Boats and Ships of the Old Kingdom: Transportation for the People and for the Gods

Debborah Donnelly, MA

© 2004

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“This, the greatest single stream on earth, is yet by no means the most abundant, a fact which determines its whole life and that of its basin. It flows through the desert; for half of its course it receives neither tributaries nor rain, yet it does not dry up; indeed, close to its end, it creates the most fertile of all lands.”1 The Nile is the essence of Egypt.2 It provides food, water and efficient transportation

throughout its length within the confines of the country. Due to a northerly wind that sends ships

upstream with ease, and the current that brings them downstream, river transport was such a part

of the society, that roads in Egypt were not a common place occurrence until the Roman period.3

Travelling by boat, whether a makeshift raft, a papyrus skiff or a wooden barque, had been a

quintessential part of the life of the ancient Egyptians.

Some of the earliest known Egyptian representations in art are of boats, as rock graffiti,

wall decoration,4 on stone palettes, or on the surfaces of Predynastic pottery.5 The image never

ceased being a vital part of Egyptian life, as a symbol of resurrection to the heavens to be with

the gods, or as an important asset in the ability to acquire foreign goods. The ability to travel by

river and by sea is evident through numerous written and artistic accounts beginning in the Old

Kingdom. The imagery is extremely vast and for the purposes of this paper I will limit my

discussion to a few typical scenes, including models and boat graves.

1 Emil Ludwig (1937) The Nile: The Life-Story of a River. New York: Viking Press. Translated by M.H. Lindsay. 2 Or as Herodotus (Histories, II) says: “For any one who sees Egypt…must perceive…that the Egypt to which the Greeks go in their ships is an acquired country, the gift of the river.” 3 Ward (2000: 8) 4 Hierakonpolis Tomb 100 for example. 5 For example the Narmer Palette. Ships were particularly important images, often depicted on Gerzean pottery. See W.M.F. Petrie (1921) Corpus of Prehistoric Pottery and Palettes. Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd.

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The earliest surviving record in Egypt of international trade is detailed on the Palermo

Stone, which tells how Sneferu (the first pharaoh of Dynasty Four) imported aš wood from

Lebanon6 (via the Mediterranean):

"Bringing forty ships filled (with) cedar logs. Shipbuilding (of) cedar wood,

one dwA-tAwy ship, 100 cubits (long) [= 45.73 m], and of meru wood, two ships, 100 cubits (long). Making the doors of the royal palace (of) cedarwood." (Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt Part One § 146f)

Smith (1998: 41) asserts that the ‘remarkably well preserved’ coniferous posts and cross-

timbers discovered in the upper chamber of Sneferu’s Bent Pyramid at Dahshur, might be actual

timbers referred to in the Palermo Stone.

While the actual word translated for aš is cedar, “there is less than total agreement among

Egyptologists” that the word does indeed mean ‘cedar’ (Kuniholm, 1997: 347). Meru may mean

cypress or juniper, but again there is no way of really knowing. One theory proposes that the

Egyptians did not make a distinction between cedar and juniper, and that “aš refers to better-

quality conifers and meru refers to some kind of second-quality timber.”7 Regardless, the main

woods needed for boat-building are foreign (imported), and usually sold in long lengths, unlike

the locally available woods like acacia or sycamore (Appendix 1).8

Despite the assumption that acacia may not have been utilized in boat building, Gale, et

al. (2000: 335) feels that it was used perhaps for smaller parts in the boat-building process. They

go on to mention several ancient and classical sources that imply acacia’s utility. For example,

6 The text does not specify a location, but archaeological consensus is that it is referring to Byblos. 7 Kuniholm, 1997: 348 8 Long distance trade in wood seems plausible even for the predynastic/early dynastic period. We know that Narmer (Dyn 0) was actively involved with Canaan, attested by his serekh in various sites (Arad, Tarkhan, Halif Terrace, En Besor). D.A.I.K. findings on Cedar have been found in Abydos cemetery B (Iry Hor, Ka, Narmer) and U (Naqada IIIa2, c.3250).

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the Sixth-Dynasty inscription of Weni from Abydos, that states acacia was sometimes obtained

from Wawat in Nubia and used for making boats:

“His majesty sent me to cut five channels in the South, and make three broad boats and four transports of the acacia of Wawat. Behold, the princess of Arerthet [Irtjet], Wawat, Aam [Yam], and Meza [Medja] were felling wood for them. I did all in one year, and floated (the boats) laden with very much granite for the pyramid of Kha-nefer of Merenra…”9

When reviewing the classical writers, both Theophrastus (IV: 2, I, 8) and Pliny (Nat.

Hist. XIII: 19) state that the acacia (an Egyptian thorn which grows near Thebes) was used for

the ‘ribs of ships’. Herodotus not only states that acacia wood was employed by the Egyptians

for boat-building, but gives a rather vivid description:

“The vessels used in Egypt for the transport of merchandise are made of the Acantha (Thorn), a tree which in its growth is very like the Cyrenaic lotus, and from which there exudes a gum. They cut a quantity of planks about two cubits in length from this tree, and then proceed to their ship-building, arranging the planks like bricks, and attaching them by ties to a number of long stakes or poles till the hull is complete, when they lay the cross-planks on the top from side to side. They give the boats no ribs, but caulk the seams with papyrus on the inside. Each has a single rudder, which is driven straight through the keel. The mast is a piece of acantha-wood, and the sails are made of papyrus. These boats cannot make way against the current unless there is a brisk breeze; they are, therefore, towed up-stream from the shore: down-stream they are managed as follows. There is a raft belonging to each, made of the wood of the tamarisk, fastened together with a wattling of reeds; and also a stone bored through the middle about two talents in weight. The raft is fastened to the vessel by a rope, and allowed to float down the stream in front, while the stone is attached by another rope astern. The result is that the raft, hurried forward by the current, goes rapidly down the river, and drags the ‘baris’ (for so they call this sort of boat) after it; while the stone, which is pulled along in the wake of the vessel, and lies deep in the water, keeps the boat straight. There are a vast number of these vessels in Egypt, and some of them are of many thousand talents’ burthen.” (Herodotus, Histories Book II 96)

9 Griffith (1894: 17-18)

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Unfortunately until further samples of wooden objects in Egypt are tested for their identification,

many have been and will continue to be wrongly attributed, and our understanding of which

materials were most commonly used remains obscure.

