, 1977);and Leon Campbell,TheMilitarynd Societyn Colonial eru, 750-1810Philadelphia: mericanPhilosophical Society, 978),are important ecause these careful tudiesof the compositionof the rulingclass and the army provide the basicelementsfor rigorousreexamination f the stateand itsmultiplerela-tionswith colonial society.

TheCrisis fColonial rder

When one thinksof the ruptureof the colonial compact in Peru, thefigurewho immediately prings omind s TupacAmaru.Rightly rnot,this Tungasuca cacique and the mobilization efforts f other, minor,chiefs, rethe mainpreoccupationof thehistoriographersfthisperiod.Since Boleslao Lewin's classic study of Tupac Amaru in 1957, recentefforts ave contributed o a betterunderstandingof therevolutionarybonfire hat gnitedthe greatrebellion.Many of these have been col-

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lected, with an intelligent ntroduction, n a volume edited by AlbertoFlores-Galindo, TupacAmaru I (Lima: INC, 1976). ScarlettO'Phelan,having recordedmost of the native rebellionsoftheeighteenth entury,

is finishing n important hesis on the same subject. But themost mpor-tant contribution as been made by JurgenGolte. His book, Repartosrebeliones:upacAmaru las contradiccionesesistemaolonialLima: EP,1980), is an almost unnecessary demonstrationof the correlationbe-tween repartosnd rebellions;but ts greatvalue lies in showinghow thedistribution f goods stimulated he growth fthe nternalmarket t thesame time as it regulatedthe extraction f the labor surpluses of thepeasantry.

In 1971, Heraclio Bonilla and Karen Spalding noted, in La inde-

pendencian lPeru:aspalabras oshechosLima: EP, 1971), hatmost fthe propositionson Peruvian emancipation propounded by traditional,local historiography, ere meaningless. At the same time, they formu-lated some questions forfuture nvestigations bout independence. De-spite the time thathas passed, our knowledge ofthe period 1784-1824does not seem to have increased perceptibly. he notable exception sTimothyE. Anna's recentbook, The Fall of theRoyal Governmentn Peru(Lincoln:University f Nebraska Press, 1979). Also there s the appear-ance of a collectionof massive tomes, grouped under the titleColeccion

documentale la independenciale Peru', dited by the National Commis-sion for he Sesquicentennial ofPeru.Butthese are only documents,nodoubt important nes, that still await the patience and enthusiasm ofsome reader....

Fromndependenceothe risis f 929

The hundred years throughwhich Peruvian society passed from tsindependence fromSpain until the explosion of the crisisof 1929 aredivisible nto four ignificantras: contraction, 821-40; guano, 1840-79;

thewar ofthePacific, 879-84; and postwarreconstruction, ntil1929.Withoutdoubt, the great work of JorgeBasadre, Historiade la

Repu'blicaelPeru', th ed. (Lima: Ediciones Historia,10 vols, 1962-64),continuestobe thebasic reference or hisperiod, ust as his Introducciona lasbases ocumentalesara a historiae aRepu'blicaelPeru' on lgunasreflexionesLima: Ediciones PL.V., 1971) remainstheprincipalreferencefor detailedhistory fthePeruvian nationalperiod. It s equallycertainthat his earlierworks, Peru', roblema posibilidadLima: F. Y. E. Rosay,1931; 2d ed., 1978) and La multitud,a ciudady el campo Lima: Editorial

Huscaran, 1947),have notonlynot ost their reshness, ut have openedone of the mostsuggestive approaches to the studyof Peruvianhistory;only recentlyhas his approach been takenup again forthe historiog-raphyof Peru. Beside theclassicworks ofBasadre, anothersynthesis fthisperiod, Historia conomicaelPeru'BuenosAires: Editorial udameri-

