Bl@Ck Flag Vol. 15 Fall 2015

8/18/2019 Bl@Ck Flag Vol. 15 Fall 2015

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Free Association of Anarchists (F@@)Volume 15 Fall 2 15

Leer from the Black Flag Editors:

More Thoughts on An-Oppression Polics

I. Invisible knapsacks all the way down.

Imagine a group of elementary school students in which boys consistently outperform girls

in tests of math and science skills. You test them again, but this time you send their tests to agroup of teachers who must grade them ―blindly‖—the teachers don‘t know which testswere taken by boys and which were taken by girls. Suddenly, the gender disparity in test

results vanishes.

No surprise there. We know that the institutionalized education system systematically

discriminates against women and girls in math and science disciplines.

But one fact does jump out as startling and unexpected: the original group of teachers, the

ones who routinely gave the girls unfairly low grades, were themselves mostly women.

A study just like this was performed by Edith Sand and Victor Lavy at Tel Aviv Universityin Israel; Shanker Vedantam reported on the study on the Sept 1 st episode of NPR‘s MorningEdition: http://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious- bias- play-

into-the-hands-ofgender -disparity

The study‘s authors speculate that these teachers were not consciously ―self -loathing‖ or biased against their own group (i.e. women); rather, they were acting out unconscious biasesin their grading efforts. This fact isn‘t really surprising either. Kenneth and Mamie Clark‘sfamous ―doll study,‖ for example, was an early inquiry into how over -arching social systemscan lead to subconscious bias against one‘s own group. In fact, the latest annual report bythe Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, ―State of the Science: Implicit Bias

Review 2014,‖ cites an impressive body of research demonstrating that ―Everyone is

lack Flag

Table of contents

Special

Issue on

THE

Politics of

Oppression

http://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparityhttp://www.npr.org/2015/09/01/436525758/how-teachers-unconscious-bias-play-into-the-hands-ofgender-disparity


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Heart of Art was a queer - friendly radical art space located in

the Exposition Park area of South LA. After months of

harassment by bigots, the space was forced to close down in

September. They are raising funds to re-open in a new, safer,

space. –Black Flag.

It is with heavy hearts that we share the news that the Heart of

Art Gallery (HOA) is closing.

On the evening of August 29th there was a violent altercationat one of our shows involving men from the neighborhood whoharassed and intimidated patrons and vandalized the property.This incident was one of many attacks on our gallery over theyears and, due to increasing hostility in our current space, we

have been forced to close our doors.

But these incidents only prove to us just how much places likeHOA are needed—safe spaces that embrace and give a voice towomyn, trans* folx, queers, and artists—these spaces are ourstrongholds against all the misogyny and bigotry that we are all

too used to.

Our community remains strong and with your help we will beable to find a newer, safer home. But it won't be easy. Aftertearing down everything we have built over the past four years,starting from scratch in a safer location will require funds that

we just don't have yet.

We're counting on all of you who have shared in love and art at

HOA to help us open again.

If you could just take a few moments to share our gofundme page with anyone in your community who might be willing tocontribute, we would be, as always, so grateful to you.

https://www.gofundme.com/artsavesliveshoa

Thank you for making Heart of Art the incredible, raw, living place that it has been.

We can't wait to welcome you back into our new space soon.

Sincerely,

Bell (Ms. 3), Kenia (Cam Creature), and the HOA Family

Help Us Come Back Stronger! A Message

from the Heart of Art Gallery

Beyond Identity Politics 2015

By Michael Novick

In response to the revolutionary struggles of the '60s and'70s, a counter -revolutionary critique emerged within theleft. It raised two dismissive slogans—―politically

correct" and "identity politics"—to oppose self -critical

struggle raised against racism and sexism within the left.People struggling for awareness of the dangers ofnational, racial, and sexual chauvinism were attacked as being so-called "PC language police." Struggles for self -determination and sovereignty by colonized people were put down as "identity politics" that created unnecessary

division among supposed progressives.

The reactionary nature of those put-downs have beendemonstrated, as they were taken up as rallying cries bythe establishment right and even racist forces. The first

President Bush made "politically correct" a slogan innational politics, putting down student activists andsympathetic members of college faculty as he launched acampaign to purge the left from the academy. And to thisday, the bombastic media racists who seem to have takencontrol of the Republican Party dismiss struggles byAfrican or indigenous people and opposition to anti-immigrant or anti-Mexican hysteria as "identity politics"or ―the race card.‖

The reduction of revolutionary anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist initiatives to language games or so-called

"identity politics" is a manifestation of inadequateattempts by people of European descent to distanceourselves from the Empire and model ourselves on theliberation struggles of colonized people. In response tothe Black liberation struggle, the Puerto Ricanindependence movement, the American Indian Movementfor Native sovereignty, and the Chicano-Mexicanoliberation movement, European-descent radicals startedusing the same terminology, such as women's liberation,gay liberation, and later earth and animal liberation. Onthe one hand, this impulse was a positive one—amovement towards resistance to the Empire. But itsidestepped the need for a self -critical examination ofidentification with the oppressor among people of

European descent. It also undercut the anti-colonial nature

of the struggles among oppressed people, reducing it to aquestion of personal identity and cultural differentiation.So this impulse to call all movements "liberationmovements" took on a negative aspect. It liquidated thenational and anti-colonial content of African, Asian, and

indigenous struggles.

It's not merely a question of "identity‖—and certainly notracial identity. It 's a question of identification with theoppressed and exploited rather than with the oppressor

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https://www.gofundme.com/artsavesliveshoahttps://www.gofundme.com/artsavesliveshoahttps://www.gofundme.com/artsavesliveshoa


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Baby Emma Needs Your

Help! - Fund Kien

Rescue

By Omar Hussein

The Free Association of Anarchists(F@@) is organizing for our 6th annualXmas Day Clothing Drive.The Clothing Give-away will be, as in the past 6 years, on Xmas Day, Friday,December 25th, beginning around 8:30am on the corner of San Pedro and 6th

Street in downtown Los Angeles.

We need your help! We welcomevolunteers and appreciate donations ofwarm clothing along with donatedhygiene and food items. Please, do notdonate soiled, ripped, burned, stained, orotherwise-unusable apparel. Please, helpus show love and respect to one of LA'smost abused and ignored, yet mostdiverse, resilient, creative, and unique,communities—Skid Row.

Also, you are all invited to a Fundraiserfor the Clothing Giveaway on Saturday,December 12th, 6 pm, at 3 World's Cafehosted by F@@ comrades. Join us forcoffee, open mic, chess, greatconversation, and fun with friendly

activists. Mark your calendars!

To Donate

Just place your donations in a plastic bagand:

Contact us to arrange a pick -up ordrop-off([email protected] or faacoll

[email protected]). Or...

Drop donations off at The Fundraiser@ 3 Worlds Café, 3310 S. Central

Avenue, 90011 on 12/12/2015. Or...

Drop off donations off at the radicalcommunity space located @ 2515W. 7th Street, 90057, any Sunday in

November from noon to 4 pm.

This fundraiser is to help my good

friends and comrades Doug andErica adopt an abandoned babykitty I rescued off the streets ofSouth LA. They need help paying a$500 pet deposit required by theirapartment complex along withBaby Emma's initial veterinary bills

(like vaccinations).