Evidence of trade along the Red Sea coasts also existed from an early period, of

expeditions to the far-off land of Punt to gather incense and other exotic items. Egyptian

association with the land of Punt begins with a mention of a Puntite slave of one of the sons of

Khufu of the Fourth Dynasty,10 and the first recorded expedition to the land of Punt was in the

Fifth Dynasty by King Sahure.11 Sahure received in one year from Punt 80,000 units of antyw

(myrrh), quantities of electrum and two other commodities of uncertain reading.12

This expedition was soon followed by another, a retainer of King Djedkare Isesi,

Harkhuf, governor of Aswan, who brought back a pygmy from the southern regions. In the

Sixth Dynasty, Pepi II wrote a letter to Harkhuf,13 which Harkhuf subsequently included into his

funerary autobiography (Breasted, Part I). Pepi II became fascinated with the miraculous deeds

carried out by his father’s retainer, and ordered his own expeditions to Punt. Breasted (1962:103)

records that an officer of this pharaoh, “Enenkhet, was killed by Sand-dwellers on the coast,

while building a ship for the Punt voyage, and another expedition under the same king was led

by the assistant treasurer, Thethy.” These inscriptions all imply that the technology to construct

and travel across large bodies of water existed at one of the earliest points in Egyptian history.

Boat-Building 10 Breasted (1962: 102-103) lists the earlier associations with Punt. 11 Sahure’s expedition is the oldest known specific contact between Punt and Egypt as recorded on the Palermo Stone. He received electrum and myrrh from the land of Punt. Fragments from the decoration of his tomb at Abusir are interpreted as a representation of the inhabitants of Punt. Tarek el-Awady reports that newly discovered blocks from an SCA exploration around the causeway of Sahure in 2002/2003, depict the King planting myrrh trees in his royal palace. See Hawass, Z., M. Verner (1996) Newly Discovered Blocks from the Causeway of Sahure (Archaeological Report). MDAIK 52, 177-186. 12 Kemp (1999) A Social History. p. 136. 13 Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt Part I § 328f.

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Acacia, sycamore and tamarisk (T. nilotica) grew abundantly in ancient Egypt and it

seems likely that they would have been used in boat-building, which was an expensive

endeavour. Some woods would naturally have to be imported because it was important to have

long planks with straight fine grains, like Cedar of Lebanon and other imported conifers (Killen,

2000: 367). Kuniholm (1997: 347) rightly makes an important note with respect to both quality

and cost of timber when he quotes cedar timbers used in a Middle Kingdom boat recovered from

Dahshur14 with up to four hundred annual rings. These were truly massive logs being utilized,

and any loss of a ship at sea, or for any other reason, would have meant a drain on funds as well

as diminishing old-growth forest. Unfortunately it doesn’t appear that the idea of bending planks

was understood. In what was an extremely wasteful woodcutting practice, “the timbers were

carved or sculpted to shape, not bent, as can be seen on a representation of boat builders at work

on a relief in the tomb of Ty15 (Fifth Dynasty) at Saqqara” (Kuniholm, 1997: 348). This results

in a great deal of wastage, probably over half of the volume of wood.

There are many scenes of boat-building in Old Kingdom funerary reliefs, like the one in

the tomb of ‘the chief hairdresser’ Ty (Fig. 1). Here a large workforce is depicted making a

number of boats that are at various stages of construction. In the lower register you can see

craftsmen fitting a side hull plank, and other men are planing the outer surfaces of the wooden

boat with adzes to achieve its correct profile. In addition to the scene, which says a lot about

technique and the look of the finished craft, most representations on the walls of tombs and

temples were also accompanied by texts (Malek: 2003). They often simply describe the activity,

as above the men working on the stern of the boat (left half of lower register), which says

14 A twelfth-dynasty Egyptian ship, the so-called Dahshur boat now in the Carnegie Museum in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, one of five funerary vessels found near the pyramid of Senwosret III, and therefore presumed to belong to the time of Senwosret (c. 1860 BC) at Dahshur. 15 Wild, (1953) Le Tombeau de Ti, fasc. II. Cairo: IFAO: pl. CXXIX.

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‘hewing wood with an adze’. Other texts may identify individuals within the scene, like the man

standing in the boat (top, left) ‘the sole companion Ty’, or provide conversation between

depicted individuals. According to Malek (2003), the narrative content of the image is therefore

enhanced by the texts.

Another boat-building scene is depicted on the east wall of the Fourth Dynasty chapel of

Rahotep, at Maidum (Fig. 2). This is an interesting scene because it stretches out above the

doorway, which is unusual. It is level with the upper half of Rahotep’s figure, who is watching

the construction of this wooden boat by four workers. The central figures are lashing planks

together with rope. One pulls the rope taut, while the other pounds the knot with a stone in order

to tighten it, between them is inscribed one word ‘lashing’. The man at the bow is using a long-

handled adze, and the fourth worker, kneeling at the stern, raises his arm to strike a chisel, which

is indicated by text.16 It is slightly earlier in date (Appendix 2) than the scene in Ty’s tomb, but it

is a much simpler depiction of the workers carrying out the same construction techniques, just

with fewer bodies.

An interesting Fifth Dynasty example comes from the tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay at

Saqqara (Fig. 4). Moussa &Altenmüller (1971:27) title the scene ‘warping of the hull of a

seagoing ship’.17 It is the second register of activity within a shipyard (the first being a launching

of a vessel). The ship with its sculptured hedgehog figurehead is getting prepared to be warped

(i.e. having its hull being given its curvature). However, as pointed out by Ward (2000: 11), “this

is unlikely, as the stress on a hull with this type of truss would cause the seams to split open.”

