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Transcript of Boenig airbus
Commentary: Kirthank: Boeing Airbus price war duopoly
Graphs - Kinked Demand Curve, Economies of Scale
Airbus and Boeing are duopolistic firms that produce airplanes. Airbus
and Boeing are currently in a price war, in order to gain market share past that of
the traditional 50-50/45-55 market share. Airbus is currently the number one
airplane firm, with exceptional sales on their A320neo plane. Both Boeing and
Airbus enjoy similar market share, and the consumers’ preference is generally 50-
50%.
Whether Boeing or Airbus started the price war is not clear, but their
situation can be shown in a kinked demand curve
:One firm lowers price, other reacts by making it cheaper (oligopolistic
kinked demand curve):
This does not benefit consumers as plane ticket prices will be significantly
increased, as both companies will have to make up for the lost revenue in the price
war. Both Airbus and Boeing do not benefit from this current decision in the short
run, as they are lowering their average revenue, which could harm the company
badly. However, in the long run, if one firm is able to drive the other down to a loss
(as the average revenue will be lower than average cost of building a plane leading
to less output), then that firm will be able to gain significant market share, and
potentially gain monopolistic market power. This can be applied to the game
theory. Neither firm will collude (as it would become a monopoly, which would
restrict the market). If one firm cuts the price, the other firm can either decide to
lower their price and AR to increase sales by a small amount, or keep price the
same, leading to loss of consumers.
Moreover, by earning market share past the normal 45/55, then that firm
will be in an economies of scale, coming away with high efficiency and beneficial
experience.
:Economies of Scale Graph:
By surviving a price war, either Boeing or Airbus will have maximized efficiency.
Because AR is decreasing during the price war, both firm will have to cut labor and
variable costs. They will cut workers they find not performing to maximum
efficiency. By the time the price war is over, the remaining firms will have cut down
their average variable cost down to only that which is necessary, and have a
smaller yet more efficient labor force. This allows them to survive better for future
price wars, thus making it a long run benefit. This experience allows them to
allocate their labor force more efficiently, and in preparation for future competition.
In the short run, by minimizing variable cost, it also minimizes average cost and
operating loss the firm faces during the price war.
As Boeing and Airbus are now in a price war, they cannot stop now. This
means that this is the only future action they can take that can be predicted as of
now. If they continue, I would suggest to cut down on variable costs, as while it
may not benefit workers, it will allow one or both firms to gain more maximum
efficiency at the lowest cost. This would not benefit consumers, as the AR of both
firms will decrease with the price war, leading to higher priced plane tickets to
make up for the loss. It will not benefit the government as they get less room to
intervene, as taxation is limited. Overall, this action will benefit both firms in the
long run, as one or both will gain efficiency, more experience to overcome future
competition, and lower variable costs at the end of the price war. It also allows
them to operate at the maximum efficiency at the lowest variable cost possible. In
the short run, however, it reduces AR, meaning that both companies have the
potential to operate at a loss, and more consumers will have to pay the burden that
both firms face.
Duopoly market
is a market condition in which only two firms have dominant controlover a market,
they own all or nearly all of the market for a given product or service. Aclosely
related concept is a monopoly, a situation in which a single company dominates
themarket. A duopoly is the most basic form of oligopoly (a market dominated by a
smallnumber of companies). Boeing and Airbus have been called a duopoly for
their command ofthe large passenger airplane market; in just the same way as
Cola and Pepsi dominates thefizzy drinks markets.This case study shows a perfect
example of duopoly market detailing the intensity of thecompetition between the
two dominant companies in the Civil aviation and aircraftmanufacturing industry
(Boeing and Airbus). The paper also presents facts, figures andcomparisons of
sales and orders for both companies for the period between 1996 and 2006
(Exhibit I and II).
After Lockheed Martin pulled out of the airplane production business inthe early
1980s and McDonnell Douglas (a major American aerospace manufacturer
anddefence contractor) merged with Boeing in 1997, only Boeing and Airbus were
left tomanufacture the largest commercial airplanes
Only Two firms in the industry
The industry of airplane manufacturing is highly capital-intensive due to the great
demandfor expensive technology and the need for highly skilled expertise.
Success and survival ofaviation companies is also linked to available support and
subsidies from respectivegovernments, which gives clues as why the Civil aviation
and aircraft manufacturingindustry is mainly concentrated in the affluent United
states and Europe? And why thereare few new non-major market entrants.
