Birth of the Workshop

30
7/23/2019 Birth of the Workshop http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/birth-of-the-workshop 1/30 529 The Birth of the Workshop: Technomorals, Peace Expertise, and the Care of the Self in the Middle East Nikolas Kosmatopoulos The people were seduced by corruption and did not listen to the “advice of the wise ones.”  —Ottoman firman, 1860 T here will be great storages of force for every city, and for every house if required, and this force man will convert into heat, light, or motion, according to his needs. Is this Utopian? A map of the world that does not Public Culture 26:3 10.1215/08992363-2683657 Copyright 2014 by Duke University Press I am indebted to the generosity of my interlocutors in Lebanon: Michel Eleftheriades, Nizar Ghanem, Siad Darwish, Nizzar Ibrahim Rammal, Ghassan Makarem, Bernadette Daou, Ghassan Moghaiber, Joe Haddad, Hannah Reich, Muzna Al Masri, Sarah Shouman, Irma Ghosn, and my perennial host, Natalia Linos. I am thankful to them for their profound insights and for their willing- ness to share them with me. I have changed the names of my interlocutors in this article to protect their anonymity. While writing, I received valuable feedback from people on both sides of the Atlantic: in Zurich, I am grateful to Shalini Randeria for very useful comments on this piece and to Carlo Caduff for a precious intellectual friendship; in Paris, I thank Mark Mazower and the participants of the Reid Hall Work-in-Progress Seminar at Columbia Global Center | Europe, whose feedback helped me to further develop my ideas; in New York City, Talal Asad, Miriam Ticktin, a nd Yasmine K hayyat gifted me with their intellectual care at the final writing stages. Heartfelt thanks go to Carol Gluck, Tim Mitchell, and Mick Taussig for their unstinting belief in this work. I benefited greatly from my stu- dents in our “Cr isis Works” course (Fall 2013) at MESAAS Columbia University for a collective criti- cal reading and from two anonymous reviewers for constructive and encouraging comments. Last but not least, I am more than grateful to Manuela Pellegrino and to Thea and Ilias Parikos, whose Ikarian hospitality inspired the very first draft of this article. Funding for this research has been generously provided from the following sources: Zurich University Research Priority Program (URPP) Asia and Europe, the Stavros Niarchos Foundation, and the Swiss National Science Foundation. Public Culture Published by Duke University Press

Transcript of Birth of the Workshop

Page 1: Birth of the Workshop

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5 2 9

The Birth of the Workshop

Technomorals Peace Expertise andthe Care of the Self in the Middle East

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos

The people were seduced by corruption and did not listen

to the ldquoadvice of the wise onesrdquo

mdash Ottoman firman 1860

ldquoThere will be great storages of force for every city and

for every house if required and this force man will convert into heat light or

motion according to his needs Is this Utopian A map of the world that does not

Public Culture 263 983140983151983145 10121508992363-2683657

Copyright 2014 by Duke University Press

I am indebted to the generosity of my interlocutors in Lebanon Michel Eleftheriades Nizar

Ghanem Siad Darwish Nizzar Ibrahim Rammal Ghassan Makarem Bernadette Daou Ghassan

Moghaiber Joe Haddad Hannah Reich Muzna Al Masri Sarah Shouman Irma Ghosn and myperennial host Natalia Linos I am thankful to them for their profound insights and for their willing-

ness to share them with me I have changed the names of my interlocutors in this article to protect their

anonymity While writing I received valuable feedback from people on both sides of the Atlantic in

Zurich I am grateful to Shalini Randeria for very useful comments on this piece and to Carlo Caduff

for a precious intellectual friendship in Paris I thank Mark Mazower and the participants of the Reid

Hall Work-in-Progress Seminar at Columbia Global Center | Europe whose feedback helped me to

further develop my ideas in New York City Talal Asad Miriam Ticktin and Yasmine Khayyat gifted

me with their intellectual care at the final writing stages Heartfelt thanks go to Carol Gluck Tim

Mitchell and Mick Taussig for their unstinting belief in this work I benefited greatly from my stu-

dents in our ldquoCrisis Worksrdquo course (Fall 2013) at MESAAS Columbia University for a collective criti-

cal reading and from two anonymous reviewers for constructive and encouraging comments Last but

not least I am more than grateful to Manuela Pellegrino and to Thea and Ilias Parikos whose Ikarian

hospitality inspired the very first draft of this ar ticle Funding for this research has been generously

provided from the following sources Zurich University Research Priority Program (URPP) Asia and

