American Folklore Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of AmericanFolklore.http://www.jstor.orgMythology and Folk-Tales of the North American Indians Author(s): Franz Boas Source:The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 27, No. 106 (Oct. - Dec., 1914), pp. 374-410Published by:American Folklore SocietyStable URL:http://www.jstor.org/stable/534740Accessed: 13-04-2015 19:26 UTCYour use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jspJSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of contentin a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMYTHOLOGY ANDFOLK-TALES OFTHENORTH AMERICANINDIANS. BYFRANZBOAS. I.MATERIAL. DURINGthelast twentyyears a very considerable body oftalesof theNorthAmericanIndianshasbeencollected.Beforetheir pub- lication, almostthe onlyimportant collectionsavailableforscientific researchweretheEskimotales publishedby H. Rink, - material recordedin partby natives during theearlier part ofthenineteenth century, and printed alsointhenative language in Greenland; the traditionscollected by E.Petitot among the Athapascan tribesof northwestern Canada; thePoncatalescollected byJ.O.Dorsey; a fewSiouantalesrecorded byStephen R. Riggs; andtheKlamath traditionscollected by AlbertS.Gatschet.Thematerial published inDanielG.Brinton's "Library of Aboriginal AmericanLiterature' alsodeservesnotice.Inallofthesethe attempt wasmadeto give afaithful rendering ofthenative tales; andinthis they differ funda- mentally fromthe literary effortsof Schoolcraft,Kohl, andother writers. Owing totheir scope,they are also much more valuablethan theolderrecords foundintheaccountsofmissionariesandinbooks oftraveland exploration. Sincethose times, somewhat systematic collectionshavebeenmade among a large numberof tribes;and,although thecontinentisnot byany meanscovered by the existingmaterial, muchhasbeen gained to give usabetter knowledge ofthe subject. Two types ofcollection may be distinguished. Theoneincludes talestakendownin English orinother Europeantonguesdirectly from natives, or indirectly withthe help of interpreters.Among Americaninstitutions, theBureauofAmerican Ethnology, the AmericanMuseumofNatural History, theFieldMuseumofNatural History(Field Columbian Museum) in Chicago, forafew years the Carnegie Institutionof Washington, haveworked in thisfield.Much materialisalsofoundinthe "Journal ofAmerican Folk-Lore," and intheearliervolumes ofthe"American Anthropologist" andofthe "American Antiquarian andOriental Journal." Theother type of collectioncontains talestakendownfromdictation by natives, or recordedinthenative languagebynatives, andlateronrevisedand edited.So far, thelatterformthesmaller group. Wehavesome- whatextendedmaterialfromEast Greenland, theAlaskan Eskimo, 374 This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 375 fromseveral Athapascantribes, fromfourtribesfromthecoastof British Columbia, threeChinook tribes, three Oregontribes, five Californian tribes; some Pima,Apache, andNavaho material; Iro- quois,Blackfoot, andFox texts; andcollectionsfromthePoncaand Sioux.Publicationsofthis type were duefirst ofalltotheBureau of American Ethnology. ForatimetheAmericanMuseumofNatural Historypublished aconsiderable body of texts; andsimilar workhas beenconducted by the University ofCaliforniain Berkeley, theMu- seumofthe University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, andmore systematicallyby theAmerican EthnologicalSociety andinthe Anthropological PublicationsofColumbia University inNewYork. The GeologicalSurvey ofCanadais also beginning tomakeavailable materialofthis type. Thematerialcollected by ProfessorUhlenbeck andDr.de Jongamong theBlackfeetshouldalsobementionedin thisconnection. Withtheincreaseof material, thedemandsfor accuracy ofrecord havebecomemore and more stringent. Whilein theearlier period of collecting no great stresswaslaid upon the recording ofvariantsand their provenience, - as, for instance, inRink's collection, inwhich wehavevariantsfrom different parts ofthe country combinedintoa singlestory, - wenowdesirethateachtalebeobtainedfromseveral informantsandfromseveral places, inordertoenableusto gain an impression ofits importance inthetribal lore, andtoinsurethefull recordofitscontentsandofitsrelationstoothertales.Further- more, the importance of therecord in the original language has become moreandmore apparent. Thisisnot only forthereasonthatthe English translation gives a veryinadequateimpression ofthe tales, butalsobecauseoftenthe interpreter's inadequate knowledge of Eng- lish compels himtoomitor modifyimportantparts. Eventhebest translationcannot give usmaterialforthe study of literaryform,- a subject thathasreceived hardlyanyattention, andthe importance of which, asI hope toshowinthecourseofthese remarks, cannotbe overestimated. Itis doubtfulwhetherall the records thathave been collectedin pre- vious years arewell adapted tothis study, becausethe difficulty of taking down accuratelyrapid dictationfrom natives, andthe difficulty whichthenativesencounterin telling inthetraditionalmanner sufficientlyslowly for the purpose ofthe recorder, almost always exert an appreciable influence upon theformofthetale. Owing tothe multiplicity ofAmerican languages andtothe exigencies ofthe situationinwhichstudentsfind themselves, therecorderhas only rarely a practical commandofthe language; andforthisreasonthe difficultyjust mentionedcannotbe readily overcome. Up tothe presenttime, themostsuccessfulmethodhasbeentohavethefirst This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions376 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. recordmade by nativeswhohavebeen taught towritetheirown language. After they have acquired sufficienteasein writing, the diction generally becomes satisfactory. Acertainone-sidednesswill remain,however, as long asallthematerialiswrittendown by a single recorder.Ithas also been suggested that phonographic records be used, which may bewrittenoutfrom re-dictation; butso far, no extendedserieshasbeencollectedinthismanner. The experience of investigators in manyregionssuggests thatthe difficultyjust mentionedisnotas great as might be supposed. This isindicated by thefactthat good informantsoftenbreak downcom- pletely when requested todictate descriptions oftheeventsof every- day life. They willthenstatethat they arewellabletotellstories thathavea fixed form, butthatthe slow dictationof descriptions to be made up new istoodifficult for them.It would seem,therefore, that theforminwhichmostofthetalesareobtainedmustbe fairly well fixed. Ordinarily a poor rendering of a story can easily be recognized by the fragmentary characterofthe contents, thebriefnessofsen- tences,by correctionsand unnecessaryrepetitions. Wealsohave many talesinwhichthesameincidentis repeated a numberof times; andinthosecasestheformofthe repetitionsshows, onthe whole, whetherthenarratorhasa fairlygood commandofhis subject. Furthermore, a great many nativetales contain, besidesthe connected narrative,stereotypedformulas, whichare always toldinthesame manner, and whichare undoubtedlyalwaysgiven in correctform. It has been the habit of most collectors to endeavor to find the "right" informantfor tales,particularly whenthestoriesrefertoelaborate sacred rituals, or when they are the property of social groups possessing definite privileges. It may thenbeobservedthatcertaintalesare in the keeping of individuals, and are onlysuperficially or partially known tothe rest of the people. In these cases the recorder has often adopted theattitudeoftheIndianwho possesses themostelaboratevariant ofthe tale, andthe fragmentary data givenby theuninitiatedare rejected as misleading. Thisviewisbasedonthe assumption ofa permanence of form of traditionthatis hardly justifiable, and does not takeintoconsiderationthefactthattheesotericvariantwhichis developedby asmallnumberofindividualsisbasedontheexoteric variantsafloat among the wholetribe.Weshallreverttothis subject lateron. Thisstaticview of Indian folk-lore is also expressed by the preference giventhroughout tothe collectionof purely Indian material unaffected byEuropean orAfrican elements, and by thereluctanceofinvesti- gators tobestowasmuchcare upon the gathering ofthemorerecent formsoffolk-loreasis given tothoseformsthatwerecurrentbefore theadventofthewhites.Forthe study ofthe development offolk- This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 377 talesthe modern materialis of particular value, becauseit may enable us to understandbetterthe processes of assimilationand of adaptation, which undoubtedly havebeenof greatimportance inthe history of folk-tradition. II.MYTHANDFOLK-TALE. Inour Americancollectionsthetwoterms "myth" and"folk-tale" havebeenusedsomewhat indefinitely. Thisisa necessary resultof thelackofa sharp lineofdemarcationbetweenthesetwoclassesof tales.Nomatterwhichofthecurrentdefinitionsof mythology we mayadopt, therewillarisedifficultiesthatcannotbesettledwithout establishingarbitrary distinctions.Ifwedefine myths astalesthat explain natural phenomena, andthat may beconsideredinthissense as parts ofan interpretation of nature, weareconfrontedwiththe difficulty thatthesametale may be explanatory inone case, anda simple talewithout explanatory featuresinanother.Thestrict adherencetothis principle ofclassificationwouldthereforeresultin the separation oftalesthatare geneticallyconnected, one being classedwith myths, theotherwithfolk-tales.It goes without saying thatinthis wayunnecessary difficultiesare created. Ifwemakethe personification of animals,plants, andnatural phenomena thestandardof distinction, anotherkindof difficulty arises, whichis basedonthelack ofaclear distinctionbetween myths, ontheone hand, andtales relating to magicalexploits thatarecon- sideredastrueandof recent occurrence, onthe other, and also onthe similaritiesbetweentales relating totheadventuresofhuman beings andanimals. Ofsimilarcharacteraretheobstaclesthatstandinthe way ofa definitionof myths astales relating toritualistic performances. Inallthesecasesthesametaleswillhavetobe considered, inone caseas myths, andinanotheras folk-tales, because they occurboth in explanatory and non-explanatoryforms, relating to personified animalsornatural objects andtohuman beings, withritualistic significance andwithoutit.Ifwedo acceptany oneofthesedefini- tions, itwilltherefore always be necessary toconsiderthetwo groups together, and to investigate their historicaland psychologicaldevelop- mentwithout regard totheartificiallimits implied inthedefinition. This difficulty cannotbe met byassuming thatthefolk-tale originated froma myth andmustbeconsidereda degeneratemyth, or by the hypothesis that conversely the mythoriginated froma folk-tale;for, ifwedo this, atheoretical point of view, thatshouldbetheendofthe inquiry, is injected intoour consideration. Forour purposes itseemsdesirabletoadheretothedefinitionof mythgivenby theIndianhimself.InthemindoftheAmerican