The 787 Dreamliner, developed by Boeing, is a long-range, midsized, wide-
body,twin-engine passenger airliner. As in terms of capacity, it is meant to be a
complement to777 rather than a competitor The A350 XWB (extra wide body) is
Airbus’ response toBoeing’s Dreamliner, it competes with the high end of the 787
and the low end of the 777 markets. The design for the new Airbus 350 is an
improved version of the A330, started inresponse to Boeing presentation the
Dreamliner 787
. In 2006 Airbusbegan to consider a wider body, a larger wing, more powerful
engines, a higher cruise speedand many other changes to satisfy the airlines. So,
Airbus presented the A350 XWB withentirely new design. The new A350 looks
radically different from any previous twin-aisleAirbus. The new wider Airbus A350
XWB body will enable the plane to accommodate slightlywider economy seats than
its rival. The new design maximizes usable volume by having aconstant cross-
section from door one to door four.
Adaptability to change:
The goal of 787 Dreamliner’s design team was to build a
revolutionary aircraft to offer a revolutionary flight. According to Boeing, the design
teamstudied commercial flight very carefully to identify how this airplane could
strengthen theaviation business. The 787 Dreamliner is designed to carry
passengers for at least 30 years.During that period, interior styles will likely to
change several times. Seats, lavatories,galleys and in-flight entertainment systems
all has been designed to easily accommodateupgrades and replacements. Design
team worked with cabin component suppliers todevelop standard mounts and
interfaces that will enable quicker and more economicalmodifications. This way,
airplane owners can expect higher lease and resale valuesthroughout the
787 Dreamliner’s lifecycle
Fuel efficiency:
787 Dreamliner is more fuel efficient than comparable earlier airliners, it isthe first
major airliner to use composite material for most of its construction (in addition
toadvanced aluminium alloys), making it lighter for its capabilities. Because
composites do notsuffer fatigue from repeated stress the Dreamliner can be
pressurized to the equivalent of6,000 feet of altitude.A350 airframe will be built of
weight-saving advanced materials like carbon fibre-reinforcedplastics (CFRP) and
aluminium lithium alloys, according toWide body Aircraft Parade. Thenew aircraft
will be the first Airbus product with an all-composite wing. The rear fuselageand the
tail cone will be constructed from composites, as well. Boeing intends to make
50%of its 787 Dreamliner out of hardened plastics and therefore lighter and more
fuel efficient.Airbus has been planning to build much of the A350 with aluminium
alloys.
Noise-Reduction:
Boeing experimented with several engine noise-reducing technologies forthe 787.
Among these are a redesigned air inlet containing sound-absorbing materials
andredesigned exhaust duct covers whose rims are tipped in a toothed pattern to
allow forquieter mixing of exhaust and outside air
.
Engine:
the new A350’s engine
s will be more advanced than those on the 787 with thrustranges between 75,000
and 95,000.The primary goal of all of this design-related function is to promote
passenger comfort,make the journey direct, simple, cost effective and comfortable.
Also for the aircraft to:
Limit environmental pollution
Produce less noise
More space
Lighter and fuel efficient
High lease and resale value
Changeable interface
.
that two-actor markets willeventually evolve into a one dominant technological
logic. But this is not always the case.This paper shows that in the aircraft industry,
firms are obliged to deal not only with hightechnological barriers, but also growing
financial and market barriers. In order to reducethese, a complex network of
relationships has developed over time. This network involvesboth main firms
belonging to the world oligopoly and firms capable of offering
specialisedtechnology and/or a potential broadening of the market. The result is a
worldwideproduction organisation.In regards to the commercial aircraft market,
economists predicted the duopoly market willcontinue between 2007 and 2016.
The estimated Boeing and Airbus production share is 56%and 43% respectively
and the remaining 1% is shared between Russian companies andUkraine. Despite
these predictions there are signs of
possible threats from various new entrantsto the current duopoly
. Growing international competition is emerging from markets inChina, Brazil and
Russia, also from Bombardier Aerospace which is competing for a marketshare
from Airbus and Boeing. According to economist experts, China has gained
adequateexperience and competence to challenge the duopoly and is planning to
build a wide bodyaircraft along with Russia. Both
Post-Paris Air Show and the Dubai Air Show held in 2007 hasmarked a growing
global competition in the commercial aircraft market.