She goes on to suggest that we may be seeing a composite view of various stages of ship

16 Harpur (2001:102) 17 Only one similar scene has been recorded amongst the decoration of the tombs of the OK, namely that of the tomb of Khuwnes at Zawiyet el-Meiten. See A. Varille, La tombe de Ni-ankh-pepi à Zâouyet al-Mayetîn (MIFAO 70, 1938) 15, fig. 5 (= LD II, 108). There, this scene is also shown in connection with the representations of grazing goats and shepherds and the work of lumbermen.

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construction, in particular the tightening of planks inside the ship so that lashings can be put on

over battens.18 This makes sense if viewed in relation to the scene directly to the left (Fig. 3),

that is the tomb owner overseeing the work of several men holding the line that is attached to the

same ship, with a man below the stern about to remove the brake-block. Another man pours

water onto the sandy ground to facilitate the gliding, while an inspector stands in the stern of the

vessel, holding a papyrus roll and supervising the launch.19 Here is two different actions taking

place on the same ship, that otherwise would not make sense. Two unusual details in this relief

are the long-tailed monkey balancing on the line (centre, Fig. 4), and the baboon20 in the stern

holding a scepter and gesturing wildly.

Building papyrus skiffs however, required different techniques, and the scenes associated

with skiff building often included gathering papyrus, and making rope. This is in contrast to the

felling and preparing of logs sometimes associated with wooden ship construction. Harpur

(1987: 152) notes that in most scenes of papyrus skiff building there are usually three papyrus

skiffs placed end to end with little or no overlap of the hulls, each with three or four workers.

Despite this she goes on to say that, “of all the known scenes, no two are exactly alike.” There

are however three figures in each scene that are depicted doing the same duties: “the worker with

crossed legs, found in scenes dating from Dynasty IV onwards, the builder with one leg

suspended from the bow or stern in order to tie or tighten a rope, and the symmetrical group of

two men tying a knot together” (Fig. 5). This is another scene from the tomb of Ty (Dynasty 5)

18 Battens – Thin strips of wood; in Egyptian hull construction, used to cover seams. 19 Ward (2000: 10) Scribes kept track of logs, tools, and labour in Egyptian shipyards, and they appear in some but not all, boatbuilding scenes from late Dynasty 4 until the New Kingdom. 20 Mary Anne Murray (2000) ‘Viticulture and Wine Production’ in Nicholson & Shaw, ed., p. 589, notes that the baboon (also shown in another scene of the same tomb in a wine pressing scene – pls. 8 & 12) may represent a play on words for the twisting of the sack and of the ropes; an ‘turn’ and ian ‘baboon’.

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at Saqqara. Atypical is the nudity of the sailors/workers, who are usually shown wearing a loin-

cloth.

The scene from Ty’s tomb is in sharp contrast to the simple nature of the earliest known

depiction of skiff building, from the tomb of Nefermaat at Maidum (Fig. 6). Here each worker

struggles on his own to keep tension on the ropes to tie the knots that bind the papyrus together.

A third man is raising the end of the skiff with his back propped against it.21 It is less complex in

its design, but still provides a lot of information about the skiff building process.

The Hippopotamus Hunt

The Hippopotamus Hunt is one in a vast array of marsh scenes22 that are often portrayed

in the funerary monuments of royals and elites alike. The debate regarding whether this is just an

image of everyday life or as a desire to live a happy afterlife surrounded by the beauty of life in

an abundant environment, not unlike their present, will probably continue. Whether these images

are a reference to their cosmogony about life always renewing and coming from a watery abyss

has also been interpreted. “Even the dead depended on water transport: magical spells

summoned a reluctant ferryman and his boat to take the dead person to the gods in the sky”

(Ward, 2000: 2). So scenes of boats and of marshes continued to be of importance throughout the

length of Egyptian history.

While scenes in the ‘marsh’ category are usually a compilation of various pursuits, they

generally do not form a consistent sequence according to Harpur (1987:139). Some

representations are less frequently shown in the series of marsh scenes, including the

21 Harpur (1987:152) notes that there are three other example of this particular bending pose: reliefs of Ra-xa.f-anx at Giza (Dyn 5), KA-gm-ni at Saqqara (Dyn 6) and a possible example in the chapel of Ii-mry (Dyn 5) also at Giza. 22 Table 7 in Harpur (1987: 355-367) lists 98 different scenes and other features in marsh pursuits.

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hippopotamus hunt, which is not covered by Harpur. This is why I have chosen to include this

picture type here.

The hippopotamus hunt may not be the most popular scene, but it does provide an

extraordinarily striking picture of the courage and skill of the hunters.23 The hunting of the

hippopotamus may also be in reference to defeating evil. The god Seth assumed the form of a

hippopotamus and struggled with Horus for the throne of Egypt.24

The earliest account that we have on the hippopotamus hunt as an image in Egyptian art,

is the ‘Hippopotamus Hunt’ palette (Fig. 7), dated to the Amratian-Early Gerzean phase25 of

prehistory. There are two pictures of hippos on each end of the palette, and on the right is a man

standing in a boat harpooning a very large hippopotamus.

An interesting depiction of a hippopotamus hunt comes from the mastaba of Medou-

Nefer at Balat in the Dakhla Oasis (Fig. 8). While evidently it seems that this would not have

been a familiar occurrence to the people who live in the desert, the owner, a governor of the

oasis, still chose to depict this extraordinary event. Perhaps this had more to do with everlasting

power and courage, versus living out events for eternity that existed in the person’s everyday

life.