nativethereexistsalmost always acleardistinctionbetweentwo This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions378 Journal of American Folk-Lore. classesoftales.One group relatesincidentswhich happened ata timewhentheworldhadnot yet assumedits presentform, and when mankindwasnot yet in possession ofallthecustomsandartsthat belong toour period. Theother group containstalesofour modern period. Inother words, talesofthefirst group areconsideredas myths; thoseofthe other, as history. Thetalesoftheformer group arenot byany means explanatory incharacter throughout.They treat mostly oftheachievementsofanimalsandofheroes.From ourmodern point of view, it might bedoubtfulsometimeswhether suchataleshouldbeconsideredas mythical, or historical,since, on accountoftheIndian'sbeliefinthe powers of animals,many ofthe historicaltalesconsistofaseriesofincidentsthat might aswellhave happened inthe mythologicalperiod; suchasthe appearance of animalsthatbecome supernaturalhelpers and perform marvellous exploits, orofthosethatinitiatea person intoanewritual.Itcan beshown thathistoricaltales may in thecourse oftimebecome myth- icaltales bybeing transferredintothe mythicalperiod, andthat historicaltales mayoriginate which parallel inthecharacterandse- quence oftheirincidents mythical tales.Neverthelessthe psycho- logical distinctionbetweenthetwoclassesoftalesis perfectly clearin themindoftheIndian.Itis related, in a way, totheancientcon- cepts ofthedifferent ages as described by Hesiod. Forour analyticalstudy wemustbearinmindthatthe psycho- logical distinctionwhichthenativesmakebetween mythical and historicaltales is, from an historical point of view, notmore definitely and sharply drawnthanthelineofdemarcationbetween myths and talesdefinedinother ways. The point of view,however, hasthe advantage thatthe mythscorrespond to concepts thatare perfectly clearinthenativemind. Although folk-talesand myths asdefined inthismannermustthereforestillbestudiedasa unit, wehave avoidedtheintroductionofan arbitrary distinction through our moderncritical point of view, andretainedinsteadtheonethatis present inthemindsofthe myth-tellingpeople. The mythical tales belong toa period thatis longpast, andcannot be repeated inour world,although the expectationmay existofa renewalof mythical conditionsinthedimfuture. Only whenwe ourselvesaretransferredintotherealmof mythicalbeings, that continuetoexistsomewhereinunknown parts ofour world,may mythsagain become happenings. The mythologicalbeingsmay thus becomeactorsin historicalfolk-talesor in localized tradition, although theyappear atthesametimeasactorsintrue myths. TheIndian who disappears andistakentothe village oftheBuffaloes is, inthe mindof theIndian,thehero of an historical tale,although theBuffalo menare atthesametime mythicalpersonages. Thenoviceinitiated This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 379 by the spirits ofasecret society istaken awayby them bodily; and whenhe re-appears among his tribesmen, hetellsthemhis story, which dealswiththe gifts of mythicalbeings. The person whorevivesfrom a death-liketrancehasbeenin communionwiththe mythical world of the ghosts,although hehasbeenallowedtoreturntoourworldand tofollowhisusual occupations. ItisthereforeclearthatinthemindoftheIndianthe appearance of mythical charactersisnotthecriterionof whatconstitutesa myth. Itisrather itsdistancein space or timethat gives ititscharacteristic tone. It appears fromtheseremarksthatinthe study ofthehistorical origin of myths andfolk-talesofmodern times, thewidestlatitude mustbe given toourresearches.The types anddistributionofthe whole body of folk-tales and myths mustformthe subject ofourin- quiry. Thereconstructionoftheir history willfurnishthematerial which mayhelp ustouncoverthe psychologicalprocesses involved. I cannot agree withBastianand Wundt,' whoconsider the question howtales actuallyoriginated as comparativelyinsignificant, because both independently createdanddisseminatedmaterialare subject tothesame psychologicalprocesses, which may thereforebestudied by an analytical treatmentofthetalesas they nowexist.Ido notseehowthiscanbedonewithout interpreting asanhistorical sequence aclassificationbased entirely on psychological orother considerations, - a methodthatcan never lead to satisfactoryresults, onaccountofthe arbitrary, non-historical premises onwhichitis founded.If there is more thanoneclassificationof this typepossible, thereconstructed psychologicalprocesses willdiffer accordingly; and wemuststilldemandthatthe change fromone type toanotherbe demonstrated by actualhistoricalevidencewhen available,by infer- encesbasedon distributionor similar datawhennoothermethodcan beutilized. Here, asinallother ethnologicalproblems, the principle mustbe recognized that phenomenaapparently alike maydevelop in multitudinous ways. A geometricaldesignmay be developed from a conventionalizedrealistic form, orit maydevelopdirectlythrough a play with elementary technical motives; asemi-realisticform may be a copy of nature, and may have-been readintoa pre-existinggeo- metrical design; orboth may havebeenborrowedand developed on newlines.Aritual may beadramatic presentation ofa myth, it may beanancientritetowhicha myth hasbecome attached, orit may bea copy of foreignpatterns. Thereisnoa priori reasonthat tells uswhich hasbeenthe starting-point ofalocal development, for themodernforms may have grownup in any ofthese ways or by their joint action.Atthesametime,the psychologicalprocesses that I Wilhelm Wundt,Volkerpsychologie, vol.ii, part 3 (Igo9), p. 62. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions3 80Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. comeinto play inonecaseortheotheraredistinct.Forthis reason weinsistonthe necessity of an inductive study of the sequence ofeventsasthebasisfor allour work. Theresultsofthese inquiries,however, donottouch upon another problemupon whichmuch thought hasbeenbestowed.The beings that appear as actors in mythological tales are creatures of the imagina- tion, anddifferinthemostcurious ways fromthe beings whichare knowninour every-day world.Animalsthatareatthesametime men, human beings thatconsistof parts of a body or are coveredwith wartsand blotches,beings that may at will increase or decrease in size, bodiesthat may becut up andwill readily re-uniteandcometo life, beings thatareswallowed by animalsormonstersand passthrough them unharmed, arethe ordinaryinventory offolk-talesaswellasof myths. Whateverisnowhere seenand whateverhasnever happened arehere thecommon every-day events. The imagination ofmanknowsno limits, andwemust expect greatvariety of form in mythicalbeings and happenings. Whilesuch diversity is found, therestillexistcertainfeaturesthatoccurwith surprisingfrequency, - in fact, sooftenthattheir presence cannotbe duetoaccident.Theattentionof manyinvestigators hasbeen directedto these similarities, whichhaveled to the inference thatthose traitsthatarecommontothe myths andfolk-talesofdiverse peoples andraces arethefundamentalelementsof mythology, andthatour real problem is the discovery ofthe origin ofthosemost widelyspread. Itwouldseemthatmuchoftheconflictofcurrent opinion is dueto ourfailureto keepdistinctlyapart thetwolinesof inquiry here char- acterized, - the one, the investigation intothe history of tales; the other, the investigation ofthe origin oftraditionsor ideascommonto many or all mythologies. III.DISSEMINATIONOFFOLK-TALES. Our first problem dealswiththe development ofmodernfolk-tales. During thelast twentyyears the tendency ofAmerican investigators hasbeento disregard the problem oftheearliest history ofAmerican myths and tales, andto gain an insight intotheirrecent growth. The first step inaninductive study ofthe development offolk-talesmust be an investigation of the processes that may be observed at the present time, andtheseshouldformthebasisof inquiries intoearlier history. Thereforestresshasbeenlaid upon theaccumulationof many variants ofthesametalefrom different parts ofthe country, andthesehave beenmadethebasisofafewtheoreticalstudies. Notmorethan twenty-fiveyearsago DanielG.Brintonasserted thatthe similarity of Iroquois and Algonkinmythologies wasdueto thesamenessoftheactionofthehumanmind,nottotransmission. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 3 8 I Sincethattimesucha vastamountof materialhas been accumulated, proving definitelinesof transmission, thatthereis probably noin- vestigator nowwhowouldbe willing todefendBrinton's position. A detailed study oftransmission among thetribesoftheNorthPacific coast, andabrief summary ofthesimilaritiesbetweenNavahoand NorthwestAmerican folk-tales, werefollowed by many annotatedcol- lections containingparallels from manyparts ofAmerica.Theim- portance of disseminationwas brought out incidentally inDr.Lowie's investigation onthetest-themein American mythology and by Dr. Waterman's study ofthe explanatory elementin Americanfolk-tales. Tworuleshavebeenlaiddownas necessary forcautious progress.' First, thetaleorformulathedistributionofwhichis investigated, andis tobe explained as due tohistorical contact, mustbe so complex, thatan independentorigin ofthe sequence ofnon-relatedelements seemstobe improbable. An example ofsuchataleisthe Magic Flight, inwhichwefindacombinationofthe following elements: flight froman ogre;objects thrownovertheshoulder formingob- stacles, - first a stone, which becomes a mountain; then a comb, which becomesa thicket;lastly abottleof oil, whichbecomesa body of water.Itis hardly conceivablethatsucha group ofunrelated incidentsshouldarise independently in regions far apart. Thesecondrule is, thatfora satisfactoryproof of dissemination, continuousdistributionis required. The simpler the tale, the greater mustbeourinsistenceonthiscondition.Itmustofcoursebead- mittedthat simple tales may bedisseminatedoverwideareas.It mustalsobeadmittedthatinall probability talesknownatonetime havebeen forgotten, so thatintermediatelinks in an area of geograph- ically continuousdistribution may havebeenlost. This,however, doesnottouch upon our methodologicalpoint ofview.Wedesireto finduncontestableevidenceof transmission, notalonethe possibility or plausibility of transmission; andforthis purpose our safeguards mustbeinsistedon. The study ofthedistributionofthemes requires a ready meansfor their identification, andthisnecessitatesabrief terminology: hence the attempts toestablishaseriesofcatch-words by meansofwhich talesand incidents mayreadily be recognized. Frobenius,Ehrenreich, Lowie, andKroeber2havecontributedtothis undertaking; butan 1 SeeBoas,"DisseminationofTales among theNativesofNorthAmerica" (Journal ofAmerican Folk-Lore, vol.iv, pp.13-2o); W. Wundt, V61kerpsychologie, vol.ii,part 3, p.62; Van Gennep, Laformationdes lgendes(1912),p.49. 