There are two ways to help:

1. Donate - even small donations

raise our popularity and give usmore visibility on the site.

2. Post to Facebook - in the end, themore people hear about us, themore likely we are to meet ourtarget.

LINK: https://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your

-help-fund-kitten-rescue

Indiegogo Life has no fees, soanything we raise goes directly toour goal.

Please, assist us in showing some love byeither promoting, spreading the word, ordonating, in any way, to these activist/volunteer -driven locations. Theselocations have served for radical-friendlygatherings of local activists and are acommunity- based organizations.

Mark Your Calendars

Fundraiser for Our Annual Skid

Row Clothing Giveaway

WHERE: 3 World's Cafe 3310 S. Central Ave

Los Angeles, CA 90011

WHEN: Saturday, December 12th,

2015 at 6 pm.

WHY: Because "direct action is thelogical, consistent method ofanarchism." –Emma Goldman, Anarchism: What it really stands for.

6th Annual Clothing Give-away

WHERE: SW corner of 6th St and SanPedro St intersection, downtown.

WHEN: X-Mas Day, Friday, 12/25, at

8:30 am.

WHY: Because "it is really not sorepulsive to see the poor asking formoney as to see the rich asking formore money. And advertisement is therich asking for more money.‖ G.K.

Chesterton, The New Jerusalem

We Need Your Support! - Skid Row Clothes drive 2015

mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuehttps://life.indiegogo.com/fundraisers/baby-emma-needs-your-help-fund-kitten-rescuemailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]


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“Fuck Safe Space” con’t

place where we can work against systems that seek to annihilate or

utterly subjugate us because of who we are.

A liberated space:

- demands that we claim for ourselves the authority over our ownlives

- compels us to work to free ourselves from the lies we‘ve been

told about ourselves and the world we live in

- is dedicated to concrete action - political, economic, artistic,

environmental, etc.

- requires us to build solidarity with people who share similar

goals, principles, and methods

- focuses its physical, mental, and spiritual resources ontransforming institutions and organizations

- does not get caught up in personal bullshit and drama

- starts right here, right now.

—eshusplayground


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susceptible to implicit biases… [they are]an ‗equal opportunity virus‘ that everyone possesses, regardless of his/her own groupmembership‖ (read the full report here:http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/wp-content/

uploads/2014/03/2014-implicit- bias.pdf).

For anarchists, this fact may be the mostimportant take-away from these findings. Ifwe all potentially act on unconscious biasesagainst oppressed groups, including groupsto which we belong, then the dominantvariety of anti-oppression organizing intoday‘s movement—the variety that holdsindividuals from certain ―privileged‖groups (men, white people, the ―middleclass,‖ heterosexuals, the able- bodied, theformally-educated) personally responsiblefor inequity through their oppressive

behaviors, which can be ―checked‖ through public ―call-outs‖—is dead wrong.

This claim leads to why we assembled thisSpecial Issue on the Politics of Oppression.

We had several reasons:

1. We have more to say on the topic of anti-oppression than covered in ―Building ananti-oppression politics that works‖ fromthe previous issue. Specifically, we wantedto go into more detail about effective

alternatives to countering identity- based

oppression and bias (as opposed to theineffective methods commonly

adopted in the movement).

2. We wanted to further highlight whysuch effective alternatives aredesperately needed in today‘s political

climate.

3. We wanted to give both critics andsupporters of our arguments in the last

issue a chance to respond.

4. We‘ve found Special Issues to befun and exciting in the past because

they tend to elicit more submissions.

That number 4 didn‘t prove true thistime (i.e. we received very fewsubmissions) may relate to animplication we made in the last issue:that the currently-dominant form ofanti-oppression politics can be

demoralizing and exhausting for all parties,even its defenders. It would make sense,then, if nobody wanted to write about the

politics of oppression.

But, whether or not it‘s fun or enjoyable,we‘re continuing our discussion ofoppression. We‘re attempting to figure outhow we can most effectively resist bothidentity- based oppression and thedestructive global paradigm of neoliberalcapitalism simultaneously. Not that thesetwo can be separated. On the contrary, thatglobal capitalism—with its excesses ofmilitarism, neo-colonialism, austerity, andenvironmental devastation—is intricatelyintertwined with identity- based oppressionis undeniable. Yet, we also worry that thisconnection is actually obscured, rather than

emphasized, by the privilege-checking and

calling-out that defines most anti-oppression work. For these reasons, andothers we‘ll explain below, we think thatthis difficult conversation is among themost important ones anyone can have right

now.

II. Will the real white supremacists

please stand up?

One reason why this topic is so importantis that, while the Left squabbles and in-

fights over perceptions of privilege andoppression internal to its own organizing

spaces, the radical Right—whitesupremacists, neo- Nazis, ―national-anarchists,‖ and other dangerous fascielements—are growing in power and

numbers.

Some troubling highlights:

Evan Osnos, a reporter who hasdone investigative work on whiteextremist groups, recently stated ian interview that white nationalisgroups have been ―going through period of great energy this summThey were feeling organized andgalvanized in a way that they had been before. And then into thatmoment dropped Donald Trump,

who was a national figure with anexisting celebrity. People alreadyknew who he was. And to theirastonishment, frankly, he wastalking about the—as they would put it—the threat posed byimmigration not only to theAmerican economy, but also to thmuch vaguer sense of Americanculture‖ (NPR, ―Fresh Air,‖ Sept

2015).

In his related New Yorker piece,

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“Anti-Oppression Politics” con’t“

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Osnos warns that ―when Trump leapedto the head of the Republican field, hedelivered the appearance of legitimacyto a moral vision once confined to thefevered fringe, elevating fantasies fromthe message boards and campgrounds

to the center stage of American life. Indoing so, he pulled America into acurrent that is coursing through otherWestern democracies—Britain, France,Spain, Greece, Scandinavia—wherexenophobic, nationalist parties haveemerged since the 2008 economiccrisis to besiege middle-ground politicians. In country after country,voters beset by inequality and scarcityhave reached past the sober promisesof the center -left and the center -right tothe specter of a transcendent solution,

no matter how cruel‖ (The New Yorker ,―The Fearful and the Frustrated,‖ Aug.

31, 2015).

Fascists like Matthew Heimbach, acharismatic white supremacist in hismid-20s, are building networks of like-minded Right-radicals reaching acrossthe US and abroad. ―Heimbachorganized and headed a variety ofwhite nationalist groups beforefounding the Traditionalist Youth Network (TYN) and its political wing,

the Traditionalist Workers Party(TWP). Currently, the party is in the process of running their first candidate,while Heimbach is busy trying to puttogether a network of whitenationalists across the United States based upon the lessons learned fromGreek, Russian, Ukrainian, Czech, andother European Neo- Nazi and openlyfascist parties, which Heimbach hasvisited with and has ties to‖ (―The New Neo- Nazis: How Matthew Heimbach isBuilding a Racist Network Across the

US,‖ September 13, 2015 https://itsgoingdown.org/the-new-neo-nazis-how-matthew-heimbach-isbuilding-a-racist-network -across-the-us/).