Probably one of the most famous of Egyptian relief scenes is the ‘Hippopotamus hunt’, in

the tomb of Ty, at Saqqara (Fig. 9). The portion of the scene depicted here is to the right of Ty,

who is shown on a larger scale on another skiff, to the left of this section, perhaps just

supervising the kill. The carefully drawn vertical lines behind the main scene give the impression

23 The hippopotamus is one of the most dangerous animals known to exist today, as it was in the past. 24 See J.G. Griffiths (1960) The Conflict of Horus and Seth. Liverpool. The hippo was also associated with the monster Ammut, ‘the Devourer of Evil Hearts’, who lived in the underworld. 25 It's a slate palette measuring 33x10x2 cm, now in Stockholm and is estimated to be dated from c. 4000-3500 BC. See: Säve-Söderbergh (1953) On Egyptian representations of Hippopotamus Hunting as a Religious Motif. Uppsala: p. 18-19, fig. 8. (Unfortunately this book is not available at U of T)

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of darkness and of being surrounded by the tall papyrus plants. But one is drawn to the pain of

the harpooned hippo, evident in its gaping mouth and to the gruesome fight between the

hippopotamus and the crocodile, which seems to have ended badly for the large reptilian. Again

this may be a means of depicting the reason for the hunt. The hunters are redeeming the

crocodile, which may be associated with the tale of Horus, who became a crocodile to hunt for

pieces of his father, Osiris, in the Nile after his murder by Seth.

A much more serene depiction of a marsh scene, which shows both a crocodile and

hippopotamus facing each other, is from the Sixth Dynasty tomb of Ii-nfrt at Giza (Fig. 10).

While perhaps the man standing in the papyrus boat may be hunting (holding perhaps a harpoon

over his head), we are not sure what he is hunting for. This image is a compilation of various

motifs including the wife holding a lotus to her face and embracing his calf, and men on the

shore seem to be collecting papyrus. Of the examples I could find to review, this is the only one I

found with a woman in it. While women are present for many marsh activities like fishing and

fowling, the hunting of hippopotamus appears to be a male pursuit, no doubt due to the

incredible danger posed by hunting these fierce beasts.26 So I am inclined to think this is not a

hippopotamus hunt scene but a more general marsh landscape.27

Another interesting figure is the ‘Battle of the Hippopotamus and the Crocodile’ in the

tomb of Mereruka, at Saqqara28 also of the Sixth Dynasty (Fig. 11). The naturalism and attention

to detail in this scene is phenomenal. We are given a glimpse of the fauna in a papyrus marsh

that is extraordinarily accurately carved, and includes “kingfishers, herons, flamingos, ibis,

26 Incredibly, these hunts were usually carried out on papyrus skiffs, which to a modern person seems like a very dangerous proposition. 27 Harpur (1987: 139) includes this depiction not as an example of a hunt scene, but points out the unique position of the woman squatting with her knees raised, which is against the convention that was “strictly observed until Dynasty VI” of a woman kneeling with both knees on the ground. 28 Mereruka was buried at Saqqara near the pyramid of his father-in-law, King Teti (Jenkins, 1980:21).

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ducks and other marsh fowl” Jenkins (1980:21). Four men use punting poles to move through the

wetland29 while a fifth man captures the tail of a mongoose. The most active part of the scene is

shown in the water, of the ferocious battle between crocodile and hippopotamus. To the left is

another crocodile creeping up on an unsuspecting hippopotamus which makes one believe the

underwater battle has just begun.

Jousting Boatmen

A motif that is not found in other forms of Egyptian art is the challenging game or

jousting match between teams of boatmen. At least thirty-four examples exist, dating from the

fourth through the sixth dynasties (Appendix 2).30 The ‘Fishermen’s game’, as it is called by the

excavators of the tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay (Fig. 12), is shown in this case with the participation

of four papyrus skiffs. They are loaded with farming products, bundles of papyrus, bouquets of

lotus, and fig baskets that appear to be part of the winnings in the match. According to Moussa

and Altenmüller (1971: 26) the idea is to take over the other boat by whatever means possible,

including dunking members of the opposite team, in order to retrieve the others supplies.

The quick manoeuvring of the steersman of the left boat has resulted in a member of the

boat on the right being dunked in the water. This movement has allowed the one boat to gain the

upper hand and a fifth member of the left boat “has managed to reach the stern of the right boat

and tries to reach the fig-basket” (M & A, 1971: 26). It appears that a victory is at hand.

The reason for this kind of portrayal in a tomb is best described as being one of those

scenes that allows the tomb-owner to partake in the aspects of this life, for eternity. If not to join

in, then perhaps to watch, as is probably the case of the rendition of this scene in the Fourth

29 While evidently the papyrus skiff did not have a deep draft, the waters must have been very shallow and/or full of vegetation that required the use of punting poles to help propel the boat. 30 Harpur (1987) Table 6.24

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Dynasty tomb chapel of Queen Merysankh III at Giza.31 This is the earliest known version of

this type of pastime and it shows from the start the physical contact between competitors. Harpur

(1987: 153) states that the scene is a little unusual because in this early case “most of the

boatmen are kneeling or seated in the skiffs and wrest paddles off each other, whereas in later

scenes they hold long punting poles and stand or crouch to use these effectively.”

In the Sixth Dynasty chapel of Sšm-nfr: Iwfi at Saqqara there are two kneeling paddlers,

each depicted at the stern of the two inward-facing skiffs of fighting boatmen, as if to form a

bracket for the scene (fig. 61). Harpur (1987: 154) notes that this type of symmetry is unusual for

this type of ‘informally-arranged scene’. It seems evident however, that the artist wished to

confine the jousting to the two boats, because the portrayal on the left of a serene view of a sailor

smelling a lotus and another dipping a water jug, contrasts sharply with the vigor of the rest of

the scene.

A well preserved jousting match in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo (Fig. 14) shows the

lively colours used to present such activity. The detail of the lotus pads covering the water adds

to the realism of the game. This raised relief limestone panel is unprovenanced, but Malek

(2003) states it is almost certainly from a tomb at Saqqara.