2 Leo Frobenius, ImZeitalterdes Sonnengotts; PaulEhrenreich,Die Mythen und Legenden derSfidamerikanischen Urvilker, pp.34-59; RobertH. Lowie,"TheTest- Theme inNorthAmerican Mythology " (Journal ofAmerican Folk-Lore, vol. xxi,p. Ior); A.L.Kroeber, " Cath-Words in American Mythology " (Ibid.,vol. xxi, p.222); see also T.T.Waterman, " The Explanatory ElementintheFolk-TalesoftheNorthAmerican Indians"(thisJournal, vol.xxvii,pp.1-54). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions382 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. elaborationofa satisfactorysystem ofcatch-words requires more penetratingstudy ofthetalesthanthosethathavehithertobeen made.Certain results,however, havebeenobtainedfromthe study ofthedistributionofthemes.Thematerialthathasbeencollected suggests that, as inquiry progresses, we may beabletodiscernvarious areasofdistributionofthemes.Someoftheseare knownover large portions ofthecontinent.For instance, the story ofthe Bungling Host - ofa person whoisfed by the magicpowers ofhis host, who triestoimitatehimandfails ignominiously - occurs fromNew Mexico on, allovertheeastern part ofNorth America, andis lacking only, asit seems, inCaliforniaandontheArcticcoast.Similarto thisis thedistributionofthe story of the RollingRock, which pursues an offendingperson, and pins himdownuntilheis finally freed by animalsthatbreaktherock. Perhaps thisdoesnotextend quite so farnorthandsouthastheformer story. Whilethe Bungling-Host taleisknownonthecoastofBritish Columbia, the Rolling-Rock story doesnotreach thePacific coast,although related talesare found in parts ofCalifornia.Stillothertalesare essentially confined tothe Great Plains, buthavefollowedthetrade-routesthatleadtothe Pacific Ocean, andarefoundinisolated spots fromBritishColumbia southwardtoCalifornia.Tothis groupbelongs the story ofthe Dancing Birds, whichare told by a trickstertodancewithclosed eyes, andthenare killed byhim, a few onlyescaping. Another story of this group isthecharacteristic Delugestory, whichtellsofthecreationof anewearth bydiving animals. During theFloodtheanimalssave themselveson a raft.One afteranother dives, until finally themusk- rat brings up some mud, of whichthenew earth is created.This story isknownina very wideareaaroundtheGreat Lakes, andoccursin recognizable formonafew pointsalong thePacificcoast.Tothis same groupbelongs thetaleoftheStarHusbands.Two girlssleep outof doors, seetwo stars, andeachwishesoneofthesefor her hus- band.When they awake the followingmorning, their wish is fulfilled. Oneofthestarsisabeautiful man, theotheris ugly.Eventually the girls returntoearth.ThistaleisknownfromNova Scotia, acrossthewholewidthofthe continent, totheWestern plateaus, Vancouver Island, andAlaska.Stillotherstoriesofthesamearea arethoseoftheBlood-Clot Boy, who originates fromsomeblood thathasbeenthrown away, andwhobecomesa hero; the story of Thrown-Away, thenamefor a boy whoiscast out,broughtup ina magicway, andwhobecomesa hero; the Snaring ofthe Sun; and many others. Thesecond group hasadecidedWesterndistribution,andisfound extensively onthePlateausandonthePacificcoast;although some ofthestorieshavealsocrossedthe mountains,andarefoundonthe This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 383 EasternPlains.Tothis groupbelongs the story ofthe Eye-Juggler; that is, ofananimalthat plays ballwithhis eyes, and finally loses them; oftheascenttothe skyby meansofaladderof arrows; andthe story ofthecontestbetweenBeaverand Porcupine, Beaver invitingPorcupine to swim, while Porcupine invitesBeaverto climb.' Athirdareaofdistribution may be recognized inthe peculiar migrationlegends oftheSouthwestandofthe Mississippibasin, whichhaveno analogues inthenorthern part ofthecontinent. Thedistributionofthemesbecomesthemore interesting, themore carefully thetalesareconsidered.Thusthe widelyspreadstory of the Bungling Host may bedividedintoanumberof types,according tothetricks performed by the host.On theNorthPacific coastoccurs thetrickof knocking the ankle, outof which salmon-eggsflow; on the Plateaus, the piercing of some part of the body witha sharp instrument and pulling out food; onthe Plains, thetransformationofbarkinto wood; andalmost everywhere, the diving forfishfroma perch.2 Thereislittledoubtthatascollection proceeds, andthedistribution ofthemescanbestudiedin greaterdetail, theareasofdissemination will standout more clearly than now.The greatest difficulty at present lies in the absenceof satisfactory materialfrom the Southeastand from thePueblo region. Ehrenreich3 has attempted toextendthese comparisons toSouth AmericaandtotheOld World; but many ofhiscasesdonotconform tothe methodological conditions previouslyoutlined, and are therefore not quiteconvincing,although I readily admitthe probability ofdis- seminationbetweenthesouthernandnorthernhalfofthecontinent. Iamevenmoredoubtfulin regard tothe examplesgivenby Dathn- hardt 4 and Frobenius.5 If Daihnhardt finds, for instance, thatwe have inNorthAmericaa group oftales relating howRavenliberatedthe sun, whichwasenclosedinaseamlessround receptacle, thatthe ChukcheetellofRaven holding thesununderhis tongue, thatthe Magyar tellasimilarincidentofoneoftheheroes oftheir fairy-tales, itdoesnotfollowthatthesearethesametales.TheChukcheeand Magyar talesare alike, andIshouldbeinclinedtosearchforinter- mediatelinks. Among theChukcheethe story hasbeeninsertedin theRaven cycle, anditseems probable thatthe prominence ofthe I SeeT.T.Waterman (Journal ofAmerican Folk-Lore,vol.xxvii,pp.1-54). s FranzBoas,Tsimshian Mythology(31stAnnual Report of theBureau ofAmerican Ethnology). 0 P.Ehrenreich, Die Mythen und Legendender siidamerikanischen Urv61lker und ihre Beziehungen zudenen Nordamerikas undder Alten Welt,I9o5. O.Ddhnhardt.Natursagen, vols.i-iv.Referencesare given intheindextothese volumes. 6 Leo Frobenius, DieWeltanschauung der Naturvalker. VOL.XXVII. - NO.io6. - 26. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions384 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. ravenintheirfolk-loreisduetoNorthwest-coast influences, or that it developed atthesametimein northeasternAsiaand northwestern America. However, Idonotthinkthatthetwotalesare sufficiently aliketoallowustoclaimthat they havethesame origin. Stillmore is this true of the alleged relations betweenMelanesianand American tales. Frobenius, who makes much of these similarities, calls attention, for instance, tothe motiveof the arrow-ladder, which occurs inMelanesiaandinNorthwestAmerica.Itseemstomethatthe ideaofachainofarrows reaching from theearthtothe sky is notso complicated astoallowustoassume necessarily a singleorigin. Furthermore, thedistancebetweenthetwocountriesinwhichthe elementoccursisso great, andthereis apparently sucha complete absenceof intermediate links, thatI am notconvincedof thesameness oftheelements.Eventhe apparentlycomplicatedstory of theInvis- ible Fish-Hook, which wasrecorded byCodrington, and whichiscom- montoMelanesiaandNorthwest America, doesnotconvinceme. Thefisherman'shookistaken awayby a shark; thefisherman loses his way, reaches the shark's village, where a person lies sick and cannot becured by theshamans.Thefishermanseeshishookinthesick person's mouth, takesit out, andthuscures him.Inthisformula we havethe widely-spread ideathatthe weapons of spirits areinvisible to mortals, andvice versd; andthe story seemsto develop without difficulty whereverthisidea prevails. The markedly close psycho- logical connectionof theincidentsof thetalesetsitoff clearly from the MagicFlight referred to before, in whichthe single elementsare quite withoutinnerconnection.Thereforethesamenessofthe formula, connectedwiththelackofintermediate links, makestheevidencefor historicalconnectioninconclusive. I repeat, the question atissueisnotwhetherthesetales may be related, butwhethertheirhistoricalconnectionhasbeen proved. TransmissionbetweentheOld WorldandtheNewhasbeen proved by theoccurrenceofasetof complex storiesinboth.Themost notable among theseare the MagicFlight(or obstacle myth), the story oftheIslandofWomen (or ofthetoothed vagina), andthatofthe killing ofthe ogre whoseheadisinfestedwith frogs insteadoflice. Thearea of well-establishedOld-Worldinfluence upon theNewWorld isconfinedtothat part ofNorthAmericalimitedinthesoutheast by a line running approximately from California toLabrador.Southeast ofthis line,only weakindicationsofthisinfluencearenoticeable. Owing to therestriction ofthetalestoa small part of America, and to theirwidedistributionin theOld World,wemustinfer thatthedirec- tion of disseminationwas from the westto theeast,and not conversely. Everystep forwardfromthiswell-establishedbasisshouldbetaken withthe greatest caution. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk- Tales. 385 Acertainnumberoffolk-talesarecommontoamore restricted areaaroundthecoastsof Bering Seaandthe adjoiningparts of Asia andAmerica. Many ofthese may havehadtheir origin inAmerica. Anextensionofthis inquiry isneededfor clearingup the whole interrelationbetweentheNewWorldandtheOld.The suggestion of analogies made byEhrenreich,Daihnhardt, Frobenius, and others, is worthy of being followed up; butthe proofs they havesofar given are not convincing tome.Thusthetheftof the sun and the bringing- up ofthe earth, tobothofwhichIreferred before; the story of the SwanMaidenswho put offtheir clothing ontheshoreofa lake,as- sumehuman form, andare compelled to marry theherowhotakes away their clothing, -arecommon property of America,Asia, and Europe. Butthevariationsofthesetalesare considerable; and their complexity isnotso great, northeir geographical distribution so continuous, as to claim that proof of their identity has been established. Weshouldalsomentionthe possibility ofcontactbetweenAmerica andtheOld World across theislandsof thePacific Ocean.RolandB. Dixon1 has recently collecteddatathat suggestpossible contact along this line; andVon Hornbostel hastriedtoshow similarity onthe basisofmusical systems thatinhis opinion canbe explained with difficultyonly, unlesstherehasbeenoldhistoricalcontact.No con- vincingmaterial,however, isfoundinthedomainof folk-tales. Ihavenotconsideredinthe preceding remarks therecentinfluxof foreign themesfrom Europe andAfrica.A fairlylarge amountof European folk-lorematerialhasbeenintroducedintotheUnited StatesandCanada. Among thoseIndian tribes,however, thatstill retainfreshintheir memory the aboriginal modeof life, thesetales are sharply setoff from the older folk-tales. They are recognizable by distinctivenessof character, although their foreign origin is not always knowntothenatives. Theybelonglargely tothe fairy-tales of Europe, andmostofthemwere probably carriedtoAmerica by the French voyageurs. Itis only inrecenttimesthatamoreextensive amountofmaterialofthiskindhasbeen accumulated.$Favorite storiesofthis group are "John the Bear,""Seven-Heads," andafew othersofsimilar type. InNovaScotiaand Quebec, wherecontactbetweenthe European settlersandtheIndianshascontinuedfora longperiod, thenumber of European elementsin aboriginal folk-loreismuch larger.They may havebeenderivedin part fromScotchandIrishsources.Still 1Roland B. Dixon, " The Independence oftheCultureoftheAmericanIndian" (Science,1912,pp.46-55). 