According to an "Action Report" fromthe Traditionalist Youth Network, theyhave successfully launched a newchapter right here in SouthernCalifornia stating that ―in one summerwe have gone from an idea held bythree men, to an effective committee of

a dozen‖ (http://www.tradyouth.org/2015/09/socal-

action-report/). Indiana Antifa

warns that ―Care should be used indealing with Trad Youth. A favoritetactic is to bait anti-racist activistsinto engaging them in inopportunesettings where they then take an ass- beating in order to provoke an arrest by the state. Members have readyaccess to firearms and are known tocarry personal protection such asstun guns, knives, and mace on their persons‖ (http://indianaantifa.org/? page_id=459).

No doubt, unconscious implicit biasesheld by consciously well-meaningactivists are a real problem that shouldnot be ignored; however, they pale incomparison to the threat of a rapidlygrowing, explicitly racist, proudly patriarchal fascist movement. Theextremely disturbing developmentslisted above highlight the absolutelycritical need for the Left to resolve itsinternal problems, develop strength and

unity in spite of differences, and growvia recruitment and organizing. If wefail in these endeavors, we will be paving the way for fascist victories in

the not-so-distant future.

As we discussed last issue, anti-oppression organizing tends to ―blameand shame‖ individual activists forsystemic problems beyond their personal control. Such tactics createstress, conflicts, and divisions whichthreaten the strength, unity, and long-term stability of the movement. These

flaws—along with its reliance ontechnical jargon from queer theory,disability studies, ethnic studies, andacademic feminism—makes anti-oppression politics inaccessible andunappealing to most poor and working people—the very people we need to

attract and organize.

It also must be said that in America(although not in LA), the majority of t poor are ethnically white. A reductive

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analysis claiming simply that ―whiteness =wealth and privilege,‖ or a politics thatexcludes the white working class, will beunable to organize a mass resistancemovement (although we recognize that thetopic is complicated; see ―We shouldn‘t

work with white people‖ in the previousissue for a more nuanced discussion).Unfortunately, reductive analyses and white- baiting/white-exclusion are common inanti-oppression circles. A better, moresubtle analysis will be needed to out-organize the white supremacists and tocreate a successful movement for economic

and political justice for all.

III. You say you want a revolution,

baby…

On the topic of building mass movementsfor general social justice, it might be usefulto consider why such a movement doesn‘talready exist. Social psychologist ClayRoutledge considers this question in his piece ―Why Haven‘t the Pitchforks Come

Yet?‖ ( Psychology Today, Sept. 18, 2014):

―Americans are not ignorant. They knowthat the gap between the rich and everyoneelse is growing. They know that CEOsalaries are out of control and that wagesfor everyone else are standing still, barely

moving, or in some cases going down.They know that they have less money tospend, that prices for just about everythingare going up. They know that the jobmarket is still very tough and that many people are settling for less than ideal positions or have given up entirely. Sowhere are the pitchforks? Knowledge is power, right? And since people have theknowledge they should be stepping up to

take the power, to demand change.‖

(https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/more-mortal/201409/why-haven-t-the-

pitchforks-come

-yet)

The answer that Routledge offers is veryrelevant to our concerns here. He citesresearch showing that when people arefaced with distressing situations, they tendto cling ever more strongly to their deepest-held beliefs—their ―worldviews‖—becausethese beliefs provide comfort, a feeling thatthe world, however troubled, ultimatelymakes sense. A key piece of the capitalisticworldview into which most Americans

have been inculcated is meritocracy, the belief that the rich deserve to be rich(they‘ve earned it through personalmerit, including intelligence and hardwork) and the poor deserve to be poor(they‘re stupid or lazy). Incidentally, this

belief is also promoted by many sects ofChristianity (i.e. God rewards goodnesswith material prosperity), anotherworldview near and dear to millions ofAmericans.

Routledge‘s argument accords with arecent body of neuroscience researchshowing that people tend to form beliefs based on emotions—―a feeling ofrightness‖—more often than they do based on rigorous logical reasoning (see―I believe: Your personal guidebook to

reality‖ in New Scientist , March 31,2015). Neuroscientist Kathleen Taylor ofOxford University likens beliefformation to the way in which memoriesform—through repeated exposure andrepetition, rather than through consciousdecision-making (―Where belief is born,‖ The Guardian, June 30, 2005). Inaddition, research by Dr. Dan Kahan ofYale Law School shows, rather predictably, that people tend to reactnegatively when confronted directly withaggressive argumentation. On the other

hand, people are more likely to ―acceptnew evidence‖ when it‘s presented ―tothem in a context that doesn't trigger adefensive, emotional reaction‖ (―TheScience of Why We Don't Believe

Science,‖ Mother Jones, April 18, 2011).

There are two key conclusions that anti-authoritarian activists can draw from this

discussion:

(1) In order for a mass resistance

movement to grow, activists willhave to offer an alternativeworldview to those that most peoplecurrently hold dear. It‘s on us toreplace Christian-Capitalistmeritocracy with radical economics;replace ―white supremacy‖ withradical equality and autonomy;replace sexism andheteronormativity with radicaldiversity, queer empowerment, and

multi-gender community.

(2) People will not be open to havingtheir worldview challenged if weapproach them with anger,aggression, criticism, and guilt. New ideas are inherently hard to

accept. We can get people to thinkdifferently if we approach them inways that are non-threatening and based on shared values. Forexample, ―We both believe that people should be able to ‗make itthey work hard, right? Does thiseconomic system actually allow people to do that?‖ Or ―none of uwants people prying into our personal love lives, right? So whyit OK for lawmakers to deny peoprights based on who they love?‖

Whether we‘re talking about completesocial revolution or a more modest anoppression project, these conclusionshold; we‘ll never build a mass socialmovement on the basis of denunciator personal ―call-outs‖ and accusatoryreprimands over ―un-checked‖

individual ―privileges.‖

But a diverse, collaborative movemeninvolving coalitions of autonomousgroups (―affinity

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groups‖)—socialist, anarchist, progressive,identity- based—working together to pursue common goals while respectfullyand symbiotically maintaining theirdifferences (in other words, a ―united

front‖) might succeed.

In fact, such a movement is exactly what

the elites fear. Documents leaked byAnonymous reveal that the private securityfirm Stratfor has advised corporate plutocrats in a ―divide and conquer‖strategy that aims to break socialmovements by turning four broad groupsof movement people against each other:radicals (like us), progressives (like GreenPartiers and ―Sander -nistas‖), realists(pragmatists who want change to happenin the least disruptive manner), andopportunists (those in it for the glory). Ifour enemies want us divided, it‘s time to

stop doing their work for them. It‘s time to build a revolutionary movement.

IV. Towards a revolutionary anti-

oppression: moving out of the master’s

house

Now we come full circle to the problemthat started this discussion—how tosynthesize the fight against identity- basedoppression with the revolutionary struggle

against capitalism and the state.

Jamie Heckert‘s piece ―Maintaining theBorders,‖ reprinted in this issue, providesa helpful basis, summed up under thelabels ―systematic analyses andcompassionate strategies.‖ The ―Who isOakland‖ zine by Escalating Identity, citedextensively in the previous issue, describesa vision of ―autonomous organizing‖marked by ―the formation of independentgroups of people who face specific formsof exploitation and oppression – including but not limited to people of color, women,queers, trans* people, gender

nonconforming people, QPOC [queer people of color]‖ along with ―organizingin ways which try to cross racial, gender,

and sexual divisions.‖

https://escalatingidentity.wordpress.com/2012/04/30/who-is-oakland-anti-oppression- politics

-decolonization-and-the-state/

We support these ideas (and below we‘ll build on them), but in order to explainwhy, we need to consider further the

revolutionary lessons we can drawfrom the social sciences.