Malek explains these types of scenes as being a result of an expanding idea of

provisioning the tomb. First is a representation of a seated tomb owner surrounded by food

offerings, which in later depictions add the ‘preparatory scenes’ like “cattle being slaughtered,

fish and fowl prepared, bread baked and beer brewed.” Then secondary scenes were added that

showed fishing and fowling and hunting and their associated routines of daily life, including

“rowdy fights with other boatmen.” This seems to me to be an acceptable explanation.

31 See Dunham, D. and W.K. Simpson (1974) The Mastaba of Queen Merysankh III G 7530-7540. Giza Mastabas I. Boston.

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Boat Models

Why were boats so important in the tombs of the anciently deceased? Emery (1961:61)

believes that during the Early Dynastic period it became “customary to envisage that the

deceased would be carried to the netherworld on a boat, therefore models of such boats were

sometimes placed in or near the burial.”32 The fact remains that even in predynastic times model

boats were part of tomb furnishings, like this ceramic example now in the Berlin Museum (Fig.

15). Verhoeven (1998: 261) states that they were included in tombs to provide transportation for

the dead in the afterlife. This model reproduces a boat made of rushes, with a cabin in the middle

and human figures in the bow and stern.

In the Early Dynastic period it seems that the papyriform ship was restricted to the realm

of the royals,33 but by the Sixth Dynasty, nobles had already begun to assume burial privileges

previously only attributed to the royal family (Jenkins 1980: 133). The example illustrated here

(Fig. 16) from Aswan, depicts four little seated figures facing aft, the oarsmen and the helmsman

is facing them. The shape of the papyriform ship, “with its straight vertical prow and the stern

post drawn back in a graceful curve over the after quarters of the ship,” can be traced back to

rock graffiti in both Upper Egypt and Nubia.

A particularly interesting form is the hedgehog figure-head ships (already noted in Figs. 4

and 10), which is duplicated by a ceramic model from Tell Ibrahim Awad (Fig. 17). It was a

small votive object found in a foundation deposit below a Middle Kingdom temple at that site.

While the normal positioning of a figure-head on a ship is for it to face forward, the hedgehog

type is always looking back. Van Haarlem (1996: 197) points out the cross-beams on the deck

32 Emery, W.B. 1961, Archaic Egypt. Harmondsworth: Penguin: 54, fig. 17). 33 Landström believes that the papyriform shape was restricted to royalty, at least during the Old Kingdom. Certainly during that period, and even later, the models and relief carvings that are associated with royal burials show the same elegant and graceful profile as King Cheop’s ship (Jenkins, 1980: 131).

Donnelly 15

and the rudimentary railing, as well as the shallow hole in the middle of one of the beams was

probably intended for a mast. He dates the object based on stratigraphy, context and parallels

with other ‘hedgehog-ships’ to the late Old Kingdom, and notes that model ships of this kind are

relatively rare, and most of them are made of faience. He feels the reverse positioning of the

figure-head may be associated with an apotropaic function, pertaining to the defensive nature of

the hedgehog, and notes that the choice of depicting a hedgehog may be derived from its role as

a forecaster of changing winds (Van Haarlem, 1996: 197-198).

Another papyriform style model from the tomb of Nefer and Ka-Hay (Fig. 18) preserves

not only the oars, but mast and superstructure too.

Ward (2000: 2) notes that even with the numerous examples from both archaeological

and textual references for including boats, models and representations in mortuary practices we

are still not sure why, but goes on to state that recent scholarship believes it is to “magically

connect the deceased with the godly attributes of the pharaoh.”

Khufu I

Spread out around the Fourth-Dynasty pyramid of Khufu at Giza were buried five boats,

three on the eastern side of the pyramid with a further pair, dismantled in pits, on its southern

side (Fig. 19). In addition there are two others, one associated with the satellite pyramid and

another with one of the Queen’s (GI-a). The pits on the south side are different from the others in

that they are long, narrow and rectangular, rather than boat shaped (Lehner, 1997: 118). Both

southern pits were discovered in 1954.34 Mallakh, who made the discovery describes the moment

the pit was opened:

34 Discovery by Kamal el-Mallakh

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“When the last fragment (of limestone) had fallen away there was nothing to be seen but a dark hole in the stone, the darkness made even more impenetrable by contrast with the white glare of the sun outside. ‘Like a cat, I closed my eyes. And then with my eyes closed, I smelt incense, a very holy, holy, holy smell. I smelt time…I smelt centuries…I smelt history. And then I was sure it was there.’” (Jenkins, 1980: 53).

When they finally removed all the parts within the trench, it was found to contain some

1,224 elements (Lipke, 1984). It took twenty years to fully assemble it,35 and it was found that

the funerary boat of Khufu (Fig. 20) measured 43.4 m in length and 5.9 m across the beam,

having a displacement of about 40 tons.36 The cedar planks which formed the hull were an

impressive 130-140 mm in thickness. Their edges were bevelled and held together with loose

tongues or tenons, made of sycamore or sidder (Appendix 1). The boat’s construction shows that

it had no keel and the sides were braced with sixteen frames.37

In 1987 drill holes in the other southern boat pit revealed, through a video camera

lowered into the space, that another boat38 was preserved under thick limestone slabs.39 Lehner

(1997: 118) believes these southern boat pits are not part of the symbolic layout of Khufu’s

pyramid complex, “but rather are a deliberate ritual disposal.”40

Ward (2000: 58) states the style (papyriform) is of a ceremonial boat, intended to be used

“for pilgrimages to sacred sites, for symbolically charged hippopotamus hunts, and by the gods,

particularly the sun god Re for his travels across the sky in the m`ndt (day) and msktt (night)

boats.” She goes on to discuss the different arguments for the purpose of Khufu I, noting Zahi

35 Reconstruction by Ahmed Youssef (Ward, 2000: 46). 36 Lehner (2000: 118-119) 37 Ward (2000: 58) 38 This second ship is aptly designated Khufu II, which remains unexcavated. See Ward (2000) Chapter VI for a full discussion of the sister ship based on the photography taken in 1987. 39 See: Lehner (1997: 118) for a photo of the find. 40 According to Lehner, items connected with the royal funeral were considered in some sense highly charged, and therefore dismantled and buried separately (1997:119). The fact that it had no keel may imply that it was not sea-worthy, at least not in heavy seas that might be found on open waters, unlike that which would be found on the Nile.