Europe the Stavros Niarchos Foundation and the Swiss National Science Foundation

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5 3 0

include Utopia is not worth even glancing at for it leaves out the one country a

which Humanity is always landing And when Humanity lands there it looks out

and seeing a better country sets sail Progress is the realization of Utopiasrdquo Thus

read the quotation attributed to Oscar Wilde on the wall of Utopia Now the pri-

vate lounge of Michel Eleftheriades self-declared ldquoemperor of Nowheristanrdquo In

the time of my fieldwork in Beirut (2008 ndash 10) Nowheristan an ambitious politi-

cal project that sought to abolish borders passports nation-states and war on a

global scale beginning from Lebanon was recruiting virtual supporters through

a digital platform on the Internet Utopia Now was located in downtown Bei-

rut directly adjacent to one of the countryrsquos most lavish music clubs which also

belonged to Eleftheriades In Utopia Now there were often dinners for Eleftheria-

desrsquos invited friends many of whom were politicians businesspeople diplomats

university professors and high-ranking professionals in international organiza-

tions such as the UN or the World Bank1

Usually the emperor would wait for us in the mezzanine standing between

the mock torture chamber (see fig 1) a special memory from the Lebanese civil

war (1975 ndash 90) and the baroque-style leather couch (see fig 2) a special order

from England2 He would be cloaked in his usual imperial attire black shirt

black trousers and black cape decorated with golden embroidery from head to

toe Long thick brown boots (reminiscent perhaps of his time as a fighter in the

last phases of the civil war) and a wool cap with a Byzantine cross woven onto it

(he was after all a Greek Orthodox and the grandnephew of the archbishop o

Smyrna before the 1922 exodus) would complement the outfit For Eleftheriades

Wildersquos words were the ticket-to-ride to his own utopian ideal in which eterna

peace would be guaranteed through the rule of several wise men knowledgeablein politics and life in general

I chose to begin this piece with Eleftheriades because his unique art of theatri-

1 During my fieldwork I wrote a piece about Eleftheriadesrsquos extravagant persona and about

Nowheristan his ambitious global project for a Greek daily (Kosmatopoulos 2008) After the piece

was published Eleftheriades invited me mdash along with others who had written about him in the foreign

press (including German French US and Turkish media) mdash for dinner Since then I became a fre

quent guest at Utopia Now dinners and used this opportunity to establish relationships with profes

sionals in the field of peacemaking peace building and crisis prevention In that sense Utopia Now

emerged as an essential fieldwork site for this research In accordance with his habit of overstaging

almost everything Eleftheriades used to introduce me to h is other guests as a ldquodoctor in anthropol

ogy and a Russian spyrdquo He never explained to me the reasons for this label and I never asked Now

I realize that I never asked because somehow I was tacitly agreeing with his tendency mdash and secretly

admiring his ability mdash to turn almost every interaction into role-playing

2 The mock torture chamber is a replica of the room in which Eleftheriades was tortured by the

Lebanese forces at the age of fifteen ldquoI just added to it an electric chairrdquo he told me

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The Birth o

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5 3 1

cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-

zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-

pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him

in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his

memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque

caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who

almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and

imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It

was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-

graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon

Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here

Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted

among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return

to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed

within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-

trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-

anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend

the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of

the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-

3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a

half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself

through dur ing fieldwork

4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed

nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo

Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

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5 3 2

tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva

tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash

to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and

issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years

to come

As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts

featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years

of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-

Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen

et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically

called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)

Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen

Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military

offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by

grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans

for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-

ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like

the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-

bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in

the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and

the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o

the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out

come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and

reconciliation respectively6

In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese

civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually

gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-

alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of

and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and

Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and

Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)

5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do

because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b

Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap

peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young

2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007

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5 3 3

experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-

crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-

oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts

namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into

localized assemblages of institutionalized projects

In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of

the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere

the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact

that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace

NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in

almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe

for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan

of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute

travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for

translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace

in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning

mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs

for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of

pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority

In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-

blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict

resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and

beyond

First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo

namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions

among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia

repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-

tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed

within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-

ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled

movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken

from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-

cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution

A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the

selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the

self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social

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Public Culture

5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

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The Birth o

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5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

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5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

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of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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Work