The type of anti-oppression politicsthat we‘re critiquing is based onsuspicion—no matter how well-meaning an activist may claim to be,no matter how radical her ideologymay seem, she is likely to behaveunder the influence of her ownunconscious ―implicit‖ biases. These biases, the theory goes, are implantedin our minds by the social ideologiesthat define our capitalist-statistsociety—sexism, racism, homophobia,transphobia, ableism, ageism. No onecan be assumed immune from these all

- pervasive, pernicious influences.

So far, so good. It‘s undeniable thatimplicit bias is real; social scientists

have studied it extensively (see theKirwan Institute report mentioned

above for an impressive bibliography the topic).

The problem comes when the ―no oneimmune‖ part is forgotten, and wechoose to divide people into the―privileged‖ (who are ―biased,‖ andtherefore singled out for personal call

outs and privilege checking) and the―oppressed‖ (who are the victims of bias, and therefore beyond reproach—regardless of their behavior—as a resuof their marginalized status). As notedearlier, social science research hasrevealed that anyone can exhibit impl bias—not just the ―privileged,‖ but evthose who are most victimized by bias—for example, black people mayexhibit implicit bias toward other blac people, or even toward themselves (inthe form of self -doubt, self -loathing,low self -esteem). Given this deeply-saddening fact, we need to look beyon

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Engaging in deliberative processingcan help counter implicit biases, particularly during situations in whichdecision-makers may face timeconstraints or a weighty cognitive load(Beattie, et al., 2013; D. J. Burgess,2010; Kang, et al., 2012; Richards-Yellen, 2013). Medical professionals,

in particular, are encouraged toconstantly self -monitor in an effort tooffset implicit biases and stereotypes(Betancourt, 2004; Stone &Moskowitz, 2011)‖ (see the full reportfor a complete list of references: http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/2014-implicit-

bias.pdf).

Obviously, the highly formal report fromwhich we excerpted this passage was not

written with an anarchist audience in mind(e.g. the discussion of law enforcement);nevertheless, it contains some important

truths.

The first is that there are numerous ways tocounter oppression, including through―inter -group contact‖ (anarchist translation:diverse groups of activists workingtogether), ―educational efforts‖ (anarchisttranslation: movement education, like studygroups), ―counter -stereotypetraining‖ (anarchist translation: workshops)

and ―taking the perspective ofothers‖ (anarchist translation: empathy,reflection, and dialogue). There isn‘t onegrand, all-encompassing, unquestionable paradigm for fighting oppression, as someanti-oppression activists seem to believe.Questioning such closed-minded, totalizingviews doesn‘t make someone a bigot—it

makes them a critical thinker.

The second is that ―accountability‖— related to call-out-culture—is just one partof an anti-oppression approach. And the

research does not necessarily endorse personal call-outs; the Reskin (2005)reference, for example, talks about havingformal rules in place to ensure fairness, andholding people accountable for enforcingthose rules. Surprisingly, this idea isn‘tvery different from what anarchists oftendo (except that anarchist ―rules‖ are usuallyagreed-upon collectively, rather thanimposed from above by ―management,‖ asReskin discusses). In the F@@, we haveseveral collectively-agreed-upon standardsfor meetings—―one- person, one-vote,‖ no

interruptions of other speakers, each person called on to speak—and we alltake part in collectively enforcing them.Such standards, social science suggests,can help foster equality and counter

oppression.

No doubt, some will argue that theresearch cited above is the product of bourgeois, liberal, mainstream scientists,and therefore can‘t be trusted. However,we don‘t believe in cherry- picking theinformation we agree with anddiscarding what‘s inconvenient (a badhabit called ―confirmation bias‖). Asanarchists, we believe in drawing on alldisciplines to further our struggle.

In that vein, we reject the anti-oppression camp‘s selectivemisinterpretation of the evidence onimplicit bias. Their focus on―privileged‖ individuals and personalsolutions is not only out of step withsocial science. Much more disturbinglit distracts from the revolutionary taskof dismantling oppressive systems. AsJamie Heckert points out, personalsolutions are another form of whatAudre Lorde calls the ―master‘s tools‖they lend themselves to ―interest groulobbying and appeals for inclusion inthe current system—not revolutionary

social change.

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In the next section, we‘ll summarize somekey elements of an anarchist approach toanti-oppression. Drawing on EscalatingIdentity‘s ―Who is Oakland‖ zine, we‘ll callthis approach ―autonomous organizing.‖

V. Fragments of an anarchist anti-oppression theory: autonomous

organizing

As anarchists, we oppose all forms ofoppression. The following bullet pointssummarize an anarchist model ofautonomous organizing as an alternative to

anti-oppression politics.

Autonomous Organizing – the over-

arching concept

Autonomous organizing means people

independently organizing themselvesin ways that they see fit. Sometimesthis means ―members-only,‖ identity- based groups—e.g. women-only, trans-only, black -only, and other suchformations—working together on the basis of shared oppression. Othertimes, it means diversely ―mixed‖groups of people—white and black,queer and ―straight,‖ old and young,abled and disabled—working togetheron the basis of shared political vision.Both types of formation are needed,

and both should be afforded solidarityand respect. The two types will nevermake progress by attacking each other,and neither type should try to imposeits model on the other type. The bestoutcome would be simultaneous parallel organizing by both types, andcollaboration between the two types,when possible, in the pursuit of shared

goals.

Mutual Aid

Mutual aid means helping each other inways that are mutually beneficial—theold ―you scratch my back, I scratchyours.‖ In anti-oppression terms,mutual aid means returning thekindness and goodwill of those youhave voluntarily chosen to work withand/or accept aid from, regardless oftheir identity (real or perceived). InLA, we‘ve witnessed anti-oppressionactivists of color invite white activiststo donate labor, time, and money to acause, and then respond by excluding

these white activists,verbally abusing them, orasking them to leave—not because the white activistscommitted transgressions, but simply on the basis oftheir white identity. Asanarchists, we find suchactions to be unethical,

destructive to themovement, and insultingto the concept of mutualaid.

Voluntarism

Not to be confused with―volunteerism,‖voluntarism means that,as much as we are able to,we only undertake tasksthat we choosevoluntarily. Related to the previous bullet point,voluntarism means youare never compelled towork with people youdon‘t want to, just as it is perfectly acceptable to break offrelations with people who havewronged you. However, it is notethical or productive to voluntarilyaccept people‘s aid, and thenexclude those same people simplyon the basis of their identity (e.g.

―Thanks for the money and labor,white guy. We accept them. Now please leave because your whitenessand maleness make meuncomfortable‖). Voluntarism is adeep anarchist concept, and isrelated to the idea of consent. It alsoleads to the uncomfortable truth thatsome people will choose to avoideach other, and may never get along.And that‘s OK, as long as the termsof voluntary cooperation or non-cooperation are discussed clearly

and openly on an ongoing basis (thislast point—ongoing and opencommunication—is also relevant toall forms of consent, includingsexual consent).