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Hawass’ stand that it represents a solar barque, and an opposing view offered by Cerny that it is

a funerary boat for carrying the body of the king to Giza. She concludes with saying that despite

the arguments for its representation and whether or not it was actually used, that the boat

“provides us with an authentic example of the shipwright’s craft” (2000: 59-60).

Sea Going Vessels In addition to river craft, the Egyptians developed the ability to travel by sea very early

on. As already mentioned, as early as the Fifth Dynasty we have records of long distance travel.

In depictions, we have earlier examples of ships that seem capable of making sea voyages. This

appears evident from the massive ship portrayed on a fragment of limestone (Fig. 21) now in the

Metropolitan Museum of Art, and dated from the mid-Fourth to early Fifth Dynasty. Here, is a

very sophisticated system of sail gear. While the description in the catalogue41 states that it is a

“rare types of OK scene in which human figures are dwarfed by inanimate objects”, perhaps the

author is not giving the Egyptians credit where it may be due. Both inscriptional and

archaeological evidence points to a good understanding of the mechanics of sailing, and that the

Old Kingdom sailors were capable of making sea trips to the coasts of Syria and perhaps as far

south as Ethiopia.

Another particularly interesting sail boat is one (of two)42 portrayed in the tomb of Nefer

and Ka-hay (Fig. 22). Now granted, its apparent draft is very shallow and there is no evidence

that it could carry large cargoes. However, it does look sea-worthy for shorter jaunts, perhaps for

coastal passages. It is under full sail and again has the hedgehog figure-head that seems prevalent

in Old Kingdom depictions.

41 MMA (1999) p. 322 42 The second one appears to be similar in size and perhaps in function, but the hull is shaped more like a papyriform vessel and is depicted as just starting under sail, with rowers still at work and the sailors just adjusting the sheets. See Moussa and Altenmüller (1971) Pl. 17.

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The Solar Boat of Niuserre

Excavations at Abusir between 1898 and 190143 resulted in identifying the sun temple of

Niuserre, ‘The Delight of Re’, as well as a brick simulacrum just outside the enclosure (Fig. 24)

of a model of a 30m long boat. Lehner (1997: 150) suggests this signifies the mythic boat

attributed to the sun god on his daily travel across the sky. Ward includes in her analysis of this

feature the list produced by Hassan (1946) identifying the symbolic equipment common to Solar

Boats of Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom representations (2000: 77):

1. a mat or curtain hanging from the bow; 2. pegs and/or a crowned hawk surmounting the bow post; 3. a hawk perched on an upright; 4. one or more large uprights; 5. a small swallow (?); 6. a lotus flower (?) emblem; 7. another unidentified emblem; 8. a bent staff with various attachments; 9. one or two rectangular or naos-shaped vaulted cabins; 10. a seat or throne.

While Hassan may have argued that the Niuserre boat faced east and represented a Night

Boat, Ward argues that the placement of a transverse pedestal in the east end of the boat (Fig. 23)

makes it more likely that the boat faced west (as Borchardt had initially described),44 and

therefore is probably a representation of a Solar Day Boat. Either way, it is an interesting

concept to repeat in stone and brick what was usually built in wood.

43 Excavations by Heinrich Schaeffer and Ludwig Borchardt. 44 Borchardt (1907) Das Re-Heiligtum des Königs Ne-Woser-Re (Rathures). Vol. 1. Leipzig, p. 52-53, figs. 46-48.

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The Boat Graves of Abydos

At least 12 boats45 have been uncovered at North Abydos46 outside the funerary

complexes of the earliest historic kings (see plan Fig. 26).47 These are the most ancient planked

hulls in the world according to Cheryl Ward (2000: 39).

Other Early Dynastic boat graves were uncovered at Saqqara earlier in the past century,

but little information was retained.48 The only other parallel was the find of sixteen buried model

boats east of a Sixth Dynasty pyramid to Queen Neit also at Saqqara (Ward, 200: 39).49

The mudbrick boat graves vary in length from 19 to 29 meters and were sealed by

mudbrick casings (Figs. 25, 28), that are uniquely shaped with rounded ends (Fig. 27, 28 top).

An investigation of one grave (Grave 10) exposed traces of the flat-bottomed wooden hull (Fig.

28 bottom).50 Raffaele (2003: online), quoting a lecture given by Dr. O’Connor in 2001, states

that traces of some pigments have been found on the wooden planks, indicating that the boats

could have been painted yellow on the outside, and that it does not appear that the wood is of

cedar.51 Dr. O’Connor indicates that pottery and small seal impressions have been recovered by

one of the boats, which has allowed them to date the graves closer to the early First Dynasty.52

45 Although the prows of two others, the most northerly, had been uncovered in the mid/late 1980s when they had been erroneously interpreted as the bastioned corner of a small mudbrick enclosure (Hor Aha?) which would lie between the Shunet ez-Zabib and the Western Mastaba (Raffaele, 2003). 46 Located nearly 2 km North of the Early Dynastic Royal cemetery of Umm el-Qa'ab (Raffaele, 2003). 47 Discovered in 1991 by a joint University of Pennsylvania-Yale expedition, under the direction of Dr. David O’Connor. 48 Emery, W.B. (1949) Great Tombs of the Fist Dynasty. Vol. 1. London, p. 75. 49 Ward references J. Poujade (1948) Tros flotilles de la VIième dynastie des pharaons. Paris. 50 Ward (2000: 40) 51 But to date I have found no reference to what type of wood was used. As for conservation, the wood has been treated with acrylic and wax to strengthen it before removal; much of the wood has become frass (wood-beetle excrement) which once more fully investigated can hopefully provide an answer to the species of wood; the boats have been covered with sand at the end of each digging campaign (Raffaele, 2003: online). 52 This is in contrast to the earlier assumption that because they were found within the enclosure of Khasekhemwy, that they dated to the Second Dynasty (O’Connor, 1995: 7). They are awaiting C14 analysis and the study of jars and seal impressions found in the boats before making further attributions.