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 3 0

include Utopia is not worth even glancing at for it leaves out the one country a

which Humanity is always landing And when Humanity lands there it looks out

and seeing a better country sets sail Progress is the realization of Utopiasrdquo Thus

read the quotation attributed to Oscar Wilde on the wall of Utopia Now the pri-

vate lounge of Michel Eleftheriades self-declared ldquoemperor of Nowheristanrdquo In

the time of my fieldwork in Beirut (2008 ndash 10) Nowheristan an ambitious politi-

cal project that sought to abolish borders passports nation-states and war on a

global scale beginning from Lebanon was recruiting virtual supporters through

a digital platform on the Internet Utopia Now was located in downtown Bei-

rut directly adjacent to one of the countryrsquos most lavish music clubs which also

belonged to Eleftheriades In Utopia Now there were often dinners for Eleftheria-

desrsquos invited friends many of whom were politicians businesspeople diplomats

university professors and high-ranking professionals in international organiza-

tions such as the UN or the World Bank1

Usually the emperor would wait for us in the mezzanine standing between

the mock torture chamber (see fig 1) a special memory from the Lebanese civil

war (1975 ndash 90) and the baroque-style leather couch (see fig 2) a special order

from England2 He would be cloaked in his usual imperial attire black shirt

black trousers and black cape decorated with golden embroidery from head to

toe Long thick brown boots (reminiscent perhaps of his time as a fighter in the

last phases of the civil war) and a wool cap with a Byzantine cross woven onto it

(he was after all a Greek Orthodox and the grandnephew of the archbishop o

Smyrna before the 1922 exodus) would complement the outfit For Eleftheriades

Wildersquos words were the ticket-to-ride to his own utopian ideal in which eterna

peace would be guaranteed through the rule of several wise men knowledgeablein politics and life in general

I chose to begin this piece with Eleftheriades because his unique art of theatri-

1 During my fieldwork I wrote a piece about Eleftheriadesrsquos extravagant persona and about

Nowheristan his ambitious global project for a Greek daily (Kosmatopoulos 2008) After the piece

was published Eleftheriades invited me mdash along with others who had written about him in the foreign

press (including German French US and Turkish media) mdash for dinner Since then I became a fre

quent guest at Utopia Now dinners and used this opportunity to establish relationships with profes

sionals in the field of peacemaking peace building and crisis prevention In that sense Utopia Now

emerged as an essential fieldwork site for this research In accordance with his habit of overstaging

almost everything Eleftheriades used to introduce me to h is other guests as a ldquodoctor in anthropol

ogy and a Russian spyrdquo He never explained to me the reasons for this label and I never asked Now

I realize that I never asked because somehow I was tacitly agreeing with his tendency mdash and secretly

admiring his ability mdash to turn almost every interaction into role-playing

2 The mock torture chamber is a replica of the room in which Eleftheriades was tortured by the

Lebanese forces at the age of fifteen ldquoI just added to it an electric chairrdquo he told me

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The Birth o

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5 3 1

cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-

zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-

pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him

in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his

memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque

caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who

almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and

imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It

was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-

graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon

Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here

Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted

among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return

to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed

within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-

trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-

anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend

the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of

the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-

3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a

half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself

through dur ing fieldwork

4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed

nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo

Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

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5 3 2

tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva

tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash

to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and

issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years

to come

As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts

featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years

of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-

Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen

et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically

called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)

Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen

Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military

offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by

grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans

for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-

ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like

the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-

bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in

the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and

the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o

the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out

come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and

reconciliation respectively6

In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese

civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually

gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-

alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of

and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and

Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and

Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)

5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do

because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b

Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap

peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young

2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 3

experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-

crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-

oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts

namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into

localized assemblages of institutionalized projects

In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of

the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere

the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact

that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace

NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in

almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe

for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan

of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute

travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for

translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace

in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning

mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs

for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of

pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority

In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-

blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict

resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and

beyond

First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo

namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions

among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia

repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-

tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed

within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-

ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled

movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken

from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-

cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution

A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the

selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the

self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

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5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

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5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

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5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 1

cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-

zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-

pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him

in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his

memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque

caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who

almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and

imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It

was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-

graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon

Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here

Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted

among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return

to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed

within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-

trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-

anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend

the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of

the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-

3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a

half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself

through dur ing fieldwork

4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed

nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo

Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now

Photograph by author

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5 3 2

tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva

tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash

to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and

issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years

to come

As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts

featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years

of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-

Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen

et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically

called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)

Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen

Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military

offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by

grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans

for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-

ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like

the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-

bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in

the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and

the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o

the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out

come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and

reconciliation respectively6

In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese

civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually

gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-

alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of

and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and

Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and

Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)