Systemic and Systematic Analyses

Anarchists realize oppression iscreated by, and flows from, systemsand institutions—not merely theopinions of individuals. Whitesupremacy, for example, is rooted in

societal systems like corporate power, the media, the governmenthe police, the military-industrialcomplex, the prison-industrialcomplex—and even capitalismitself. Historically, white suprema

did not and could not achieve its present ubiquity simply becausesome whites distrusted or dislikednon-whites; personal feelings,however ugly, do not dictate histo(see the Lexicon series of pamphlets for brief and lucidintroductions to anarchist analyseof systemic oppression: http://anarchiststudies.org/lexicon- pamphlet-series/). Knowing thesefacts, anarchists (and manyMarxists) emphasize struggle

against these systems, rather thanfocusing most of our efforts oncriticizing and reformingindividuals. Of course, the personis political; you can‘t call yourselan anarchist and then expect to beallowed to abuse your sex partneror to use offensive slurs. At thesame time, identity does not equa politics—just being white doesn‘tautomatically make you incapableof resisting racism and whitesupremacy; simply being male

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doesn‘t preclude you from fighting patriarchy. And since research showsthat everyone is capable of implicit bias, we are all potentiallycompromised. Likewise, we are allequally responsible for betteringourselves and for fighting systems ofoppression. How we choose to act on

this responsibility depends on manyfactors, including political vision, personal identities, and individual

capabilities.

Diversity of tactics

There is no single, universally-applicable, fool- proof method forfighting oppression(s). Anarchistsrespect the rights of individuals andgroups to choose for themselves howand when to resist. Until all systems of

oppression have been successfullydismantled and replaced withegalitarian alternatives, no one canclaim to have all the answers.Generally, anarchists refuse tocondemn the actions of thosestruggling for liberation, even when wedon‘t support these actions (in whichcase, we adopt a ―we neither supportnor condemn…‖ position or offerconstructive critique, as we areattempting to do here). We do not havethe right to dictate to others how to

resist, and we reject the attempts ofothers to dictate to us (whether froman anti-oppression standpoint orotherwise).

Solidarity

Solidarity can be verbal or material,and, as anarchists, we believe thatactions speak louder than words.Donating labor, time, and funds;refusing to cross picket lines and joining in protest; physicallydefending oppressed people fromattack—all of these actions should be recognized and encouraged asacts of material solidarity. In LA,we have witnessed anti-oppressionactivists accepting donations from―privileged‖ people (whites, men,―middle class‖ people) and then

later refusing to acknowledge thesedonations as acts of solidarity,claiming them to be some kind ofmandatory ―reparations‖ owed as aconsequence of ―privilege.‖Reparations are a societal debt, notan individual one. We reject thisdistorted notion of reparations, andcommend those who demonstratesolidarity. Further, we call formutual relations of verbal andmaterial solidarity between allindividuals and groups struggling

for liberation.

Revolution

All forms of oppression areultimately sustained by institutionof power, namely capitalism(especially its global neoliberalform) and states (with their lawcodes, police forces, courts, priso

intelligence agencies, militaries, borders, treaties, and tradeagreements)—and the powerfullobbies and cartels that benefitfrom, and defend, these institutionTherefore, oppression will never bcompletely eliminated until theseexploitative institutions aredismantled and replaced by anti-authoritarian alternatives. Ofcourse, overthrowing a governmeor even an economic system, willnot make patriarchy, racism, andwhite supremacy magically ―withaway.‖ At the same time, theowners and (mis)leaders survive bkeeping us divided along race,ethnicity, age, ability, nationality,culture, and gender lines—ratherthan united by mutual interest. Aslong as they stay in power, they wnever allow us to overcome theoppressive social forces that dividus and empower them. That‘s whyanarchists insist on struggling forrevolution (whether through gradusocial evolution or singular

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momentary upheavals) as a necessaryfirst step in the long struggle to permanently rid the world ofoppression.

Privilege checking and call-out culturemiss the mark because they assumethat oppression derives from the bad behaviors of ―privileged‖ individuals— behaviors that these individuals can beconvinced, coerced, or cajoled intogiving up—rather than in institutionsand systems. In fact, many anti-oppression activists seem to focus themajority of their time and energycriticizing other activists—evenactivists of color!—for rejecting, ordeviating from, the anti-oppressionapproach. In place of suchunproductive in-fighting, anarchistscall for autonomous organizing for

resistance against oppressive socio-

politico-economic systems. Suchorganizing is inherently risky, both because it provokes reactionary attacks by the powerful and because it isemotionally difficult to overcomecapitalist-statist ways of thinking andfind ways to effectively struggletogether for revolutionary change.Therefore, we reject the notion of ―safespace‖ under the present system as autopian pipe dream—we will never beemotionally or physically safe until we

are all free. As revolutionaries, weaccept the unavoidable risks that comewith our work while at the same timetrying—to the best of our imperfectabilities—to respect, protect, andempathize with our accomplices and

fellow revolutionaries.

Compassion

Anarchists recognize that we are allhuman and we are all flawed. No one is

a perfect paragon of liberation,decolonization, and anti-oppression.Therefore, none of us has the rightto belittle, demean, dictate to, or piously judge other liberationists— especially on the basis of identity— from an arrogant position ofassumed superiority. Anarchists believe in listening to people,

hearing their needs and concerns,and offering help when possible andappropriate. We also believe inrespectful compassionate dialogueand mutual education between

people acting as equals.

Anarchism is not an orthodoxy, but anopen-minded and ever -evolvingorientation against all forms ofillegitimate power, authority, hierarchy,exploitation, and oppression (including, but not limited to, wage slavery, top-

down representational politics, racism,white supremacy, and gender -and-sexuality- based oppression). Anarchismis also a positive orientation towardautonomy, horizontalism, direct action,mutual aid, voluntarism, revolution, andself -liberation. In pursuit of these ideals,we call for collective organizing againstthe oppressive institutions and systemsthat restrict and define us. We also callfor the collaborative and creative pursuitof collective solutions to humanity‘s problems—including, but not limited to,

identity- based oppression. We come

with a spirit of solidarity, hoping to formcoalitions, united fronts, and networks ofaffinity and federation to buildmovement(s) for change. We don‘thave a perfect blueprint—thatwould be impossible—but we wantto work together to find a wayforward.

What we don‘t accept are single-issue politics, personal attackssubstituting for systemic change,

and opportunistic attempts to use personal identity to silencediscussion or debate. We respectautonomous organizing byoppressed groups, but we rejectidentity- based attempts to fragmentor destroy multi-racial or multi-gender groups, just as we rejectwhite- bashing and other forms ofidentity- based baiting within suchmulti-identity groups.

These destructive behaviors can onlyweaken the movement, prevent growthand pave the way for further victories Capital, the State, and the radical RighAt this critical, and dangerous time, wcan‘t afford such mistakes.

For a movement of many movements,

and a world of many worlds—

For Anarchism. –The Black FlagEditors.