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cana, 1949; 2d ed., Lima, 1968), byEmilioRomero, s stillhighly nfor-mative.Morerecently, rnestoYepes del Castillo, nPeru,1820-1920:unsiglode desarrollo apitalistaLima: IEP, 1972), has presented an overallinterpretation f the fundamental haracteristicsf the nineteenth en-tury; nd Cotler, n the book already mentioned, discusses the persis-tence and significance f the colonial character f the state and Peruviansociety fter 821.An economic periodizationfor he nineteenth entury,based on the behaviorof Peruvian exporttrade,has been suggestedbyBonilla n Un siglo la deriva Lima: IEP, 1980,chaps. 1, 2), and by ShaneHunt, in "Price and Quantum Estimates of Peruvian Exports, 1830-1962" (PrincetonUniversity,Woodrow Wilson School, Discussion Paperno. 33, 1973). In addition,a study of the financesof the period has beenmade by Javier antaleainA. in the Introduction o a forthcomingollec-tion of annual reportsby the ministersof the era. Another decisivecontribution, eru, 1890-1977: Growth nd Policy n an Open Economy(London: MacMillan, 1978), by RosemaryThorp and GeoffBertram,s acareful nalysis ofthe functioning f the modern sectorsof the Peruvianeconomy since the end ofthe nineteenth entury.fthere s any lack tobe regretted, t is the absence of a work similar to this one for thetraditional ectors of the economy. It is these solid general works thatindicate where morespecificmonographs are needed.

The Contraction,821-1840

These were two decisivedecades in the process of oosening the bondsof thecolonial system nd forming new nationalorder,but an exami-nation of this area has not yet been undertaken; tudies have been donein reference o other,althoughnot less significant, roblems. In GranBretafia el Perui: osmecanismose un controlconomicoLima: IEP, 1977),Bonilla has examined the conditions and effects f the Britishpresencein postindependence Peru. The economy and culture peculiar to thesouth Andean region, that is to say, their notable potentialwithinaframework f economic decline,has been treatedbyFlores-GalindoinArequipa el Sur Andino, iglosXVIII-XX (Lima: Horizonte, 1977),and byJohnF. Wibel, "The Evolution of a Regional Communitywithin theSpanish Empireand the Peruvian Nation:Arequipa, 1780-1845" (Ph.D.dissertation,StanfordUniversity, 975). The relations between com-munities nd haciendas and theprocessofdecomposition/ ecompositionwithin he former uringthisperiodhave been studiedin an exemplary

manner in an unpublished manuscript by ChristineHunefeldt. Al-though not referringpecifically o this period,since they re treatmentswithin larger hronological ramework,he books of VictorVillanueva,Ejercito eruano: elcaudillaje ndrquicol militarismoeformistaLima: Edi-torialJuanMejia Baca, 1973)and Jeffreylaiber,ReligionndRevolutionn

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fraudulent ayments made to a great number of nativecreditors f thePeruvian state with the resources provided by guano, had been theoriginof the process bywhich the Peruvian elite was reestablished co-nomically.This idea has recently een challenged byAlfonso Quiros in"La consolidacionde la deuda interna" Tesis de Bachiller,UniversidadCatolica [Lima], 1980). Afterreviewingthe relevant primary ources,Quiros foundthatthe certificatesf consolidation, s well as those oftheexternal debt, circulated among a small group and ended up in thehands of merchant irmswith strongforeign nterests. he role of guanoin theformation f productive apital has been demonstrated y ManuelBurgain an important ook on the agrarianhistory fthe JequetepequeValley on thenorth oast. De la encomienda la hacienda apitalistaLima:IEP, 1976), shows how the capitalization of one of its haciendas de-pended upon financialmovement originatedby guano. His work hasbeen extendedin a thesis written y Juan R. Engelsen, "Social Aspectsof Agricultural xpansion in Coastal Peru, 1825-1878" (Ph.D. disserta-tion, University f California, os Angeles, 1977).

It is already well known that guano produced both riches andmisery.The fantastic nflation hat took place in citiessuch as Lima inthe early 1870s incitedone of the first mportantmobilizations of theurban masses. The composition and objectives of this uprising havebeen studiedcarefully y MargaritaGiesecke inMasas urbanas rebelionenla historia: olpedeestado, ima, 1872 (Lima: Centrode DivulgaciondeHistoria Popular, 1978).

On theotherhand, demographic history f the period continuesto be ignored. Althougha national census was takenfor he first ime n1876,Castillahad abolished the Indian tributen 1854,thus doing awaywith the Padrones, ne of the most important ources for tracingthedemographic evolution of this population. Althoughseveral importantworkson this opic are nprogressfor he regionofCuzco, theearlywork

of George Kubler, The Indian Caste of Peru, 1795-1940 (1952; reprintedHomewood, Ill.: Greenwood Press, 1973), s still hebasic reference.