Regardless of global attempts to enter the market, Boeing and Airbus will remain
the twobiggest players for the foreseeable future because they enjoy: long
experience, advancedtechnology, government support, loyal clients, network of
suppliers and resources. Buteventually the rising global companies will gain shares
in the market and transform it tooligopoly market.
History of trade dispute between Boeing and Airbus: An
overview
Until 1980, US commercial aircraft industry enjoyed a de facto
monopolistic position in the world market, despite the European-based
Airbus Industry having come to exist in 1970.2 The US dominant
position, with two US commercial aircraft manufacturers, Boeing and
McDonnell Douglas together, accounting for more than two-thirds of the
world market share, continued till as late as the mid-1990s. With Boeing
deciding to acquire McDonnell in 1996, it was expected that the position
will improve further. Surprisingly, this formidable position came to be
challenged by Airbus, which since 1981, contrary to its initial perception
of having been regarded as only a marginal competitor, was
progressively increasing its market share. By early 2000s, Airbus was
consistently garnering a larger share of new orders than Boeing, and in
2003, it even surpassed Boeing for the first time in deliveries of aircrafts
(305 deliveries by Airbus as against only 281 by Boeing).
* The author’s review of the Boeing-Airbus trade-dispute is mainly based
on the details of the case specified in Hill (2005)1
The phenomenal success of Airbus was not received well by many
in the US who attributed it to the fact that it was due mainly to the huge
subsidies it received from the government. This was followed by a chain
sequence of accusations and counter-accusations. Somehow, under an
agreement in 1992, the two sides agreed to make some allowances to
each other. The agreement allowed Airbus to receive some launch aid
from EU governments (Great Britain, Germany, France and Spain), and
Boeing to benefit from government R & D contracts. Under the
agreement, direct government subsidies were limited to 33 per cent of
the total costs of developing a new aircraft with the condition that such
subsidies had to be repaid with interest within 17 years. But the
agreement did not last long. In 1997, the agreement broke down when
the European Union decided to challenge the merger between Boeing
and McDonnell Douglas on the ground that it limited competition.
Boeing’s plea was that the merger was necessary to strengthen its
presence in the defense and space side of the aerospace business areas
where McDonnell Douglas was traditionally strong. After the two sides
listened to each other, the dispute between the two appeared to have
settled. But soon after, the Airbus executives, who had initially stated
that they had no objections to the merger, gradually started opposing
the merger again and became increasingly vocal in their
pronouncements. Trade tensions between them erupted yet again in
2004. This time, the US questioned the appropriateness of Airbus
receiving the launch aid even as it had consolidated its position in the
world market. To this the Airbus responded with the accusation that
Boeing was still benefiting from subsidies. No break-through was seen in
the dispute. To add fuel to the fire, the British government decided to
announce even a fresh dose of aid ($ 700 million) to the Airbus in mid-
2005. The US dissatisfied with these developments formally filed a
request with the WTO for establishment of a dispute resolution panel.
The EU, on its part, quickly reacted and filed a countersuit with the WTO
claiming that US aid to Boeing exceeded the terms set out in the 1992
agreement.
Main issues of contention and their merit
Looking back at the history of trade dispute between Boeing and
Airbus, I may summarize and comment upon the main grievances,
arguments and counter-arguments of this case as follows:
The most convincing grievance of Boeing (which was consistently
losing its business to Airbus) was that Airbus received huge subsidies,
between 1970 and 1990, in the form of loans at below-market interest
rates and tax breaks which together amounted to $ 25.9 billion. This
benefited Airbus in two major ways. One, its R&D became a highly
subsidized, hence, a high-voltage innovative program with extremely
favorable cost and quality implications, and thereby, a competitive edge
in the market. Two, it also provided a financial base to the Airbus which
was strong enough to enable it offer its aircrafts to its customers on
highly attractive terms of credit – credit to the extent of 80 percent of
the aircraft cost for a term of 8-10 years, at approximately 7 percent
interest rate. This was quite in contrast as compared to the credit
provisions in the case of Boeing. The US Export-Import Bank supplied
credit for purchase of Boeing and McDonnell Douglas aircrafts – 20
percent down payment, and credit against only 40 percent of the aircraft
cost, the remaining 40 percent to be financed by private banks at an
average interest rate of about 8.5 percent for a period of 10 years.