Post-script addendum: Throughoutthis piece, for simplicity, we‘ve used tterms ―black‖ and ―white‖ withoutquestioning whether or not these termrepresent real categories that people c be grouped into. The truth is more

complicated; we know that ―whitenesand ―blackness‖ are social constructswith no reality in genetics and no fixitwith regard to history. For moreinformation on this idea, we recomme―How Racism Invented Race inAmerica‖ by Ta- Nehisi Coates(reprinted in this issue—see alsoCoates‘s ―Further Reading‖), as well a―Who Invented White People?‖ byGregory Jay (https:// pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdf) and ―Drawing theColor Line‖ (Chapter 2 of A People’s

History of the United States (http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/

zinncolorline.html) by Howard Zinn.


https://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdfhttps://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdfhttps://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdfhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttp://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/zinncolorline.htmlhttps://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdfhttps://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdfhttps://pantherfile.uwm.edu/gjay/www/whitepeople.pdf


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The rulers face a huge contradiction. They can only continue theirrule by conceding formal democracy, but the evidence ofeveryone‘s senses is that democracy has been hollowed out bycorporate power expressed through NAFTA, the TPP, and themilitary and surveillance systems that enforce them. The upsurgeof struggles around the world is beginning to percolate inside the

―Homeland,‖ the internal, domestic front of the empire.

And so, as the Old Mole of desire for social control of productionand wealth begins to make itself felt in the body politic, thesystem turns to its tried-and-true methods, a one-two punch, also

known as the-carrot-and-the-stick or coercion and cooptation.

On the one hand, the system tries to convey that resistance isfutile, that disruptive dissidence in the streets will be met withmassive retaliation, targeted repression, and an escalation of thevery tactics and practices being protested. This is the ―iron fist‖that greets #BlackLivesMatter protesters and their allies—brutal

arrests, selective prosecution, and no let-

up—indeed, anINCREASE—in the number of police killings with impunity.

On the other hand, the system wears a velvet glove belying thesteel beneath. This is the effort to inoculate the population againsta spreading ―virus‖ of dissent and desire for a different and betterworld that shivers the timbers of the glorified pirates who run thissystem for their own benefit. The system always performs thisideological ―vaccination,‖ by substituting a ―killed virus‖ for theinfectious agents of dissidence, resistance and self -determined

solidarity.

Just as the system pulled a ―bait and switch‖—swapping bourgeois feminism for women‘s liberation, diverting gayliberation into gay rights, substituting ―gangsta rap‖ for hip-hop, promoting ―pork -chop‖ nationalism to undermine revolutionaryefforts at decolonization—so now we find bourgeois forms ofsocialism, accepting of the empire, gaining political currency.

This should be a signal to us that the system is more aware ofown vulnerabilities and contradictions than we are. Now is nothe time for polite half -measures; haven‘t Obama‘s betrayals Guantanamo, war, single payer, NSA surveillance, drones,―clean‖ coal, and Arctic drilling taught us anything? We need break with illusions, break our identification with theoppressors and exploiters. It‘s time to withdraw the consent o

the governed; time to become ungovernable.

Similarly, having been unable to totally eliminate the academleft with their earlier attacks on "political correctness," thesystem is happy to subsidize and reinforce approaches that personalize and individualize the issue and any potentialsolution. This is akin to defining racism as more or lesssynonymous with "prejudice," and is based on dissociating"oppression" (and therefore "privilege," which is the corollaryof oppression) from exploitation, or from institutionalizedmaterial and systemic realities, from land and Empire.

A key to this has been a fundamental misunderstanding of thenature of privilege. On the one hand, it is true that the materiareality of privilege is both corrupting and blinding to the persowho possesses the privilege. On the other hand, it is vital tounderstand that privilege is a mechanism of social andideological control. Parents use privileges to control the behavior of their children. Teachers and principals use privileges to control the behavior of students. Prison guards awardens use privileges to divide and control the behavior of prisoners. Privilege exists throughout class society, patriarchyand colonialism. Privilege divides different strata of workersfrom each other, skilled from unskilled, proletarians from

peasants.

Privilege, for example, has been used very effectively to diviimmigrants from each other, first by Reagan with the aptly-named Immigration Reform and Control Act, or so-called"amnesty," which divided people by their status (whetherdocumented, undocumented), possession of a green card (or t possibility of getting one), or citizenship (or the path to it). Thsame thing is happening today with Obama and the DACA anDAPA programs. Privilege always goes hand in hand withrepression (the carrot and the stick reinforcing each other in producing the desired behaviors). So Obama has simultaneouauthorized massive deportations, sweeps, and detention, just aReagan inaugurated a new era of border control and workplac

surveillance.

What is vital to understand is that anything you possess as a privilege is not yours by right or by fruit of struggle. Privilegecan always be taken away or adjusted by those who confer thefor misbehavior. They are not entirely self - policing and self -reinforcing; they depend on continued subservience andobedience, on complacency, compliance, and complicity. Theis always a threat behind and embedded in every privilege.

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self -determination, self -sacrifice, self -criticism, egalitarianism,an end to oppressive hierarchies, and a commitment to seeing

the struggle through to the end.

About the Author

Michael Novick is a retired school teacher (previously a rankand file UTLA shop steward for adult ed teachers in LAUSD),editor of "Turning the Tide: Journal of Inter -communalSolidarity," and has been active for many years in a variety ofanti-racist and anti-colonial coalitions and organizing efforts insouthern CA. He's currently working on, among other projects,hosting Brazilian MST (Movimento Sem Terra) militants in

LA, the Hewlett Packard Boycott, White People for RacialJustice, and the Grassroots Community Radio Coalition, withwhich he is running for re-election to the KPFK local station board. His piece ―Decolonization and Liberation‖ was featured

in the Winter 2014 issue of Black Flag .

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Science is Eurocentric, racist, and imperialist, andshould be rejected in favor of “traditional ways of

knowing” – Problematic idea #2

--Black Flag sta writers

In the previous issue, we launched a

series of pieces on ―Problematic Ideas‖that are destructive to anti-authoritarian/anarchist politics but are nonethelesswidely-circulated within anti-authoritarian/anarchist movements andspaces. By calling these ideas―destructive,‖ we mean that theyactually contradict and undermine our politics, while also weakening and

dividing our social movements.

Last issue, we tackled the notion thatanarchist people of color should notorganize with similar

-minded ―white‖

people.

This piece takes on the following claim:

Modern ―Western‖ Science—

including its institutions, practices,

and bodies of knowledge—is racist,

Eurocentric, and colonialist, and

should therefore be replaced by more

spiritual, Earth-friendly, and

egalitarian Traditionalist/Indigenous

ways of knowing.

To start, we should offer a disclaimer.The philosophical questions surroundingthe nature of scientific knowledge, for

example—

—What exactly is science, as opposed toother forms of inquiry (e.g. philosophy,art, spirituality, mysticism)?

What are the limitations of scientificknowledge and methods?

Is science ―superior‖ to other ways ofattaining knowledge?—

—are deep and complex. Our discussionhere is simply a basic overview, focusedon the political aspects of the topic. Fora more thorough discussion of the philosophy of science, A. F. Chalmers‘sWhat is this thing called Science?

(Hackett, 1976) and Samir Okasha‘s

Philosophy of Science: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2002) both provide excellent, accessible entry

points for lay people.