TheWar, 879-1884

Over the last century,manybooks ofvaryingvalue have been writtenabout the warwithChile, and theywillcontinuetobe written s longasindependence and war of the Pacific re the obligatory xes of officialhistoriography.n 1975, Henri Favre, in "Remarque sur la Lutte des

Classes au Perou pendant la Guerredu Pacifique" LiteraturetSocieteuPeroudu XIXe Siecle ' Nos Jours Grenoble:Universite e Grenoble,1975]), was the first o call attention o the necessityof examiningthewar from a different erspective. But the war is also a test case foranalysis ofmore serious problems,such as the national question and

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colonial survivals n modernPeru;for hisreason, in 1978,in "The Warof the Pacific nd the National and Colonial Problem n Peru" (PastandPresent, o. 81 [Oxford,November19781),Bonillaoutlines a reexamina-tion of both dimensions. Withoutdoubt, the most important dvancemade sincetheproblemwas presented s the thesis of Nelson Manrique,"Campesinado y naci6n: la sierracentraldel Peru'durante a guerradelPacifico" Tesisde Magister,Universidad Catolica [Lima],1979).

Fromhe ostwar econstructiono he risis f 929

The Peruvianeconomy recuperatedfrom he breakdown produced bythe conflictwithChile by means of severe monopolizationofthe pro-ductiveresourcesand a massive injectionofforeign apital.Thus begana process that continued until the great crisis of capitalismin 1929,characterized y thefollowing raits. n economicterms, he concentra-tion and denationalizationofresources,associated withthe change inthe operation of foreigncapital in Peru and the finalreplacement ofBritish apital byUnited Statescapital, gave birth ocomplex productiveunitssustained bythemassive extraction f rawmaterials nd capitalistexploitationof the native work force. These "enclaves," as theyhavecome to be called, were new phenomena in the economic historyofPeru, both for the regional rearrangement hey produced and forthenew relationsofproduction heyestablished.

These productive units, n addition, ntroduced profoundmodi-ficationswithin the regions where they operated, one of theireffectsbeing the takeover of the land of small- and medium-sizedproprietorsand ofpeasant communities.Thisfact, nd theexploitation fthe work-ers of theminingcenters nd theagro-industrial lantations,gave birthto the first reatpopular uprisingsof the urban and ruralmasses andinspired the diverse ideologies thatquestioned the legitimacy f suchdomination.

The state of this republic of aristocrats rticulatedthe linkagesbetween the interestsof the different ractions f the propertiedclasswith those of imperialistcapital. The frequent readjustments n thecompositionof and the relationships mong the ruling forces ndicatetheprecariousnatureofsuch an arrangement, ven though this periodis one of the most stable n thepoliticalhistory fPeru. Forthis reason,the crisisof capitalismin 1929 and the accumulated internaltensionsended withtheerratic fforts fLeguia to turnPeruinto a "New Father-land," that s, tomodernizeits economic and politicalorder.Basic eco-nomic analysis of this period has been done by Thorp and Bertram;politicalanalysishas been done byCotler, nd by Sinesio Lopez, in "Elestado oligairquico n el Peru': un ensayo de interpretacion" San Jose:Cuadernos ocialesCentroamericanosmayo-agosto1978]). But theground-

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workon thebasic questions alledforbytheeconomic nd politicalprocessof 1895to 1930has been covered n the important ook ofManuel Burga nd Alberto lores-Galindo,pogeo crisis e a repu'blicaaristocraticaLima:EdicionesRikchay,979),whichwas inspired ythelatest rends f Frenchhistoriography;nfortunately,t acksrigorouseconomic nalysis.

A study ftheorigins fU.S. domination as attemptedeveralyears go,withoutmuch uccess, yJames arey, n Peru nd heUnitedStates, 900-1962NotreDame, Ind.:Universityf NotreDame Press,1962).William . Bollinger,n"TheRiseofthe United tates nfluencein Peruvian conomy, 869-1921" Master'sThesis,UniversityfCali-fornia, 971) ndBonilla,nUn siglo la derivachap. 3) have treatedhesameproblem. he nternationaligrationssociatedwith henewdy-namism cquired ythePeruvianconomyntheseyearshas alsobeguntoattractheattentionf nvestigators.he mpact fthe talianmigra-tionhas been examined y JanetWorral,Italian mmigrationo Peru:1860-1914" Ph.D. dissertation,niversityf ndiana, 972), nd that ftheJapanese yClintonGardiner,heJapanesendPeru, 873-1973Al-buquerque:UniversityfNew MexicoPress, 1975)and AmeliaMori-moto,Los inmigrantesaponesesn el Peru Lima: UniversidadAgraria,1979).On Chinesemigration,hestandard ook s stillWatt tewart'sChineseondagenPeruDurham: ukeUniversityress, 951), utnewinformation,na regional ontext,amefrom rnoldJ.Meagher's TheIntroductionfChineseLaborers o LatinAmerica: he CoolieTrade,1847-1874" Ph.D. dissertation,niversityfCalifornia, avis,1975).