20O. von Hornbostel, "iUber einakustischesKriteriumfUrKulturzusammenhlinge" (Zeitschrift ffir Ethnologie,19II,pp. 6oi-615). 8 Mostofthismaterial hasbeen publishedinthe Journal ofAmerican Folk-Lore, vols. xxv-xxvii(1912-14);seealsoRand,Legends oftheMicmacs. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions386 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. thedistinctionbetweenthe types of aboriginal and foreign talesis fairlyclear, eventothemindsofthenarrators. IntheSouthern States, wherea largeNegropopulation hascome intocontactwiththe Indians, wefindintroducedintothe aboriginal folk-lore, inadditiontothe fairytales, animaltales foreign toAmer- ica.Since many oftheseare quite similarin type to aboriginal American folk-tales, thelineofdemarcationbetweenthetwo groups hastendedtobecomelost.Someofthe foreign detailshavebeen incorporated inthefolk-loreoftheSoutheastern Indians, andtheir distinct origin hasbeen forgottenby them.Asimilarassimilationof theanimaltalehasbeenobservedinisolatedcasesinother districts, as thatof a La Fontainefable among the Shuswap ofBritish Columbia, and perhaps of a European folk-tale among the Zufii. Forthisreason we may concludethatthe completeamalgamation isduetotheir identity of type. Theconditionsare quite different inLatin America,where, withthe exception ofthemostisolated areas, nativefolk-taleshavealmost givenway to European material.Thebulkofthetalescollectedin MexicoandSouthAmericaisofthesamecharacterasthefolk-tales oftheAmerican Negroes, and belongs tothesame cycle towhich they belong. Since Negro influence cannot readily be shown over this whole district, and sincemuchof thecorrelated materialis clearlyEuropean, the origin ofthesetalesis plausibly referred to Spanish and Portuguese sources. They were probably carriedtoAmericaatthetimeofthe Conquest, takentoAfrica by the Portuguese, andlateron imported intotheUnitedStates byNegroes whohad previouslyadopted them inAfrica.Thedefinitesolutionofthis problem would require careful collectionsin Spain. The publishedPortuguese materialisnotun- favorabletothis theory, whichisalso supportedby theoccurrence of the same talesin the Philippine Islands, thathavebeen so long under Spanish influence.Itistruethatsometalesofthis group thatare foundin southernAsia may beduetoEast-Indian influences, butthe formofthosehitherto published isratherinfavorofthe theory ofa late Spanishorigin. Itseems likely that along withthesetalesthe Negroesbrought someAfricanstoriesofsimilarcharacterintoNorth America. Among theelementsthathavebeenintroducedintoourcontinent inthis way, Imentionthe MagicFlight, whichhasthusbeencarried intwocurrentsintotheNew World, -anancient one,coming from Siberia byway of BeringStrait; arecent one, arising in Spain, and passing intoLatin America, and graduallyextending northwarduntil thetwomeetinnorthernCalifornia. Itis noteasy to say whenthis superposition of theancientAmerican lore by newEuropean materialinLatinAmericawas accomplished. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 387 There are,however, indications favoring the assumption thatsomeof ithas hadtimetoinfluence Americantribes thatdidnotcome directly intointimatecontactwith Spanish culturalelements.Thusthetale oftheracebetweenTurtleandRabbit - inwhichTurtle places his brothers, wholook just like him, all along various points oftherace- track, andthusmakesRabbitbelievethathehaswon - hasentered northwardinto Oregon andBritish Columbia; anda numberofinci- dentsthatoccurinVancouverIslandandintheinteriorofBritish Columbia may havetobe explained inthesame way. The general question oftheinfluenceof European lore upon our aboriginal tradi- tion deserves much more careful attentionthanit has hithertoreceived, IV.CHARACTERISTICS OFMYTHOLOGICAL AREAS. Wereturntothediscussionofthe aboriginal loreasitisfoundin our times,disregarding thoseelementsthatcanbe proved tobeof modern introduction.Thematerialcollectedin different parts ofthe continent presents markeddifferencesin type. Thesearedueto severalcauses.Insomecasesthethemescontainedinthetalesare distinct; inotherstheactorsare different; the point ofthestories shows certainlocal peculiarities; or theformal structure possesses local characteristics. Among these features, attentionhasbeendirected particularly tothefirst three, although no systematicattempts have beenmadetocoverthewholefield. Inthe precedingchapter Ihavediscussedthedisseminationof tales, andatthesametime pointed outthat they are not evenly dis- tributedoverthewholecontinent.Itdoesnotseem possible to give adefinitecharacterizationofthosethemesthatformtheconstituent elementsofthefolk-talesofthese larger areas. Theactorsthat appear astheheroesofourtalesdiffer greatly in various parts ofthecontinent.Whilein AlaskaandnorthernBritish ColumbiatheRavenistheheroofa large cycle of tales, wefind that farthertothe south, first the Mink, thenthe Bluejay, takeshis place. OntheWesternPlateaus Coyote isthe hero, andin manyparts of thePlainstheRabbitis an importantfigure. In other regions, heroes ofhumanform appear. Theseoccur sporadicallyalong thePacific coast, butinmuchmore pronounced form ontheGreatPlainsandin theMackenzie area, without,however,supersedingentirely the animal heroes. Owing tothisdifferenceintheformofthe actors, wefind thesametalestoldof Rabbit,Coyote,Raven,Mink, and Bluejay, butalso of such beings as culture-heroesor human tricksters among the Algonkin,Sioux,Ponca,andBlackfeet.Thereisalmostnolimitto thesetransfersfrom oneactortoanother.The story ofthe Bungling Hostis,forinstance,toldofallthese beings, andotherthemesare transferred from one toanotherwith equal ease. Analogous transfers This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions388 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. occur frequently inthecaseofother figures thatareless prominent inthefolk-tales.Thesunissnared by Mouse,Rabbit, or beings in humanform.Gullanda person appear asowners of thesun. King- fisher,Water-Ouzel, orother birds, play the r6le ofhosts.Chicken- Hawk,Gopher, Deer, or Eagle stealthefire. Fox,Opossum, or Rabbit dupe the Coyote. In part, theanimalsthat appear in talesare deter- mined by the particular faunaofeach habitat;but, evenasidefrom this, numeroustransfersoccur.Inhowfarthese changesmay be characteristic, asidefromthe changes ofthemain figure, hasnot yet beendetermined. Thethird point in regard towhichthematerialsofvariousareas showcharacteristicdifferencesistheirformal composition; forthe impression thatcertain types ofstoriesare characteristicofdefinite areasisnotdue mainly totheselectionofthemesthat theycontain, andofthe actors, buttothefundamentalideas underlying the plots, andtotheir generalcomposition, - ifI may usethe term, totheir literarystyle. Herearemark should be madein regard tothemanner in whichthe accumulatedmaterialhasbeenutilizedforthe purpose oftheoretical discussion.Whenitis merely a question of discussing themesand actors, it mayperhaps be justifiable tobesatisfiedwithdatacollected without particular precautions. On the whole, Ido notthinkthatthe study ofthedistributionoftaleshasbeen seriously vitiated by the useof unsatisfactoryrecords, although evenhere acertainamountof cautionmustbedemanded.WhenDthnhardtmakes use ofa collec- tionlike Phillips's "Totem Tales," he vitiateshis statements, because neitheris the provenience ofthe tales givencorrectly - Alaskan tales, for instance,being toldascollectedin Puget Sound - nor are the con- tents sufficiently reliableto serve as a basis for conclusions.Thetales are throughoutchanged and modifiedso as to satisfy the literary taste oftheauthor.Toolittleattentionhasbeen paidby studentstothe necessity ofacriticalexaminationoftheirmaterial.Suchcriticism becomes imperative whentheformal composition istobemadethe subject ofserious study. Itis necessary toknow exactly whatis native, and what may be duetothe literary tasteofthe recorder; and what may be duetotheindividual informant, and what may be tribal characteristic.Itisherethatthe importance ofunadulteratedtext- materialbecomes particularlyapparent. The neglect ofallcritical precautions, whichissocharacteristicofthemannerinwhichethno- logical materialis habituallyused, hasvitiatedtheresults of students, not only in thefield of mythology and folk-lore, but perhaps even more inthe study ofcustomsandbeliefs;andthetimehascomewhenthe indiscriminateuseofunsiftedmaterialmustend. Ina way we mayspeak ofcertain negative featuresthatare com- This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 389 montothetalesofthewholeAmericancontinent.The moralizing fable, whichisso widelyspread in Europe,Asia, andAfrica, seems tobe entirely absentin America.ProfessorVan Gennep hasclaimed thatall primitive folk-talesmustbemoral.'Thisistrueinsofar asthe plots ofall primitive folk-tales find a happy solution, and must thereforeconformtothosestandardsthatare acceptedby thenarra- tors.2 This,however, isnotthesameasthe moralizingpoint ofthe story, thatisthe peculiar characterofthefableof the OldWorld. Although theAmericantale may beandhasbeen appliedby Indians for inculcating moral truths, this tendency is nowhere part and parcel ofthetale. Examples ofthemoral application ofatalehavebeen givenby Swanton 3 from Alaska, and by MissFletcher 4from thePaw- nee. Innoneof these,however, hasthetaleitselfthemoralforits point. Itisratheramoreorlessfar-fetched application ofthetale made by thenarrator.Thetalecantherefore notbe classedwiththe African, Asiatic, and European animal tales, thewhole point ofwhich isthemoralthatis expressed attheend.Itseemstome verylikely thatthealmost complete absenceof proverbsamong theAmerican nativesisconnectedwiththeabsenceofthe moralizingliteraryform, which among theIndiansseemstobeconfinedtotheartofthe oratorwhosometimes conveys moralsintheformof metaphoric expression. The attempt hasbeenmade to characterize one or twoareas accord- ing to peculiarities of literary form.Itis perhaps easiestthusto describethefolk-talesofthe Eskimo, whichdiffer fromother Ameri- cantalesinthatthefancifulanimaltalewithitstransformation elementsdoesnot predominate.5 Inother cases,however, theformal elementscanbe given clearex- pression only whenthe talesare grouped in a number of classes.Most importantamong theseare theserious origin tales, thetrickster tales, andtalestheincidentsofwhich developentirely or essentially in human society. Assoonasthisdivisionis made, itisfound possible to distinguish acertainnumber of well-defined types. Weshalltake up first ofallthe origin myths. It isa commontrait 1 Laformation des l1gendes(1912),p.16. 2 Friedrich Panzer, Miirchen, Sage und Dichtung(Munich,1905),p.14. 3 John R.Swanton,TlingitMyths andTexts(Bulletin39, BureauofAmerican Ethnology). 