Returning to the topic of discussion,why would anti-authoritarian activists(or anyone, for that matter), rejectscientific knowledge in the 21st century? Several reasons are oftengiven:

1. Science produces destructivetechnologies like the atom bomb (andother weapons of mass destruction) andfossil-fuel- powered combustionengines that threaten all life on the planet and outweigh any good science

has accomplished.

2. Science as a socio-cultural practiceis closely tied to the neoliberal militaryindustrial complex, and is incapable ofacting for interests other than Big-

Business-Capital, the State, and the

―Washington Consensus‖ (the WTO,

IMF, World Bank, UN, and NATO).

3. Science has been employed foropenly-racist, colonialist, and patriarchal-misogynist purposes, suchas 19th-century racial ―science,‖eugenics, the Tuskegee experiments, Nazi experimentation, forcedsterilizations, female genitaldisfigurement, mutilations of intersex

people, and the designation of Queer -

ness as deviance and mental illness.

4. Traditional indigenous societies andcultures offer an alternative worldviewto modern science, a worldview basedon the unity and equality of all life, theone-ness of the Cosmos, responsibleand reciprocal relations betweenhumans and Nature, a cradle-to-cradlestewardship of natural resources, and a

satisfying engagement with spiritualrealities.

After reading these points, it might seeat first glance that the radical critics ofscience are undeniably correct. Howcould the war, imperialism, oppressionenvironmental devastation, greed, and

overconsumption engendered by modescience-dominated techno-capitalistsociety ever be squared with the peaceequality, community, conservation,coexistence, and non-hierarchicalrelations between and among livingthings envisioned by anarchists and

allied anti-authoritarians?

However, as it almost always is, the

truth of the matter is far more complex

Let‘s unpack some of the problems wit

the criticisms of science outlined abovFor simplicity, we‘ll label it the ―anti-science position‖ or ―AS.‖

I. The AS camp confuses ―science‖

with ―how science is sometimes

used‖ (or mis-used).

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racist . Science is a tool, just as guns,hammers, spreadsheets, Venn diagrams,tooth brushes, and bicycles are all tools.A tool can neither be racist nor anti-racist. Like all tools under capitalist-statist social relations, science is co-opted and dominated by money and power, and is therefore often used inhorrifically oppressive and destructiveways. But then again, so are nearly allother tools; mathematics, feminism,democracy, technology, spirituality,family values—all of these, and manymore, tools, physical or ideological,have been distorted and co-opted bydefenders of the status quo. The problem isn‘t science (or feminism orspirituality) per se—it‘s the socio- political institutions that monopolize power, including the power to use anddirect science—namely, Capital and the

State.

II. The AS position assumes

erroneously that science was invented

by Europeans and imposed on the

rest of the world.

Clifford Connor in A People’s Historyof Science (Nation, 2005) arguesconvincingly that ―native‖ andindigenous peoples around the worldhave engaged in practices from timeimmemorial that can only be describedas ―science.‖ From Pre-Columbian Native American geneticexperimentation to ancient Polynesianoceanography; from Mayan andEgyptian astronomy to early-modernAfrican virology and inoculation— science has always belonged to theentire human race.

III. AS critics rely on naïve and

simplistic ideas about traditional/

indigenous societies.

David Graeber in Fragments of an

Anarchist Anthropology (PricklyParadigm, 2004) has demonstrated thattraditional/indigenous societies—whileholding many important lessons forcontemporary people—were by nomeans universally egalitarian orcommunistic. In fact, traditionalsocieties often had elaborate kinshipsystems and caste structures thatgenerated a great deal of inequality andoppression. Arguing against the myth ofa single ―primitive‖ utopian state ofhumanity before the rise of global

capitalism, he states:

―There were hunter -gatherer societieswith nobles and slaves, there areagrarian societies that are fiercelyegalitarian. Even in… Amazonia, onefinds some groups who can justly bedescribed as anarchists, like the Piaroa,living alongside others (say, thewarlike Sherente) who are clearlyanything but. And ‗societies‘ areconstantly reforming, skipping backand forth between what we think of as

different evolutionary stages.‖ (p. 54)

In fact, the idea that the ―natural‖ stateof humanity was one of blissful utopiancommunism is intimately tied up withthe ―Noble Savage‖ myth, which seemsto spiritually elevate indigenous peoples but actually serves to reinforce

notions of European specialness,uniqueness, modernity andsuperiority—in other words,Eurocentrism. In Fragments, and moresystematically in Debt: The First 5000Years (Melville, 2011), Graeber goesfurther by showing that much of thedebt- based models of exchange thatdefine capitalism were present in most pre-capitalist societies as well.

AS advocates seem to agree with the

Eurocentric notion that an abrupthistorical break divides pre-capitalistindigenous civilization from ―modern,‖Western, capitalist civilization—withits destructive science andtechnology—but Graeber‘s work

exposes this notion as a myth.

IV. The AS position glosses over the

radical potential of scientific

investigation.

Despite often being used by powerful

elites to oppress and control people,science is even more often responsiblefor the revolutionary explosion oftraditional conservative myths. Forexample, modern genetic science hassolidly debunked the notion of ―race‖as a distinct biological category;evolutionary biologists like RichardLewontin have buttressed the notionthat race is a social construct. Work byintelligence researcher James Flynnand psychological studies on stereotype bias have eroded claims of ethnicity-

based or sex- based differences inintelligence. Psychologists like LisaDiamond have done ground- breakingwork on the fluidity of sexual preference and sexual identity. There a reason that eugenics and 19 th centra―racial science‖ have been discredited by mainstream science—the self -correcting features of scientificinvestigation, like empiricism,experimentalism, falisification,repeatability, and reproducibility makit impossible for false ideas to persistindefinitely. Rather than reject sciencradicals should embrace itsrevolutionary potential as a powerfultool for discerning the true and

debunking the false.

V. Rejection of science is nearly

impossible in practice.Science is so intimately tied up in all our lives, and so necessary for dailysurvival, that it would be impossible treject it in practice even if we wantedto. Rejecting science would meangiving up antibiotics, pain killers,antiseptics, and anti-inflammatories,relegating millions to pain, disease, andeath. Rejecting science would meangiving up fertilizers and irrigation,leaving billions to starve. Giving up birth control, communications

satellites, power -lines, X

-rays,

refrigeration, and all the other fruits omodern science would only be possibif we were willing to allow the vastmajority of currently-living people to

perish.

Inevitably, some will view thesearguments as deriving from a―privileged,‖ ―First World‖ perspective. However, ask peoplesuffering in the most impoverished

regions of the world, enduring war,famine, and other disasters, what theythink about primitivism and sciencerejectionism. Such people don‘t call fa return to Stone-Age models of livinthey seek peace, respite, rebuilding,and development—all of which areimpossible in the modern world

without science.

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intellectually lazy, but it offers nothingof merit to a serious anarchist thinkerstriving to make the world better for the99%.

Science is a tool that belongs to theentire human species. Just as art can be

uplifting or dull, or can be used to promote liberating or oppressive ideas,so too can science be directed towardliberation or enslavement, depending onwho‘s doing the directing. Perhaps theambiguity of science is best exemplified by the career of the German chemistFritz Haber, known as the ―father ofchemical‖ warfare for his developmentof weaponized chlorine gas in WWI, butalso for his development of the ―Haber process‖ which allowed for the easy production of nitrogen- based fertilizerswithout which the population booms ofthe early 20th century would have led toglobal famines.