Apparently, the two competitors cannot be said to be on a level playing
field with regard to the availability of credit support to their marketing
efforts. But there is other side of this issue, as well. a little reflection on
which would tilt the scale in favour of Airbus. We will turn to it a little
later. Let us first see what the contention of Airbus was in this regard.
The main reaction of Airbus to the said objection of Boeing was
that its success was not due basically to the subsidies it received, but to
its state-of-the-art technology, and strategic production and marketing
vision. Strategically, it concentrated initially only on market segments
not served by new aircraft or not served at all. As this position of Airbus
appears to be based on facts which are of objective nature and
verifiable, the grievance of Boeing, expressed in the disguise of unequal
credit terms, is possibly the expression of disgust over its failure to
protect its market share and retain its hegemony in the market. Even
otherwise, the main issue of trade rift between the two cannot be said to
be the government aid. If Airbus received subsidies, so did Boeing, too.
If at all, the blame with regard to the subsidy controversy lies with any
one, it lies first of all with Boeing, and then with the governments, on the
two sides.
If we evaluate and compare the subsidies availed by Airbus and
Boeing, there is a major difference between Airbus subsidy and Boeing
subsidy. The Airbus subsidy has been in the form of repayable loans with
interest for aircraft development, which is legal according to the World
Trade Organization. The Boeing subsidy, on the other hand, has been for
aircraft production, which is prohibited by the WTO and which is never
required to be paid back. This fact is duly supported by a research
conducted at the Canada-United States Trade Center in the UB
Department of Geography3. If someone is to lose the case on this
ground, it is Boeing. Is Boeing ready to payback the subsidies and accept
self-financing arrangement to cover for the areas funded by subsidies?
Secondly, it is quite intriguing as to why government aid continues
to be allowed even after these giants have matured enough to be able to
find out to stand on their own strength. To me no argument (in favour of
any further continuation of aid) - employment-based, or BOP-based, or
even the one that derives its strength in the name of national pride - is
acceptable to me.
Watching this episode from heaven, Hamilton and List, would have
wondered over the wrong empirical side of the Infant Industry Argument
they put forward in support of players competing on unequal levels!
According to the infant industry argument, it makes sense to extend
temporary support to such domestic industries which are crucial to the
general wellbeing of the people of the country and which cannot
compete with its giant competitors for want of level playing field. It is a
historical fact that the world’s three market economies - USA, Germany
and Japan - all began their industrialization duly assisted by their
respective governments through various types of trade barriers. This
argument seems fine, highly plausible and convincing. Many
governments have seen merit and conviction in this argument. But there
are instances when governments, both in developed and developing
countries, have made its extensive use to defend their, otherwise
unjustifiable, anti-free-trade policies.
Protectionist measures, tariff or non-tariff, are justifiable only as a
temporary support. But experience has shown that in most countries,
the shelter behind these restrictive trade practices became mostly a
perpetual phenomenon (look at the classical case of agricultural
subsidies in India). Subsidies, beyond a particular stage, may do no good
if these fail to make the industry really competitive and self-reliant. Even
after decades of basking under the comfort of subsidies, both Boeing
and Airbus, and sadly, even their respective governments, still continue
to regard their continuation indispensable.
The following are the main arguments that have been put forward
in support of continuation of subsidies, in this case:
High development costs: The costs of developing a new
airliner are estimated to be between $ 5 billion to $ 15 billion
for various categories of aircrafts.
High break-even level: Given such enormous development
costs, a company must procure a substantial market share
to break-even. It has been estimated that the break-even in
the case of commercial aircraft industry may not be
expected before 15 years or so, given the demand and
production projections.
Volatile demand: The commercial airline business is prone to
cyclical behaviour. As experience shows, in the recent past,
many major airlines suffered from falling demand and went
bankrupt, although there were other, less important,
reasons, too.
Substantial experience curve levels: In aircraft industry, a
significant experience curve exists on the manufacturing
side. It has been estimated that the positive economies,
induced by experience and learning acquired during
sustained production tempo, produce a significant reduction
in unit cost – with doubling of accumulated output the
company enjoys a unit cost advantage to the extent of 20
percent. Conversely, it means that if a company achieves
only half of the market share required to break-even, it will
suffer a 20 percent cost disadvantage.
There can be hardly any dispute with the merit of these arguments.