5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do

because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b

Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap

peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young

2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007

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The Birth o

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5 3 3

experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-

crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-

oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts

namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into

localized assemblages of institutionalized projects

In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of

the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere

the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact

that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace

NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in

almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe

for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan

of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute

travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for

translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace

in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning

mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs

for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of

pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority

In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-

blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict

resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and

beyond

First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo

namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions

among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia

repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-

tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed

within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-

ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled

movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken

from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-

cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution

A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the

selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the

self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social

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5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

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The Birth o

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5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 430

Public Culture

5 3 2

tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva

tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash

to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and

issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years

to come

As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts

featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years

of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-

Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen

et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically

called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)

Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen

Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military

offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by

grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans

for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-

ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like

the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-

bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental

organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in

the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and

the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o

the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out

come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and

reconciliation respectively6

In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese

civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually

gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-

alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of

and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and

Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and

Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)

5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do

because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b

Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap

peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young

2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 3

experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-

crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-

oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts

namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into

localized assemblages of institutionalized projects

In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of

the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere

the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact

that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace

NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in

almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe

for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan

of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute

travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for

translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace

in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning

mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs

for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of

pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority

In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-

blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict

resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and

beyond

First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo

namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions

among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia

repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-

tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed

within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-

ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled

movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken

from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-

cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution

A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the

selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the

self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social

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Public Culture

5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

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5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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Public Culture

5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

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of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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Work

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

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5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 3

experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-

crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-

oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts

namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into

localized assemblages of institutionalized projects

In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of

the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere

the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact

that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace

NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in

almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe

for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan

of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute

travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for

translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace

in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning

mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs

for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of

pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority

In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-

blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict

resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and

beyond

First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo

namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions

among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia

repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-

tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed

within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-

ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled

movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken

from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-

cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution

A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the

selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the

self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social

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Public Culture

5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

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The Birth o

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this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

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5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 3 4

practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-

munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the

cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about

oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline

that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-

tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was

primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the

individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and

technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once

technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values

guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise

A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts

whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu

tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify

the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha

needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop

of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary

devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the

wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated

Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society

The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in

anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci

ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of

civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace

expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see

civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making

through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace

expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways

through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear

upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating

in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during

the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current

academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition

tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi

lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and

social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today

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The Birth o

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5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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Public Culture

5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

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of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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The Birth o

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5 3 5

this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-

tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and

practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through

the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking

If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society

is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by

experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given

is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to

become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-

ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-

cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-

tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the

urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous

state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse

sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-

where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool

among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field

in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as

technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict

resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-

personal to international

However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-

cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-

ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought

with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-

duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated

and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated

peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-

ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly

selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such

as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value

and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or

silenced

The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational

expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and

their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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Public Culture

5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 3 6

lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed

(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from

this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in

Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi

society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years

Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans

form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-

tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and

what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-

ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral

configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning

and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi

war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a

Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle

against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-

ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the

civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace

was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked

to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim

of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the

judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place

and an important role to play

Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi

lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site

for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu

tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica

tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and

India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification

of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus

tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form

of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge

existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society

with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o

this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro

fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo

civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

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of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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Work

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 7

and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was

seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant

political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice

and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an

exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding

On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global

community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy

mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization

came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-

tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil

societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many

times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-

pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese

therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a

shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral

configurations and civilizing techniques7

Downsizing Peace

Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and

Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul

Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-

mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the

second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told

everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago

He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat

(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about

his fatherrsquos fate

The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar

tells me sipping his cappuccino

The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of

the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le

Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything

but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something

7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to

rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries

8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in

cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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Public Culture

5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

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of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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5 3 8

[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school

from the family After we had a very important discussion It was

very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with

techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques

dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these

techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do

From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection

Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often

observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the

(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the

war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice

and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of

endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj

jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says

On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation

negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-

jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo

ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the

shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance

is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless

leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized

over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless

exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how

can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the

sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo

into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to

be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work

shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the

laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to

take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they

could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo

I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal

techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced

coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary

product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise

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The Birth o

Work

5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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Public Culture

5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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Public Culture

5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

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5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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The Birth o

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5 3 9

with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need

to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork

I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace

NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to

position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in

accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking

The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-

tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking

as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its

own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often

had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-

formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such

efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I

observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even

mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political

violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-

ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-

gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with

their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-

ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even

humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of

what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-

ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork

But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends

during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached

Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-

tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise

in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service

delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs

donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most

NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the

most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came

to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order

posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university

programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution

and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the

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5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