The functioningf thevast economic omplexes hatwerein-stallednthisperiod lso hasbeen treatednseveral olidmonographs.Forexport griculture,he most mportant orksare PeterKlaren'sFormacione as haciendaszucareraslos or'gineselApra, d ed. (Lima:IEP, 1976),Bill Albert'sAnEssay n thePeruvian ugar ndustry,880-1920 East Anglia,1976), nd MichaelGonzales' "The Formation f aRuralProletariatn a Peruvian ugarPlantation"Ph.D. dissertation,UniversityfCaliforniatBerkeley,978).Theproblemsonnected iththebirth fthemining roletariatavebeenexplored yBonilla n Elmineroe osAndesLima: EP, 1974),Alberto lores-GalindonLosmi-neros elCerro ePasco,1900-1930Lima: Universidad atolica,1974),andanalyzedbyAdrianDe Wind n"PeasantsbecomeMiners" Ph.D.dissertation,olumbiaUniversity,977) n the context f theCobrizamines nHuancavelica.RoryMiller,n"Railways ndEconomic evel-opment n CentralPeru" (Social ndEconomichangenModern eru,Liverpool, enter orLatinAmerican tudies,1974)has evaluated heroleoftherailroadsntheeconomic xpansion f thecentralmountainregion.

Andeanagrarian tructurend conditions or heemergencef

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capitalismhave been treatedbyMarthaGiraldo and Ana Liria Franch n"Hacienda y gamonalismo: Azaingaro,1850-1920" (Tesis de Magister,Universidad Catolica [Lima], 1979), by Carmen Diana Deere in "The

Development of Capitalism n Agriculturend the Division ofLaborbySex: A Studyof theNorthern eruvian Sierra" (Ph.D. dissertation,Uni-versity fCalifornia,Berkeley, 978), and by Florencia Mallon in "ThePoverty fProgress:The Peasants ofYanamarcaand theDevelopmentofCapitalism nPeru's CentralHighlands, 1860-1940" (Ph.D. dissertation,Yale University, 980). The specificity f the south Andean economy,which ay in the production nd export f wool, and the role ofcommer-cial capital in the functioning f the productivestructure f the regionhave been studiedrigorously y Manual Burgaand WilsonReateguiin

themonograph theyhave just completedon the Ricketts ompany,oneof the largestfirmsn this ndustryn Arequipa. The articulation f themodes of production,the linkbetween capitalismand precapitalism,which is an intenselydebated problem among social investigators, asbeen treated persuasively by Rodrigo Montoya for the region ofAyacucho-Apurimacn "Les LuttesPaysannes pour la Terre u Perou auXXeme Siecle (These de TroisiemeCycle, Universitede Paris, 1977). TomDavies has examined, in Indian ntegrationn Peru:1900-1948 (Lincoln:University f Nebraska Press, 1974),relationsbetween the stateand the

native peasantry s they can be seen in the legislationof the era.There existsvirtuallyno work on the evolution of living condi-

tions of the different roups of Peruvian society. The first, nd only,work n this field s Shane Hunt's "Salarios reales y crecimiento cono-micoen el Peru,1900-1940" (Lima: PUC, Economia , no. 5 [1980]).

Studies on thebeginningsof worker nd peasantmovements ndtheir aterdevelopmentare numerous. An acceptablesynthesishas beendone by Dennis Sulmont, El movimientobrero n el Peru',1900-1966(Lima: UniversidadCatolica, 1975) and byWilfredoKapsoli in Los movi-

mientosampesinosn elPeru', 879-1965 (Lima: Delva Editores,1978). Butthe most extensivetreatment fthisproblemfor heperiod1880-1920 sPeterBlanchard's "The PeruvianWorking lass, 1880-1920" (Ph.D. dis-sertation,University fLondon, 1974).