4 AliceC. Fletcher,TheHako(22dAnnual Report oftheBureau ofAmericanEth- nology,part2). 6 Dr.Paul Radinstatesthatthe tales from Smith Sound published by Knud Rasmus- senshowthatinEskimofolk-loretheanimaltaleisasmarkedas among theIndians. Thisviewdoes notseem tome warranted by thefacts.The type of trifling animal tales recordedinSmithSoundhas long beenknown,anddiffers fundamentally fromanimal talescommon totherest ofthecontinent (article"Eskimo,"in Hastings'Cyclopedia of Religions). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions390 Journal of American Folk-Lore. of mostAmerican origin myths that they deal withthetransitionfrom a mythologicalperiod tothe modernage,brought about by anumber ofdisconnected incidents, sometimes centeringpre-eminently around theactsofone particularfigure, sometimes by incidentsdistributed over a mass of talesthathavenoteven the actionsof one being as their connecting link.Onthe whole, the mythical world,earth,water, fire, sunand moon, summerand winter, animalsand plants, are assumed as existing,althoughtheymay not possess their present forms, and althoughtheymay havebeen kept insome part oftheworldin- accessible tothehumanrace.Weare dealing, therefore,essentially withtalesof expeditions in which,throughcunning or force, the phenomena of natureare obtainedfor theuseof all livingbeings; and withtalesoftransformationin which animals, landand water, obtain their present forms.WedonotfindinNorthAmericathe genea- logicalsequence of worlds, one generatedby another, thatisso characteristicof Polynesia. Theideaof creation, inthesenseofa projection into objective existenceofaworldthat pre-existed inthe mindof a creator, is alsoalmost entirelyforeign totheAmericanrace. The thought thatour worldhada previous existence only asanidea in themindof a superior being, and became objectiverealityby a will, isnottheforminwhichtheIndianconceiveshis mythology. There wasno unorganized chaos preceding the origin oftheworld. Every- thing has always beeninexistencein objective formsomewhere. Thisiseventrueofceremonialsand inventions, whichwereobtained by instruction givenbybeings ofanotherworld.There is,however, onenotable exception tothis general rule, for many Californian tribes possessorigin taleswhichare expressions ofthewillofa powerful being who by his thoughts establishedthe present order.Whenthis type oftalebecamefirst knowntous through thecollectionsof Jere- miah Curtin, it appeared so strange, thatthe thoughtsuggested itself thatwe might haveherethe expression ofanindividualmindrather thanoftribal concepts,resulting eitherfromtherecorder'sattitude orfromthatofaninformantaffected byforeignthought. Further collections,however, havecorroboratedthe impression; anditnow seemscertainthatinnorthernCalifornia thereexistsa group oftrue creationtales. Thestatementheremadeneedssomefurther restriction, inasmuch as wehave quite a number of tales explaining the origin of animalsand ofmankindastheresultsofactivitiesof superiorbeings. Thuswe havestorieswhichtellhowmenorfood-animalswerefashioned by theCreatoroutof wood,stone,clay, or grass; that they were given life, andthusbecamethe beings thatweseenow.Itis important tonotethatinthesecasesitisnotamereactionofacreativewill, but always thetransformationofamaterial object, whichformsthe This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 391 essentialfeatureofthetale. Furthermore, Ibelieveitcanbeshown that many of thesetalesdo notrefer toa general creationof thewhole species, butthat they rather supply alocalor temporary want.For instance, theCreatorcarvessalmonoutof wood, but they are notfit toservehis purpose. Thisdoesnot imply thatnosalmonwerein existencebeforethat time, for wehear lateronin thesame cycle that thereal salmonwere obtained by a party that captured thefish in the mythical salmon country. The Creator,therefore, hadtomake artificially an objectresembling thereal salmon thatexistedsomewhere else, buthis unsuccessful attempt resulted in the origin of a new species. Inanother way this pointmay be brought outinthe story ofthe origin of death, which appears as part oftheRaven cycle oftheNorth Pacificcoast.HereRaventriestocreatemanfirstfrom stone, then from leaves.Sincehis attempts to give life tostoneswereunsuccess- ful, andman originated from leaves, mandieslikeleaves.Themen thuscreated were,however, notthe only onesinexistence.Raven tried tocreatethem only in order toobtain helpers in a particular kind of work' inwhichhewas engaged. Neverthelessthe generalized explanation ofdeathisattachedtothis story. Therearealsomarkeddifferencesnot only inthemannerinwhich origins are accounted for, butalso in the extentto which theseelements enterintotales.Whileina large collectionofEskimostories only from thirty-five to fiftyphenomena are explained, thenumberis infinitelygreater on the WesternPlateaus.In the essayquotedbefore, Watermanstatesthat ninety-eight Eskimotalescontain thirty-four explanations, whileinahundredand eighty-seven Plateau tales, two hundredand twenty-fiveexplanations arefound.This quiteagrees withthe impression thatwereceive by the perusal oftales.Insome casesalmost every taleis an origin tale, in otherstheseare few andfar between.Forthedeterminationofthiselementascharacteristicof various areas, we require, of course, extensive collections, suchasare availablefrom afewtribes only. Itis particularlynecessary thatthe talesshouldnotbe gathered fromaone-sided standpoint, - as, for instance, fora study ofcelestial myths orofanimal tales, - because this mightgive an entirely erroneous impression. That typical differencesexistcanbedeterminedevennow.Itis particularly striking thatin some regions, as on theWestern Plateaus, the explana- tory element appears oftenas thebasisofthe plot; whileother tribes, likethe Eskimo, haveanumberof verytriflingorigin storiesalmost resembling animalfables.Iftheseare excludedfrom thewholemass of explanatorytales, thecontrastbetweenvarious groups in regard to the importance ofthe explanatory elementbecomes particularly striking. Markeddifferencesoccuralsointheselectionofthe phenomena This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions392 Journal of American Folk-Lore. thatare explained.Among thesouthernCaddoantribesthe explana- tionofstars preponderates.Among thePlateautribesthe largest numberoftalesrefertocharacteristicsofanimals. Among the BlackfeetandKwakiutlthemassoftalesrelatetoceremonials. Among theSoutherntribesa great number are cosmogonic tales. Relatedtothisisalsothemoreorless systematicgrouping ofthe talesin larger cycles. Itis butnaturalthatin all thosecasesin which traitsofanimalsform the subject of explanatorytales, thetalesmust beanecdotalincharacterand disconnected, evenif one person should formthecentreofthe cycle. Itis only whenthe origin talesare broughttogether in such a way thatthe mythologicalconceptsdevelop intoa systematicwhole, thatthe origin storiesassumetheform ofa more complexcosmogony. This pointmay beillustrated by the long recordofthe originlegend ofAlaskacollected bySwanton,' inwhich obviously a thoughtful informanthastriedtoassemblethe whole massof explanatory talesintheform ofaconnected myth. Critical study showsnot only theentirelackofcohesionofthe parts, butalso the arbitrary characterofthe arrangement, whichiscontradicted by allotherversionsfrom thesame region.Unifying elementsare com- pletelymissing, sincethereisnoelaborationofa cosmogonicconcept thatforms the background of thetale. Thesameisnolesstrueofthe Kwakiutl,among whomthedis- connectedcharacterofthe origin talesis perhaps evenmore pro- nounced, since they referin different ways tovarious aspects ofthe world; the origin ofanimals being treatedinone way, theriseof socialdifferencesofthe people inanother way, andthe super- naturalbasisoftheir religious ceremonialsinstillanothermanner. Thecontrastinform brought about by the systematization of myth- ical conceptsmay beseen clearly inthecaseofthe Bellacoola, whohave developed moredefinitenotionsofthe organization ofthe world, and amongwhom, for this reason, the singlestories, whilestill disconnected, arereferred clearly toa background of systematized mythicalconcepts. Thecontrastbetweenthedisconnected origin talesandtheelaborate cycles ismost striking whenwe compare the disjointed talesoftheNorthwestwiththe long connected origin myths oftheEastaswefind them among the Iroquois and Algonkin, andevenmorewhenwe place themside by sidewiththe complex myths from theSouthwest. On the whole, these features are characteristic of definite geographical areas.On theWesternPlateausitisalmost entirely the grouping of thetalesaroundone single herothatmakesthemintoa loosely con- nected cycle. Sofaraswecan discover, the single adventures are I John R.Swanton,TlingitMyths andTexts(Bulletin 39, BureauofAmerican Eth- nology,pp.8o et seq.). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 393 disconnected, and onlyexceptionally adefinite sequence ofincidents occurs.Thesame is largely trueofthe origin tales oftheEastandof the UpperMississippiregion, excepting their complicatedintroductory parts. Inotherdistricts - asonthePacificcoastbetweenVan- couverIslandandcentralCalifornia - asomewhatmoredefinite orderisintroduced by thelocalizationofthetales.Atransformer travelsoverthe country and performs aseriesof actions, whichare toldin a definiteorder as his journeyings takehim from place to place. Thuswehaveadefinite order, butnoinnerconnectionbetweenthe incidents. Quite distinctin type arethe origin talesinwhichthe people themselvesare brought totheir present home bylong-continued migration. Itischaracteristicofthenorthern part ofthecontinent thatthereisno migrationlegend to speakof, thatthe people consider themselvesasautochthonous.IntheSouthwestandin Mexico, on theother hand, particular stress is laid upon the emergence of thetribe froma lower worldand upon its migrations, withwhichare connected many ofthe origin stories.This type, whichinitswhole setting is quite distinctfromthatofthe North, occurs whereverSouthernin- fluencescanbe traced, as among the Arikara, aCaddoantribethat migrated fromthesouthnorthwardtotheMissouriRiver. We may also recognize localcharacteristicsinthedetailsofthe methods by whichthe present order of things isestablished.Inthe Plateau area,among the Eskimo, andin part atleastineasternNorth America,somethinghappens that accidentally determinesthefuture. When Grizzly-Bear, ina tussle, scratches Chipmunk's back, this gives rise tohis stripes. If an animal jumps outof a canoeand breaks offhistailonthe gunwale, thisisthereason why ithasashorttail. Sinceananimalwears downthehair ofits bushytail, ithasa hairless tailnow.Becausethe frog leaped onthemoon's face, it stays there. Inthisareaincidentsinwhichtransformationsaretheresultofan intentional activity are quiterare,although theideaisnot quite absent.IntheEastthe concept ofintentionaltransformation appears particularly in thetales treating of the origin oftheearthand of ceremonies; onthePlateauit