As anarchists, it is up to us to fight for a better, freer world. Science is one of theindispensable tools we will need to getthere.

Further reading

In addition to the sources mentioned

above, the following articles go deeperinto some of the science-related debates

among anarchists:

―Fuck Science‖ by Anonymous

(09/02/2015)

https://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck -science

―Science‖ by Alex Gorrion (05/29,2015)

http://theanvilreview.org/print/science/

―Science as Radicalism‖ by rechelon(08/18/2015)

https://anarchistnews.org/content/

science-radicalism

―The Revolutionary Importance ofScience: A Response to Alex Gorrion‖

by John Jacobi (06/10/2015)

https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/

revolutionary-importance-of -science/

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https://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-sciencehttps://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-sciencehttps://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-sciencehttps://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-sciencehttp://theanvilreview.org/print/science/http://theanvilreview.org/print/science/https://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://www.thewildernist.org/2015/06/revolutionary-importance-of-science/https://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttps://anarchistnews.org/content/science-radicalismhttp://theanvilreview.org/print/science/https://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-sciencehttps://anarchistnews.org/content/fuck-science


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Radical Thoughts on Elections

Selected and lightly-edited for clarity by your

Black Flag editors.

Jolasmo: This Is Not Our Victory

(From a Sept. 11, 2015 blog post:

https://wearetherabl.wordpress.com/2015/09/11/this-is-not-our -victory/)

Today saw the election of NorthIslington MP Jeremy Corbyn as leader

of the UK Labour Party. His remarkableleadership campaign attracted a storm ofnear -hysterical criticism from bothestablished Labour figures and the right-wing press, but gained considerablesupport from across the UK left. Frommajor trade-unions to Trotskyist sects,Corbyn succeeded in uniting a broadswathe of the established left, as well asmany ordinary Labour Party membersand supporters, behind his bid to leadthe party following its worst electiondefeat in 30 years. In spite of a vicious

propaganda campaign from right-wing

papers like the Telegraph, the DailyMail, and the Express, alongside formerLabour Prime Ministers and other high-ranking members of the Labourestablishment (not to mention anattempted purge of his supporters by thecurrent Labour leadership), Corbyn nowlooks set to lead the Labour Party intothe next UK general election in 2020.For most of the British left, this willdoubtless be a cause for considerable

celebration.

We‘re not celebrating.

In spite of the hype surrounding hisascension, we find precious little causefor optimism in his victory. It isn‘tsimply that he‘s unelectable, as those onthe right of the Labour Party claim,though it‘s true that the prospect of himactually becoming Prime Minister in2020 seems pretty remote withoutseismic changes to the political

landscape of the UK. It isn‘t that hisleft-leaning policies don‘t go farenough, though it‘s true that by thestandards of the pre-1990s LabourParty he‘s really more of a centrist. It‘snot even that the party he leads has atrack record of warmongering,austerity, and strike- breaking going back to 1945. Rather, our skepticismtoward Corbyn‘s politics comes from

the fact that his vision of an end toausterity, of an end to wars and bloodshed abroad, of well-funded state-run public services, of a more just andequal society, is based on a lie: that ifwe elect better politicians, they will build us a better world without ushaving to do the hard work ofstruggling together to improve ourlives. The truth is that if we want to seemeaningful change, were have to fightfor it ourselves.

The strategy of electing left wing andsocialist politicians to fight our battlesfor us has failed time and time again.Corbyn is just the latest in a long lineof failures, inside and outside theLabour Party. Just a few months ago,leftists across Europe and beyond weresinging the praises of SYRIZA, acoalition of socialists andrevolutionaries who rose to power inGreece in January this year, claimingthey would put an end to the misery

doled out to the Greek people by yearsof savage spending cuts. Today their promises are in tatters, their supportersdisappointed in yet another Greekgovernment capitulating in the face ofinternational pressure to implementstill more austerity. Three years earlieranother socialist party in France rose to power offering similar promises of anend to austerity and a fairer society.Three years on, their promises remain

unfulfilled. The list goes on.

From an anarchist perspective, none ofthis is surprising. It is not just that left-wing politicians are liars, cowards andsell-outs, although of course they oftenare. Nor is it simply that forces outsideof and beyond the reach of national parliaments, from international bureaucracies like the EU to centers offinancial power like the City of Londomake the aspirations of socialistgovernments impossible. The real issuis more fundamental. Governments, ofany political stripe, can act only bywielding the power of the state. Tomaintain a powerful state, governmentneed a strong economy, and that meanmanaging capitalism and maintaining acapitalist social order. Differentgovernments can try to do this indifferent ways, but they‘re all bound bthe same basic logic, and none of themoffer any real hope of a way out of thecycle of capitalist domination and

human misery. That‘s why left wing ansocialist governments routinelydisappoint us.

Nonetheless, the allure of Corbyn‘s politics is easy to understand. He offerhope when other politicians offer onlydifferent flavors of despair, differentdegrees of capitulation in the face of thself -destructive forces of 21st-centurycapitalism. And hope is important. Forthose of us who still dream of a better

world, who still believe we canovercome the myriad forces ofoppression and exploitation and build more humane society, it sometimes feelike hope is all we have. But if we wanto see real change, if we want to makeour dreams come to life, we need morethan hope: we need power. Not in parliament, but in the streets, in theworkplace, in our neighborhoods, inevery aspect of our daily lives. That power can only come from self -organization and direct action, working

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together cooperatively to use our owncollective strength against those who

profit from the current state of things.

So rather than place our faith in politicians to make things better for us,we choose instead to find hope in oneanother. It is not grand speeches by

would- be leaders that inspire us, but the

words and actions of ordinary peoplecoming together, whether in the form ofstrikes and occupations or the manysmaller acts of resistance and solidaritythat make our day-to-day lives bearable.The false hope offered by JeremyCorbyn and the like leads only todisappointment, disillusionment, anddespair. Real hope is sometimes hard tofind, and real change is harder still, butwe have to be honest with ourselves andone another, and face up to the realities

of our collective situation. We have along way to go to bring aboutrevolutionary change, but the struggle

starts in the here and now.

John A. Imani: On Sanders—And

Electoral Politics in General

(from a listserve- based email exchangeSept. 14, 2015)

I think the important thing is not this or

that person and her politicalqualifications or lack thereof.

The important phenomenon that we areobserving in these times, in many places, is the rise in working classconsciousness. It is such a rise that bubbles to the fore as Tsipras or Sanders

or Corbyn. It makes them possible.

And what are we, as Leftists, to make of

this and make with it?

The notion of participation in electionsis not bourgeois in itself. Elections asnow are bourgeois in nature. However,the distinguishing characteristicdividing the two (electoral politics and bourgeois politics) is the nature of the

electoral pursuit.

As done now, the electoral goal is power. Specifically, political power -in

-itself. Power to govern.

The sole purpose of a truly radicalthrust into the electoral realm would be political power -throug

Bl@Ck Flag Vol. 15 Fall 2015

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Transcript of Bl@Ck Flag Vol. 15 Fall 2015