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Ward (2000: 41) notes that each boat grave is slightly different from the others and that

the imperfect alignment is difficult to comprehend (Fig. 27). As for their purpose, O’Connor

(1995: 5) reiterates earlier theories on the presence of boats near pyramids, as being either “solar,

lunar and stellar barks for the deceased ruler to traverse the day and night sky, and to travel

through the Underworld or Duat,” or that they represent the vessels used to convey the mummy

of the king to the pyramid, “via a canal ending in a harbour near the valley temple of each.”

These perhaps represent the earlier forms of burying the boats of rulers that we find later in the

later Old Kingdom, with reference to the ships of King Khufu.

Conclusion Having been a naval officer for eleven years I perhaps have chosen representations that

are of more interest to me based on the development of technical skill rather than the most

attractively executed images. Despite this, the evidence is clear that ships and boat-building were

a very important part of the lives of the Egyptians in the Old Kingdom. Without spending a great

deal of time on the religious aspects of the purpose for such representations, I chose to give a

cross-section of forms and uses that are both inherent in the activities carried out in daily life but

also perhaps symbolize a deeper meaning to the tomb-owners. The fact that so many different

mediums were used to depict these vessels, also indicate the importance of water craft that has

survived through modern times in Egypt. One can only hope that more intact ships will be found

in future excavations that provide further information on the technological abilities of these

ancient peoples.

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Appendix 1 – Woods found in Egypt

Adapted from Gale, Gasson & Hepper (2000: 335-352) Common name

Latin Name Location Some Possible Uses

Acacia53 [Acacia sp. (Leguminosae-Mimosoideae)]

hot deserts – Egypt, Jordan to Iraq, and tropical Africa

boat-building, construction, furniture, bows, arrows, dowels

Cork wood [Aeschynomene Elaphroxylon]

sandbanks in rivers and lakes of tropical Africa

rafts & floats

Common ash [Fraxinus excelsior] southern Europe, Asia Minor to Lebanon boat-building, bows, furniture

Turkey oak [Quercus cerris L. (Fagaceae)]

southern and central Europe to Asia Minor construction, furniture, joinery, boat-building, statuary, shingles, veneers

Willow [ Salix subserrata] banks and islands of the Nile bowls, chariots, boats, shields, sm. domestic items

Tamarisk [Tamarix aphylla] / [T. nilotica]

Egypt, Arabia, Iraq, S. Iran, Pakistan construction, coffins, fuel 54

Elm [Ulmus minor] shady, moist places across Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Turkey to Iran, rare in SW Asia

construction, shingles, coffins, wagons, carts, bows, boat-building, water pipes, tool handles, brushes

Christ’s thorn, sidder, nabk55

[Ziziphus spina-christi L. (Rhamnaceae)]

dry areas of Palestine, North Africa and drier parts of West Africa

boats, coffins, dowels & sm. items

Dom/doum palm56

[Hyphaene thebaica] dry savannah of Africa, along the Nile (near Eilat, on the Red Sea Coast)

boat-building, carpentry and as a veneer

Cilician fir [Abies cilicica] between 1200 and 2200 m asl in Lebanon, Syria and adjacent parts of Turkey

boat-building (masts), construction, flag-poles and small items

Cedar of Lebanon57

[Cedrus libani] The sub-species libani is now limited to a few relics in the Mount Lebanon range.

construction, monumental doors, boat-building, furniture, coffins, pit props and statuary

Cypress [Cupressus sempervirens]

Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, Iran, Crete, Rhodes and other Aegean islands

construction, monumental doors, furniture, boat-building, pit props, statuary and carving.

Aleppo pine [Pinus halepensis] Anciently - restricted to certain soils in the Syro Palestinian region.

boat-building, construction, underground pipes and coffins

Common yew [Taxus baccata L. (Taxaceae)

essentially a European tree, but reaches the Taurus mountains in Turkey

sculpture, pails, spoons, bowls, tool handles, anchors, bows, arrows, boats, spears and tree-nails

53 Theoprastus says the acacia could be converted into planks of twelve cubits (6.24 m) in length (Killen, 2000:367). 54 Not listed as a possible boat-building product, but Killen (2000:367) includes the tamarisk. Janssen, J. (1975, Commodity Prices from the Ramesside Period. Leiden: Brill, p. 373-5) has translated documents from the Ramesside period recording that beams of tamarisk could be purchased at lengths of between 4.5 and 8 m. 55 This is the most likely species to have been used for such purposes as boat-building, since the trunk is well-developed and provides reasonably large pieces of timber (Gale, et al 2000: 345). 56 The fruit has been found in graves from the Predynastic period onward, but no instances of the use of the wood of this species have been recorded (Gale, et al 2000: 347). 57 Fourth Dynasty – Khufu’s funerary boat at Giza.

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Appendix 2 – OK Boat Scenes

Adapted mostly from information in Harpur (1987) Name Date Site Reference Fighting boatmen

Nfr and Ka-Hay* V.6 Saqqara Moussa & Altenmüller (1971) pl. 10, 11, 15

Sšm-nfr: Iwfi* VI Saqqara Barsanti (1900) fig. 9 earliest known depiction Queen Mrs-anx III 58 IV.6 Giza Mersyankh II fig. 4 other sites: Abusir to Saqqara, Zawyet el-Amwat, Deir el-Gabrawi, el-Hawawish, Beni Hasan

Papyrus skiff builders Ty* V.8 Saqqara Ty II pl. CX earliest known depiction Nfr-mAat* IV .1 Maidum Medum 26 pl. XXIII other sites: Giza, el-Hawawish, el-Sheikh Said, Zawyet el-Amwat, Dishasha

Wooden boat builders59 Nfr and Ka-Hay* V.6 Saqqara Ward (2000) fig. 3 Ty* V.8 Saqqara Malek (2003) Rahotep* IV Maidum Harpur (2000) fig. 94 Ward (2000: 10) lists other scenes in the tombs of: Ka-m-anx, Tp-m-anx, Niankh-khnum and Knumhotep, and Aba

Hippopotamus hunt Medou-nefer* VI Balat Valloggia (1986) pl. XLI Ty* V.8 Saqqara Malek (2003), Ti II pl.