appears fromtimetotimeeitherin theformofcouncilsheld by theanimalsinordertodecidehowthe worldistobe arranged, orincontestsbetweentwo antagonistic animalswhichdesiredifferentconditions.Thuswefindinthe Plateausthe story of Chipmunk and Bear, towhichIreferred before, essentially acontestwhichistodeterminewhetheritshall always be day or alwaysnight; andinthe Coyotecycle acontestwhichisto decidewhethermanshallbeimmortal. On thisbasisanumberof types of originsmay be distinguished, - first,origins duetoaccidental,unintentionaloccurrences;second,the formationofthe present order according tothedecisionsofacouncil This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions394 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. of animals;third, development duetotheactionsoftwo antagonistic beings, theonebenevolentand wishing tomake everythingeasy for man, theotherone counteracting theseintentionsand creating the difficultiesand hardships of life; asafourth type we maydistinguish theculture-hero tales, thenarrativeofthe migration ofmen or deities whowanderaboutandset thingsright. Atthe present timeitis hardlypossible to group the origin stories quitedefinitely fromthese points ofview.Intheextremenorththe disorganized taleseemsto prevail. Onthe plateaus ofthenorthernUnitedStatesandin part ofthe plains, theanimalcouncil plays an important r6le.California seemstobethe principal homeofthe antagonisticformula,although thisideaisalso prominentamong someEastern tribes; andculture- herotales appearlocally ontheNorthPacific coast, butmore promi- nently inthesouth. Weshallnextturntoaconsiderationofthetrickstertales.Ina sensethesehavebeenreferred toin the previousgroup, because many of thetrickstertalesare atthe same time origin tales. If, for instance, Coyote tricksthebirds byletting themdancenearthe fire, andtheir red eyes areaccountedforinthis way, wehaveherean originstory andatrickstertale.At present weare notconcernedinthis feature, butrather in theconsiderationof the question whether certain features canbefoundthatarecharacteristicofthewhole cycle as developed invarious regions. Firstof all, itseemsof interesttonotethe degree towhichthewhole group oftalesis developed. Itisabsent among the Eskimo,moderatelydeveloped in California,probably not very prominent inthe aboriginal myths ofthe Southwest, butmost prolific ontheNorthwest coast, theNorthern Plateaus, andintheEast. Whetheritisamarkedfeatureofthe Athapascan area cannotbede- cidedat present. Someoftheheroes ofthetrickster cycle havebeen notedbefore. Raven,Mink,Bluejay, on the Northwest coast;Coyote onthe Plateaus; OldMan among the Blackfeet; Ishtiniki among the Ponca; Inktumni among the Assiniboin;Manabosho,Wishahka, and Glooscapamong various Algonkintribes, - are some of the prominent figures.Although a complete listofallthetricksterincidentshas notbeen made, itis fairly clear thata certainnumber are found prac- tically whereveratrickster cycle occurs.Ihave already statedthat one group ofthesetalesisconfinedtotheWestern Plateaus, another onetothenorthernhalfofthecontinent.At present itismore important to note,that, besidesthese widely distributed elements, thereseemtobe in each area a number of localtalesthathaveno such wide distribution.Thecharacteristicsof thetales appear most clearly whenthewholemassoftrickstertalesineach region isstudied.A comparison oftheRaven,Mink,and Bluejaycycles isinstructive. The background oftheRavenstoriesis everywhere the greedy hunger This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 395 ofRaven.AlmostalloftheRaventalestreatofRaven'sendeavors to getplenty offoodwithout effort; andtheadventuresrelatetohis attempts tocheat people outof their provisions and tothe punishment doledouttohim by thosewhohavesufferedfrom histricks. Quite differentin type aretheMinkstories.Herewefind throughout an erotic background. Minktriesto getpossession of girls andofthe wivesofhis friends, andhistrickshavealmost exclusively thisone object.Occasionallyonly atrickbasedonhisfondnessfor sea-eggs isintroduced.The Bluejay adventures may becharacterizedinstill another way.Generally itishisambitiontooutdohisbettersin games, onthehuntor in war, that brings himintotroubleor induces himtowin bytrickery. Hehasneithera pronounced eroticnora notablygreedy character.ThetricksofthePlateau cycles are notso easy to characterize, becausethedeedsof Coyotepartake ofallthe characteristics just mentioned. Coyoteattempts to getfood, andhis eroticadventuresare fairlynumerous; butonthewholethesetwo groups are considerably outnumbered by tricksinwhichhetriesto outdohisrivals. Theidentificationoftricksterandtransformerisafeaturewhich deserves special notice.Ihavecalledattentiontothefact - borne out by mostofthe mythologies inwhichtricksterandculture-hero appear as one person -thatthebenefactionsbestowed by theculture- heroarenot given inanaltruistic spirit, butthat they aremeans by whichhe supplies his own needs.'Evenin his heroic achievementshe remains a tricksterbent upon thesatisfactionof his own desires.This feature may be observed distinctly in theRaven cycle of theNorthwest coast.Heliberatesthe sun, notbecausehe pities mankind, but becausehe desires it; and the first use he tries to make of it is to compel fishermento give him part oftheir catch. He gets thefreshwater becauseheis thirsty, and unwillinglyspills itallovertheworldwhile heis making his escape. Heliberatesthefishbecauseheis hungry, and gets thetidesin order to be able to gather shell-fish.Similar obser- vations may bemadeinother mythologicalpersonages that embody the qualities oftricksterandculture-hero.Whereverthedesireto benefitmankindis a more markedtraitof the cycle, there are generally twodistinct persons, - onethe trickster, theothertheculture-hero. Thustheculture-heroofthePacificcoast gives manhis arts, andis called"theone whosets thingsright." Heisnota trickster, butall hisactionshaveadistinct bearingupon theestablishmentofthe modernorder. Perhaps themostcharacteristicfeatureofthese culture-herotalesistheirlackofdetail. Many arebarestatements ofthefactthatsomethingwasdifferentfrom the way itis now.The 1lIntroduction to JamesTeit, Traditionsofthe Thompson River Indians ofBritish Columbia(Memoirs oftheAmerican Folk-Lore Society, vol. vi). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions396 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. hero performs some verysimpleact, andordains thattheseconditions shallbe changed. Itis only whentheculture-hero concept risesto greater heights, as itdoes in the South, thatthesetales acquire greater complexity. Here may alsobementionedtheanimaltalesthat belong neitherto thetrickster cycle nortothe origin tales.Itis hardlypossible to give a general characterizationof these, andto distinguish local types, except insofarasthe importance ofthetaleisconcerned.Inthe Arcticandthe adjoiningparts ofthe continent, wefind a considerable numberof trifling animalstoriesthathave hardlyanyplot.They arein partmerely incidents descriptive ofsomecharacteristicofthe animal.Someofthese trifling storiesare given theformof origin tales by making theincidentsthecausefrom which arise certain bodily characteristicsofthe animals, butthisisnotoftenthecase.Inthe more complex taleswhichoccur all over the continent, theanimalsact according totheircharacteristicmodesoflife. Kingfisherdives, Foxisaswift runner, Beavera good swimmer wholivesin ponds, etc. Theircharacter corresponds totheir apparent behavior. Grizzly-Bear is overbearing and ill-tempered,Bluejay and Coyote are tricky. A sharp individual characterization,however, is notcommon. Weshallnowturntothethird group of tales, those dealing with human society. Thesecan only in part be characterized in the manner adopted heretofore.Someoftheirlocalcolorisduetothe peculiar distributionofincidentswhichhasbeendiscussedbefore.Onthe whole,however, itisratherthe plot asawholethatischaracteristic. This may be exemplifiedby theincidentofthefaithless wife, which occursalloverthecontinent.The special formofthe plot ofthe womanwhohasananimalor supernaturalbeing orsome object for a lover, whoseactionsarediscovered by her husband, who disguises himselfinher garments andwhodeceivesandkillsthe paramour and lateronhis wife, ismostcharacteristicoftheNorthern area, reaching fromnortheasternSiberiaandtheEskimodistrictsouthwardtothe Mississippi basin. Individualizationofform may alsobeillustrated by the widely dis- tributedincidentofthedesertedchildwhorescueshis people when they areindistress.The special formofthe plot - inwhichthe childmakeshis parents anduncles ashamed, isdesertedandthen helpedby animalsthatsendhim larger and larger game until many housesarefilledwith provisions, andin whichthe people offer him their daughters aswives - ischaracteristic only oftheNorthPacific coast.OnthePlainsthedeserted boyescapesby the help ofhis protector, andbecomesa powerful hunter. The analysis ofthe plots hasnotbeencarried through insuchdetailastoallowustodomore than point outtheexistenceofcharacteristic types in definiteareas. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 397 Muchmore striking inthis group oftalesistheircultural setting, thatreflectsthe principaloccupation andinterestsofthe people. I have attempted to give areconstructionofthelifeofthe Tsimshian, basingmy data solely on therecorded mythology. As mightperhaps be expected, alltheessentialfeaturesoftheirlife -the village, its houses, theseaandland hunt, socialrelations --appear distinctly mirroredinthis picture. It is,however, an incompletepicture. It wouldseem thatcertain aspects of life do not appeal to the imagination ofthe story-tellers, andarethereforenot specificallyexpressed, not even implied inthe setting ofthe story. Itis verystriking howlittle theanimaltale-in theinstancein question, theRaven cycle -con- tributestothis picture. Itisalsoofinteresttonotethat among the Tsimshianthesecretsocieties --which, asweconcludefromother evidence, havebeenintroduced onlylately - occupy a very unim- portantpart inthe tales, whilethe potlatch andtheuseofcrestsare twooftheirmostnotablefeatures.How accurately thecultural background ofthelifeofthe people isreflected by theformofits tales,appears inthe diversity offorminwhichthelifeofvarious tribesoftheNorthPacificcoastismirrored intheirtraditionallore. Although the general formis muchthesame in all, thereconstructions basedon theevidenceof theirtales exhibit sharp individualization, and emphasize thedifferencesinsocial organization, insocial customs, inthe importance ofthesecret societies, andinthe greatdiversity intheuseofcrestsandother supernaturalgifts. A perusal ofthe availablecollectionsmakesit quite clear thatinthissensethe expres- sionoftheculturallifeofthe people containedintheirtales gives to thema marked individuality, no matter whatthe incidents constituting thetales may be. Thereflectionofthetribal life, whichischaracteristicofthe tale, isalso expressed inthemassof supernaturalconcepts thatenter intoitandformin part thescenic background onwhichthe story develops, in part the machineryby meansofwhichtheaction pro- gresses. Wundt 1 andWatermanhavecalledattentiontothe impor- tanceofdistinctionsbetween mythicalconcepts andtales.The cosmologicalbackground doesnotenterwith equalintensity intothe folk-talesofvarious groups. The Eskimo, whohave clearly defined notions regarding the universe, donotintroducethemto anygreat extentintotheir tales; whilethevariousclassesoffabuloustribes and beings, shamanismand witchcraft, occupy a prominentplace. On theNorthPacificcoastthenotions regarding theuniverseareon thewhole vague and contradictory; neverthelessvisitstothe skyplay an importantr81e inthetales.Theideas regarding aladder leading toheaven,and journeys acrosstheoceantofabulouscountries,also I Wilhelm Wundt,V61kerpsychologie, vol. ii, part3(1909),p.1g. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions398 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. enterintothe make-up oftheNorthwest-coasttraditions.Inthe South, ontheother hand, thenotionsin regard tothecentreofthe world, thelower world, andthefour points ofthe compass, areof importance. The groups offabulous beings that appear ineacharea exhibitalso sharpcharacteristics; astheice giants ofthe Iroquois andeastern Algonkin, the stupidgiants of theShoshoniand Kutenai, or thewater- monstersofthe South, thehorned serpents ofeastern America, the double-headed serpent ofthecoastofBritish Columbia, the giant thunder-birdof Vancouver Island, and the variousforms of thunderers thatare found among thedifferenttribesofthecontinent. Skinner1 has recently calledattentiontothe magical machinery that appears inthetales ofhuman adventure among theCentral Algonkin tribes.Thesefeaturesalsocharacterizethetalesofdifferentareas. This subject hasnotbeen analyzed insufficientdetailtoallowa definite grouping, but enough isknowntoindicatethatanatural arrangement will result whichwill largely conform to cultural divisions. Thisfeature is stillfurther emphasized when we directour attention tothemain plot of the story. I haveshown that among theKwakiutl the plot ofmoststoriesistheauthenticationofthe privileges ofa socialdivisionor of a secret society. Wissler has brought outa similar point inhisdiscussionofBlackfoot tales,2manyof whichseemto explain ritualistic origins, therituals themselves being in part dramatic interpretations ofthenarratives.ThePawneeandPueblostories reflectinthesame way theritualisticinterestsofthe people. Inthis sensewe mayperhapssay without exaggeration thatthefolk-tales of eachtribe are markedly setoff from thoseof all other tribes, because theygive a faithful picture of the modeof life and of thechief interests thathave prevailedamong the peopleduring thelastfew generations. Thesefeatures appear most clearly inthe study oftheirhero-tales. Itistherefore particularly inthis group thatan analogy betweenthe folk-taleandthe modern novelisfound.Thetales dealing withthe featsofmenaremore plastic thanthose relating tothe exploits of animals,although theanimal world, tothemindofthe Indian, was notso very differentfrom our own. Theevents occurringamong theanimalsarelessindividualizedso far as thetribalmodeof life is concerned.Atbestwe may infer from themwhetherwedealwithbuffalo-huntersofthe Plains, fishermen of theWestern coast,people oftheArcticoroftheSoutherndesert. Themore complex activitiesofthetribe appearrarelypictured in them, andthen onlyincidentally. 1 A. Skinner,Journal ofAmericanFolk-Lore,vol.xxvii (1914),PP.97-100. 2 Clark Wissler and D.C. Duvall,Mythology of theBlackfoot Indians (Anthropological Papers, AmericanMuseumofNatural History, vol. ii,p.12). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 399 Inthehumantalethenarrator gives usacertainamountofchar- acterizationof individuals, oftheir emotions, - like pity and love,- oftheir courage and cowardice, on whichreststhe plot ofthe story. The development of individualcharacter doesnot proceed beyond this point. We do notfind more than schematic types, which are, however, forms thatoccur in the every-day life of the people. On the contrary, the origin andtrickster cycles dealwith types thatareeithersoim- personal that they donot representanyindividual, or are merely the personification of greed,amorousness, or silly ambition.Wherever thereis individuality of character, itisratherthe expression ofthe apparent natureofthe personified animal, notthecharacterthatfits particularly wellintohuman society. Considering thecharacteristicsofthehumantaleasa whole, we maysay thatin all probability future study will show thatits principal characteristics may bewelldefined by theculturalareasofthecon- tinent.Howclosethis correspondencemay beremainstobeseen. The problem is an interesting and important one, becauseitis obvious thatthe tales, while readilyadaptable, donotfollowallthe aspects oftriballifewith equalease, andacertainlackof adjustmentmay become apparent. Thiswillserveasavaluableclewinthefurther study ofthe development oftribalcustomsandofthe history ofthe distributionoftales.Ihave pointed outthe probability ofsuchin- completeadjustment in the caseof the Kwakiutl, and Wissler has made asimilar point in regard totheBlackfeet. Whilemuchremains tobedoneinthe study ofthelocalcharacter- isticsoffolk-talesin regard tothe points referred to, a stillwiderfield ofworkis open inallthatconcernstheir purely formal character, andIcandonomorethan point outthe necessity of study ofthis subject. On the basisof thematerialhitherto collected, we are hardly ina position to speak ofthe literary form of thetales.I aminclined tocount among theirformaltraitsthe typicalrepetition ofthesame incidentthatisfound amongmanytribes; orthemisfortunesthat befalla number of brothers, untilthelast one is successfulin his under- taking. These have the purpose of exciting the interest and leading thehearer to anticipate theclimax with increased eagerness.Quite differentfromthisisadeviceused by the Tsimshian, wholead up to a climax byletting an unfortunate person be helped in a veryinsignifi- cant way. The help extendedtohim becomesmore andmore potent, untiltheclimaxis reached, in whichthesufferer becomesthefortunate possessor of power andwealth. Anotherartisticdevicethatis used bymany tribestoassistinthe characterizationoftheactorsis theuseofartificial changes in speech. Thus among theKwakiutltheMinkcannot pronounce thesound ts, among theKutenai Coyote cannot pronounces,amongtheChi- VOL.XXVII. - NO. IO6. - 27. This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions400 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore. nooktheanimals speak differentdialects.Dr. Sapir1 hascalled attentiontothe development ofthisfeature among theShoshoni andNootka. The literarystyle ismost readilyrecognized inthe poeticparts of tales;but, sincethesefall mostly outsideofthe purely narrative part ofthe stories, Idonotenterintothis subject. We may contrastthe simplicity of style oftheNorthwestcoast - where poems consist sometimesoftheintroductionof a single word intoa musical line, the music being carriedon by a burden, sometimesofa purely formal enumerationofthe powers of supernaturalbeings - withthemeta- phoricexpression andfine feeling for beauty that pervade the poetry oftheSouthwesternIndians. Equally distinctarethe rhythmic structuresthatareused by theIndiansofvariousareas.2Wemust besatisfiedherewithamerehintatthe significance ofthesedata. Thedesire may be expressed,however, that greater careshouldbe takeninthecollectionofthematerialtomake possible a thorough study ofthis aspect ofour subject. V.RECENTHISTORYOFAMERICANFOLK-TALES. Our considerationsallow us to draw a number of inferences in regard tothe history ofAmericanfolk-tales.Wehaveseenthatthereisno- tribeinNorthAmericawhosetalescanbeconsideredas purely local products uninfluenced byforeign elements.On the contrary, wehave foundthatsometalesare distributedover almostthewhole continent, others over more or less extended parts of the country. We have seen, furthermore, thatthetalesofeach particular areahave developed a peculiarliterarystyle, whichisan expression ofthemodeoflifeand oftheformof thought ofthe people; thattheactorswho appear in thevarioustalesare quite distinctindifferent parts ofthe country; andthattheassociated explanatory elements dependentirelyupon thedifferent styles of thought. Inonecasethetalesareusedto explain featuresofthe heavenlybodies; in others, formsofthe land, ofanimalsor of rituals,according tothechiefinterestsofthe people. Itis fully borne out by the facts brought forward, that actors,explana- torytendencies, cultural setting, and literaryform, ofallmodern American tales, have undergone constantandfundamental changes. Ifweadmit this, itfollowsthatthe explanations thatarefoundin modern talesmustbeconsidered almost entirely as recent adaptations ofthe story, notasits integralparts; andneither they nor thenames oftheactorsrevealtous whatthe storymay havebeenin its original 1E. Sapir, "Song RecitativeinPaiuteMythology" (The Journal ofAmerican Folk- Lore,vol.xxiii, 191o, pp.456-457). 2 See,for instance, AliceC. Fletcher. TheHako(22dAnnual Report oftheBureau ofAmerican Ethnology,part2, pp.282-368). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales. 401 form -ifwe mayspeak ofsuchaform. Everythingappears rather influx.Forthisreasonthe attempt to interpret the history ofthe modern taleasareflectionoftheobservationofnatureis obviously not justifiable. Thedataof Americanfolk-lore do notfurnish us with a singleexample thatwould prove thatthis process has contributedto themodern development offolk-tales.Itwouldalmostseemsaferto say thatthecreative power thathasmanifesteditselfinmodern timesis veryweak, andthatthebulkofour talesconsistofcombina- tionsand recombinationsof old themes.Atthe same timethe marked differentiationinthe style of composition showsthatthe mainspring intheformationofthemoderntalemusthavebeenanartisticone. Weobserveinthemnot only theresultofthe play of imagination with favorite themes, but also the determinationof the form of imagina- tive processesby antecedent types, whichisthecharacteristictraitof artistic production ofalltimesandofallracesand peoples. Iam therefore inclined to consider thefolk-tale primarily and fundamentally asa workof primitive art.The explanatory elementwouldthen ap- pear, notas an expression of native philosophy, butrather as an artistic finishing touch required forthetalewherevertheartof story-telling demandsit.Instead of. being the mainspring ofthe story, itbecomes inonecasea stylisticembellishment, whileinanotheritis required to give an impressivesetting. Ineithercasetheoccurrenceofthe explanation cannotbereducedtoa rationalizingactivity of primitive man. InasensetheseresultsofourstudiesofAmericanfolk-loreare unsatisfactory, because they leadus only to recognize a constant play withold