But one thing is not clear. If the two commercial aircraft companies are
expected to be competitive and profit-making in the long-run by their
respective governments, and further, if they are regarded worth
developing through subsidies and other protectionist measures, why
should the government not leave them to the total care of the private
sector; why should it assume any responsibility for itself, in this regard?
To counter this suggestion, it may be argued that the investment
involved is on an enormous scale, and for a long period, and above all, it
is exposed to the adverse effects of demand uncertainties. This
argument surely is not convincing. If at all, it implies any thing it is as
follows: Only the productive resources owned by the private sector have
an opportunity cost, so do not let them be wasted. The resources at the
command of the government are no body’s money (the tax-payer!), so
why care for their opportunity cost. Moreover, the argument that private
investors take into account only the current returns in an industry and
fail to take account of the future prospects is not consistent with investor
behaviour in advanced countries, particularly where the latter are often
observed to back projects whose returns are uncertain and lie far in the
future. (Consider, for instance, the US biotechnology industry, which
attracted hundreds of millions of dollars of capital years before it made
even a single commercial sale)4.
Reality of the situation
On the strength of these arguments, one would tend to agree with
the view of the analysts in this area that the world market for
commercial aircrafts can at the most support the presence of three
major producers. In my assessment, recognition of the oligopolistic
nature of global commercial aircraft market must be accompanied by
acknowledgement of the self-defeating outcomes of individually-
centered, non-collusive strategies adopted by firms in such industry.
This is what Boeing and Airbus has to learn from Cournot’s model in
which oligopolistic firms are portrayed behaving in an extremely naïve, if
not stupid, manner, and never learning from their past mistakes. As a
result, they finally land themselves in a collectively disadvantageous
position. In such case, respect for mutual interdependence and acting in
a coordinated way is in the interest of both. More or less, similar are the
implications of other non-collusive behavior models, for instance,
Stackleberg’s model (the leader-leader case).
Conclusion
The substance of this review of the case, in question, is that firms,
such as Boeing and Airbus, operating in an oligopolistic market
environment should not be ‘misled to be competitive’ by way of granting
legitimacy to their clamour for subsidies, direct or indirect. This is
patently unjustified. This amounts to frittering away scarce productive
resources for which policy makers owe an explanation to the tax-payers.
The sooner the two giants in the arena of global commercial aircraft
market see the writing on the wall and adjust themselves to the reality
of the market scenario and assimilate its culture of co-existence (in
terms of leadership acceptance, or market sharing, or adopting limit-
pricing behaviour so as to keep potential entrants at bay), the better it is
for them and their countries. In no way, this perception may be
construed to imply a competition-limiting approach. The fact is that in
this particular case, any attempt of acquiring a competitive edge by one
side on the other is most likely to induce a chain sequence of actions
and counter-reactions, arguments and counter-arguments. Ultimately, it
is detrimental to their own interest as well as to the interests of their
customers. Both Boeing and Airbus spend billions of dollars for buying
aircraft parts and sub-assemblies such as avionics and landing gears. So,
frequent trade war can be more deteriorating than just affecting the
airline customers. In any dispute between two parties when
insinuations and allegations replace logic, when the mediator
(like grievances-redressal mechanism of the WTO) lacks the
necessary teeth to ensure compliance of its norms and rulings,
and when even the governments lose objectivity and vision,
solutions are not easy to seek. Given, sincerity of purpose and
sagacity, the solutions are not difficult, either.
U.S should explore the options of expanding its target market to other
emerging foreign markets like Vietnam and Iran5. Current export
controls in U.S. prevent Boeing from entering these markets. They also
affect Airbus sales through re-export constraints. Airbus can lower the
U.S content by the introduction of Rolls Royce engines in place of the
manufactures Pratt and Whitney and General Electric. The two
companies should look for ways of comparative advantage by looking at
the use of cost effective and more specialized products and services
produced by other country to bring in operational efficiency through
scale economies. For example, Western Europe holds a competitive
advantage with respect to Wind Tunnel capability.
References
1. Hill, Charles W. L. (2005), International business: Competing in the
Global Market Place, Mcgraw-Hill.
2. http://ec.europa.eu/trade/issues/sectoral/industry/aircraft/
index_en.htm)
3. http:// igeographer.lib.indstate.edu/pritchard.pdf
4. Krugman, Paul R. (2003), International Economics, Pearson
Education, Inc.
5. Global Competitiveness of U. S. Advanced-Technology
Manufacturing Industries- By DIANE Publishing Company