CX earliest Ni-kAw-Hwt-Hr 60 V Giza PM 247, north wall other sites: el-Moalla, Meir, Deir el-Gabawri, el-Hawawish

Crocodile & Hippopotamus Fighting

Ii -nfrt*

VI.3 Giza Harpur (1987) fig. 68

Mereruka* VI Saqqara Jenkins (1980) fig. 19 earliest Ka.i-m-anx / Ty (?) V.9 Giza PM 192[4], UP other sites: Meir PM = Porter & Moss UP = unpublished * depicted in this paper

58 Wife of her half-brother, King Khafre. 59 This topic is not listed in Harpur, although she does discuss papyrus skiff builders. 60 Harpur (1987: 261, App. 3) provides the terminus ante quem date for scenes and lists for the hippopotamus hunt: royal V.1; private IV.5, but notes the earliest relief is not in situ. However, I could not determine from her notes who were the individual reliefs associated with.

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Fig. 1Boat building scene from the tomb of Ty, at Saqqara. Dynasty 5. Raised relief in limestone, painted. Malek (2003)

Fig. 2East wall of the hall, chapel of Rahotep, Maidum. Harpur (2001) Fig. 94

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Fig. 4 Warping of the hull of a seagoing ship, Tomb of Neferand Ka-hay, Saqqara.Moussa &Altenmüller (1971) Fig. 19

Fig. 5 Papyrus skiff building, tomb of Ty, at Saqqara. Harpur (1987) Fig. 108.

Fig. 3 Launching a seagoing ship, Tomb of Neferand Ka-hay, Saqqara.Moussa &Altenmüller (1971) Fig. 18

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Fig. 8 Hippopotamus hunt. Mastaba of Medou-nefer, Balat. Valloggia (1986) Pl. XLI

Fig. 9 (left) Hippopotamus Hunt in the tomb of Ty, Saqqara. Malek (2003)

Fig. 6 Papyrus skiff building, tomb of Nefermaat, Maidum. Dyn. 4Harpur (2001) Fig. 85.

Fig. 7 (above)Hippopotamus Hunt paletteMedelhavsmuséet, Stockholm E.M. 6000 Unprovenanced(Amratian - Early Gerzean) Säve-Söderbergh (1953) fig. 8

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Fig. 10 Tomb of Ii-nfrt , Giza. Dyn. VI Harpur (1987) Fig. 68

Fig. 11 Hunting scene in the marshes, tomb of Mereruka, Saqqara. Dyn. VI. Jenkins (1980) Fig. 19

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Fig. 13Sšm-nfr: Iwfi. Dyn. 6 – Saqqara. Harpur (1987) Fig. 61

Fig. 14 Jousting boatmen. Saqqara? Egyptian Museum, Cairo. Malek (2003)

Fig. 12 Fishermen’s Game, Tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay, Saqqara. Moussa &Altenmüller (1971) Fig. 10

Fig. 15 Model Boat. Predynastic Period, ca. 3300 BC; painted ceramic vessel with slip; L. 55 cm; Berlin, SMPK, Ägyptisches Museum, 13834. Verhoeven (1998) 108

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Fig. 16 Model Boat, from Aswan. VI Dynasty. Jenkins (1980) Fig. 105

Fig. 17 Model of a ‘hedgehog-ship’, Tell Ibrahim Awad. Drawings by T. Sherkova. Van Haarlem (1996: 197).

Fig. 18Model ship from tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay at Saqqara. Moussa &Altenmüller (1971) Pl. 41a

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Fig. 20 Khufu I, reconstructed. Jenkins (1980) fig. 31

Fig. 19Location of the Five + Boat Pitsaround the Pyramid of Khufu.Lehner (1997) p. 108.

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Fig. 21 Ship under SailMid-fourth–early Fifth Dyn.Limestone and paint.MMA 22.1.13Egyptian Art in the Age of the Pyramids (1999) Fig.105

Fig. 22Sailing Boat, Tomb of Nefer and Ka-hay, Saqqara. Moussa &Altenmüller (1971) Fig. 16

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Fig. 23 Brick solar boatof Ne-user-re (after Borchardt 1907, fig. 46) Ward (2000) fig. 31

Fig. 24 A simulacrum of a barque, docked off the southeast corner of Niuserre’s sun temple. Abusir. Lehner (1997) p. 151

Fig. 25 Boat Graveno. 10, with part of the wooden planking of the actual boat exposed for study and conservation. Abydos.photo Penn-Yale-NYU; O’Connor (1995) fig. 1

1 - Shunet ez-Zebib(Khasekhemwy) 2 - Mudbrick lined royal boats (12)3 – W. Mastaba(Adjib or Semerkhet ?)4 - Merneith (or Den ?) enclosure5 - Middle Fort (Peribsen)6 - Djer enclosure 7 - Djet enclosure 8 - Deir Sitt Damianaenclosure

Fig. 26General plan of the Boat Graves at Abydos. Raffaele (2003)

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Fig. 28 Plan of an Abydos boat grave: the outline of the hull within, as seen from above, is clear. Below, Cross-section of a boat graveand the hull placed within it. Note the shallow trench that held the hull in place while the brick casing was built around it. O’Connor (1995: 5)

Fig. 27 Plan of the Abydos hulls.Ward (2000) fig. 11.

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