themes, variationsin explanatory elementsattachedto them, andthe tendency to develop various types ofartistic style.They do not bring us any nearer to an understanding of the origin of the themes, explanations, and styles. Ifwewantto carry onour investigation intoaremoter past, it may bewellto ask, firstof all, how long the presentdevelopment of mosaicsof different stylemay have continued; whetherthereis anyproof thatsometribeshavebeenthe originators fromwhomothersderivedmuchoftheir lore; andwhetherwehave any evidenceof spontaneous inventionthat may haveinfluenced large territories. Since historical dataare not available, we are confined to the applica- tionofaninductivemethodof inquiry. We may askhow large a portion of thefolk-talesof a tribeare itssole property, andhow many they share withother tribes.If a comparison of thiskind should show a largenumber ofelementsthat arethesole property ofonetribe, whileothershave only littlethatistheirexclusive property, itwould seem justifiable toconsidertheformeras originators, thelatteras recipients; andwe may concludeeitherthattheirownolder folk-tales have disappeared or that theypossessedvery few only. Itis not easy This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions402 Journal of American Folk-Lore. toformafair judgment ofthe originality ofthefolk-talesofeach tribeinthemannerhere suggested, becausethecollectionsareun- equallycomplete, and becausecollectorsor narrators are liableto give preference toone particular kindoftaletotheexclusionofothers. Itis always difficulttobaseinferencesonthe apparent absenceof certainfeaturesthat may be discovered, after all, to exist; andthis seems particularly difficultinourcase.Stillit might be possible to compare atleastcertaindefinite cycles thathavebeencollected fairly fully, andthatoccurwith equal exuberanceinvarious areas;as, for instance, thetrickster cycles ofthePlains.Onthe whole, I gain the impression thatnota single tribe appears as possessingconsiderably more originality thananother. One interestingpointappears with greatclearness; namely, the power oftalesofcertain types tobecomea prolific sourceoftalesof similar import,provided the original talesareofsocial importance inthelifeofthe people. ThustheKwakiutlhave apparently acon- siderable originalityamong their neighbors on theNorthPacific coast, becauseallthenumeroussocialdivisionsandsecretsocietiesofthe tribe possessorigin talesofthesame type; sothata complete list would probably includehundredsofstoriesmoreor less strictly built onthesame pattern. TheritualistictalesoftheBlackfeetform another group ofthis kind; andthesame may betrueofthetalesof theMackenziearea dealing withthe marriages betweenhuman beings andanimals.Inthesecaseswedealwithone particularstyle of story, thathas gainedgreatpopularity, andtherefore appears inan endlessnumberofvariants. Anotherconditionthat may leadtoa strongindividuality ina certain groupdevelops whenthetalesare placed inthe keeping ofa smallclassof priests or chiefs, asthecase may be.Themoreim- portant thetalebecomesonaccountofitsassociationwiththe privi- leges andritualsofcertainsectionsofthe tribe, andthe greater the emotionaland socialvaluesofthecustomswithwhichitis associated, the more havethe keepers of the ritual brooded over it in all its aspects; and withthis we find a systematicdevelopment of both taleand ritual. Thisaccountsfortherelationbetweentheoccurrenceof complex ritualsin charge ofa priestly classorof chiefs, andof longmyths whichhaveanesoteric significance. The parallelism ofdistribution of religious orsocial groups led bysingle individualsandof complex mythologies isso striking, thattherecanbelittledoubtin regard to their psychological connection.The Mexicans, thePueblo tribes, the Pawnee, the Bellacoola, the Maidu,'may be given as examples. The I Roland B. Dixon,who has pointed outthe systematic character oftheir mythology, finds some difficulty in accounting for it, considering the simple economic andartisticlife ofthe people. Hisown descriptions, however,showthe greatimportance of personal leadership in all religious affairs ofthetribe (Bull. Am.Mus.Nat.Hist.,vol.xvii). This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology andFolk-Tales. 403 contrastbetweena disorganized massoffolk-talesandthemore sys- tematic mythologies seemstolie,therefore,intheintroductionofan elementofindividualcreationinthelatter.The priest orchiefasa poet or thinkertakesholdofthefolk-traditionsandofisolatedrituals andelaboratesthemin dramaticand poetic form.Their systematiza- tionis brought about by thecentralizationof thought inonemind. UnderthesocialconditionsinwhichtheIndians live,the keeper transfers his sacred knowledge in an impressive manner to his successor. Theformsinwhichthesacred teachingsappear atthe present time arethereforethecumulativeeffectof systematic elaboration by indi- viduals, thathas progressedthroughgenerations. This origin ofthe complex of myth andritualmakesitalsointel- ligiblewhyamong sometribesthe myths of sub-groups shouldbe contradictory. Aninstanceofthisare the Bellacoola,among whom thetraditionisinthe keeping ofthechiefofthe villagecommunity, and among whomeach community has a different concept in regard to its origins. These contradictory traditionsare theresultof individual thought ineach community, anddonotcomeinto conflict, because theaudience identifies itselfwiththe recitingchief, andthetruthof one poetic creationdoesnot destroy thetruthofanotherone. Foracorrect interpretation ofthese art-productions wemustalso bearinmindthatthematerialsforthe systematiccomposition are thedisconnectedfolk-talesandlesserritesofthe tribe, whichhave beenweldedintoawhole.Froma psychologicalpoint of view, itis thereforenot justifiable toconsidertheexoteric tales, asissooften. done,degeneratefragments ofesoteric teaching. Itistruethat they themselves undergochanges duetotheinfluenceofthe priestly doc- trine, butthereisaconstant giving and taking; andnowherein Americahastheindividualartistfreedhimselfofthefettersofthe type of thoughtexpressed inthe disjointed folk-tales.The proof for thiscontentionisfoundinthesamenessoftheelementsthatenter intothetalesoftribeswith systematic mythology andofthose withoutit. The only alternative explanation of theobserved phenomenonwould bethe assumption thatallthismaterialhadits origin inmore highly developed and systematizedmythologies. It might beclaimedthat theremainsoftheOhio mounds, the highly-developed artisticindus- triesoftheancientinhabitantsoftheLower Mississippi, andofthe cliff-dwellings,prove thata high style ofcivilizationmusthaveexisted in manyparts of the country, where ata later period only less complex culturalforms werefound.The elaboratenessof religious ceremonial ofthesetimesis provedby thecharacteristicsof archaeological finds. Itis quite truethatin theborder area of Mexico,includingunder this termthewhole regionjustmentioned,manyfluctuationsin cultural This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions404 Journal of AmericanFolk-Lore development musthave occurred; butthis doesnot prove theirexist- enceoverthewholecontinent. Furthermore, the individuality of eachfolk-loristicareais such, thatwemustcountthe imaginative productiveness ofeachtribeasan important elementinthe develop- mentofthe present situation.From this point of view,inquiries into the independence ofeach area, ratherthan investigations ofthe effectof diffusion, willbeofthe greatest value.The theory ofde- generation is not suggestedbyanyfacts; andIfail entirely to see how the peculiar form of American systematicmythology can be explained, except astheresultofanartisticelaborationofthedisconnectedfolk- tales, andhowthe arbitrary characterofits thought, which parallels primitiveconcepts, canbe interpreted,except astheresultof priestly speculation basedonthethemesfoundinfolk-tales. VI.MYTHOLOGICAL CONCEPTSINFOLK-TALES. Our considerationofAmericanfolk-taleshassofar dealtwiththeir later history. Theresultofthis inquiry will help usin thetreatment ofthe question, What may havebeenthe origin ofthesetales?Itis obviousthatinanhistorical inquiry forwhichno literary recordof ancient mythology is available, we must try first of all toestablishthe processes thatareactiveatthe present time.Thereisnoreasonfor assuming thatsimilar processes shouldnothavebeenactiveinearlier times, atleastas long asthe types ofhumanculturewere approxi- mately on thesame level as they are now.The art-productions of the Magdalenianperiod showhowfar backthe beginning ofthesecondi- tions may be placed; andsofar wehavenoevidencethatindicates thatthe American race as such has ever passed through a timein which itsmentalcharacteristicsweredifferentfromthoseofmodernman. The antiquity ofculturalachievementin Mexico, thefindsmadein ancient shell-heaps,prove thatfor thousandsof years manin America hasbeenin possession ofa type ofcultural development notinferior tothatofthe modern, more primitive tribes.It may thereforebe inferred thatthe processes thatare going on now have been going on for a verylongperiod. Constantdiffusionoftheelementsofstories, andelaborationof new local types of composition, musthavebeenthe essentialcharacteristicofthe history offolk-tales.Onthewhole, inventionofnewthemesmusthavebeen rare; and whereit occurred, itwasdetermined by the prevailingtype of composition. Disregarding theactorsthat appear inthe stories, theircontents dealalmost throughout witheventsthat may occurin human society, sometimeswith plausibleevents,more oftenwithfantasticadventures thatcannothavetheir origin inactualhuman experiences. From thesefactstwo problems develop thathave given rise to endlessspecu- lationanddiscussion, - thefirst,Why arethesehumantalestoldof This content downloaded from 201.141.157.21 on Mon, 13 Apr 2015 19:26:58 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsMythology and Folk-Tales.405 animals, of the heavenly bodies, and of personified natural phenomena? the other, Why isitthatcertainfantasticelements haveaworld-wide distribution? Thetransfer of human experience toanimals and personified objects has given risetotheviewthatalltalesofthis type are nature myths oran expression ofthenaive primitiveconception ofnature.Ithas been clearlyrecognized thatthethemesaretakenfromhuman life, andusedto express theobservationofnature.Thefirst question to beanswered is therefore, Howdoes it happen thatthe talesare sooften removedfromthedomainofhuman society? Wundthasdiscussed this question inhis comprehensive workon mythology,' insofaras the personification ofnatureisconcerned.Thisdiscussionrefers to mythologicalconcepts, nottothetalesassuch.Itis obvious, how- ever, thatoncethehumancharacterofanimalsand objects is given, thetalesbecome applicable tothem. Anotherelement may have helped inthe development ofanimal tales, oncethe personification wasestablished.Infolk-taleseach human being is consideredas a distinct individual, and themere name ofa person