The political ideologies of the twentieth century-anarchism,aprismo, nd communism-also have been the subjects of importantanalyses. Piedad Pareja, in Anarquismo sindicalismo n el Peru' Lima:Ediciones Rikchay,1978), basing her work on study of La Protesta,hemost important narchistperiodical, has examined the birthof these

ideas and and their ffects n theemerging rbanproletariat. he ideas ofMariateguiand Haya de la Torre lso have attractednew interest or hevalue they tillhave for larifyinghe politicaldilemma ofcontemporaryPeru. On Haya and aprismo, the most recent works are those of LiisaNorth,"The Origins and Development of the PeruvianAprista Party"

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(Ph.D. dissertation,niversityfCaliforniatBerkeley,972),CarmenRosaBalbi, ElAprayelpartido omunistan1931"Memoria eBachil-ler,Universidad atolicaLima], 977), ndVictor illanueva, lApra nbusca elpoder,930-1940Lima:Editorial orizonte, 975).OnMariate-gui,besides he nalysis fhis talian xperience rittenyDiegoMese-guer nJose arlosMariateguisupensamientoevolucionarioLima: EP,1974), hemostrecent tudies rethoseofJesusChavarria, ose' . Ma-riateguindtheRise fModerneru, 890-1930Albuquerque: niversityofNew MexicoPress,1979);Alberto lores-Galindo,a agonia e Ma-riateguiLima:Desco, 1980); ndJoseAric6'sMariateguilosor'gineselmarxismoatinoamericanoMexico: asadoyPresente, 978).The ast on-tains beautifulntroductionyArico,which uts n end tothenarrowprovincial iew so often aken fMariaitegui'sork, nd a selection fessayson thethoughtfthe PeruvianAmauta.Elsewhere, esar Ger-mana, n"La polemicaHaya de la Torre-Mariategui:eformo revolu-cion" Lima:CuadernoseSociedad Politica1978]), oints ut themajordiscrepanciesn thethoughtfHayaandMariateguin ight fPeruvianreality.ut, fnotable dvanceshavebeenmaderecentlynunderstand-ing the thought fHaya and Mariaitegui,t is now indispensible ocontinue xamining he politicalmovementsnspiredby them, bymeans of a sortof"anthropology"fPeruvian prismo nd commu-nism, nalyzing heway nwhich heir irstmembers ut nto ction heideasoftheir ounders.

Finally,he mpact f he risis f1929wasstudied na pioneeringwork y AnibalQuijano,reprintedn mperialismo,lasesociales estadoen el Perui,890-1930 Lima:Mosca Azul, 1978).Contemporaryocialhistory f Peruowes a greatdebtto Quijano because he suggestedcourses f nalysisongbefore hisdiscipline ver xisted,venthoughhispropositions idnot lwayshavesolidempiricalacking. oday, hebestview ofPeru nthe wenties,nd theproblemsausedby thecrisisof1929, s inthe lreadymentioned ookby Burga ndFlores-Galindo.This view is admirably omplemented y StephenStein'sbeautifulbook,PopulismndMassPoliticsnPeruMadison:UniversityfWiscon-sinPress,1980),which tudies heemergencendcharacteristicsftheapristandsanchecerristaorces hatmet ntheelectionf1931.

To sumup, I wouldsuggest hatmuch emains o be done.Nev-ertheless,n attentiveeading ftheworksmentioned ere confirmsthat oday'sview of thehistorical rocessof Peruvian ociety s very

differentrom hatwhichwas formerlyeld.As has beenpointed ut,certain eneral utlines fthe newhistoricalrofile erecertainlyn-ticipatedn lucidminds ike that fJorge asadre.Butonly gnorancecoulddismiss hefundamentalact hat hedeepening fthe evelsofanalysis s wellas the xpansion f hefrontiersfhistoricalnowledge

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arethemost ignificantharacteristicsfPeruvian istoriographyfthepast decade. Thischangehas beenmade possibleby variousfactors:first,he developmentfpolitical onsciousness ythemasses andthe

politicalmobilizationhey nspired bliged ocial scientists otonlytoexplore hepossibilitiesfconstructingdifferentuture,uttotry orecapture pastthatwas early natchedway. Second,the nspirationand teachings f a Marxism urified f its dogmatic nterpretationsforced istorianso concernhemselves ith study f hefundamentalorigins f social change.Finally,he mpact f the conventionalocialsciences, uch as economics nd anthropology,bligedhistoriansosubstitutengenuityor igidityfthought.

Access o the chievementsf hisnew historicalnvestigations,

unfortunately,till imited o a "circle f nitiates." obodydeniestheenormous apthat xistsnPerubetween he evelreached yhistoricalinvestigationnd thecontent fthepedestrian histories"hat irculateatpopular, chool, nd evenuniversityevels.To closethisgap, to helpforge newhistoricalonscience,s surely nother fthe asks, erhapsthefundamentalne, n thedaily trugglefthePeruvianeft.

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