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5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 4 0

workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new

professionalized field of expertise

In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales

tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local

and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments

These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget

populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train

ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students

but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in

a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments

of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops

can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-

sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended

and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in

the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in

Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs

but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous

spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo

and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing

videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-

can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams

about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para

phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll

In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic

resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-

nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-

graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence

of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o

rationalities the technical and the moral

The Technical Career of the Self

The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese

think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it

The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to

be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

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5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 1

summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned

ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict

transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted

a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be

implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-

work notes)

The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques

conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-

ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly

theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup

conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered

ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation

Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and

negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation

in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-

keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society

in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion

and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)

Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women

and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then

Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation

(2007) Source authorrsquos archive

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Public Culture

5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

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5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 4 2

searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight

to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to

Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-

ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly

I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy

colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began

Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants

The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were

Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the

American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one

of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-

eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic

institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University

in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres

sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths

The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart

sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students

were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia

healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This

particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs

session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-

can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk

of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called

upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic

setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-

ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding

deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning

new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a

session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-

tion in the US academic landscape

Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian

in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she

thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had

much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-

ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most

knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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Public Culture

5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 3

the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to

English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions

in Arabic

The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start

The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be

used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming

back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is

focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt

to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a

dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-

ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening

exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep

time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you

donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo

After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board

bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working

bull Speak for yourself from your own experience

bull Practice empathy

bull Actively participate

bull Intention of building peace

bull Listen carefully

bull Respect diverse experiences

bull Tolerate different moral principles

bull Freedom to share (without attribution)

This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along

the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved

several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills

in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within

limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way

these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic

and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her

position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-

pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how

to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-

making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long

as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques

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5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 4

Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the

hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in

their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire

workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise

was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop

is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts

as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their

professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old

Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par

at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution

I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU

[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies

Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and

developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the

general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou

funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own

ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution

As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-

ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts

mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry

often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he

hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate

with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ

a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train

ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students

The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career

turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-

gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be

perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-

ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in

Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis

and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested

There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in

Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives

their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies

herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 5

enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in

it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon

as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was

something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They

were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were

bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional

moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The

times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many

NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years

later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-

tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war

and peace it was also about social engagement

The Moral Caress of the Self

Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about

this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers

responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-

standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo

ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo

ldquorelationsrdquo

Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and

meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some

emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-

shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo

ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo

ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted

ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo

ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded

ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties

ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe

younger than the first one

ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-

phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with

Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what

is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing

context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

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Public Culture

5 4 6

ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees

land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each

word took its place on the busy blackboard

ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female

teacher

ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy

opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego

love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue

ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What

else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you

it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody

came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he

would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got

links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain

that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something

about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about

values dignity

ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence

necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their

association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times

that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to

knowrdquo

ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice

defends its choice

ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of

conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and

serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-

tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in

Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples

from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-

non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all

Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to

run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution

a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par

of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee

far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice

9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

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The Birth o

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5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

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5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 7

of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we

from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away

from our own cultures and communicaterdquo

For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming

from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual

knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the

region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-

thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-

cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese

conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this

occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-

tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about

the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days

after the workshop had begun

Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-

tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began

working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-

ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-

tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that

overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her

assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a

lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet

people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was

her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict

resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose

bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the

country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution

However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very

successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs

were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such

as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-

tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one

could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-

shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway

into a very promising professional field

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 4 8

In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa

method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan

reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that

the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with

the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to

me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The

self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and

especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an

advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele

ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own

personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making

occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-

bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10

This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-

ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to

take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the

conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their

personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define

the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were

motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern

namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might

discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few

may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-

ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their

opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather

accepted as given

In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self

involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series

of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic

of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al

of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An

alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which

the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in

10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the

self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha

a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can

discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 21: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2130

The Birth o

Work

5 4 9

such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called

ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years

of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the

natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice

claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is

a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the

film was over

Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-

naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered

a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous

examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma

Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated

Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister

and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur

to the post

During this discussion I kept thinking that

Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-

ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She

had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-

fering which she revealed to me the night before

As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me

the story of how her close relative was stabbed by

a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many

people from her own community did not under-

stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless

she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of

painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot

elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that

for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition

to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good

trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded

almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything

to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes

later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain

make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the

heart level

Figure 4 Features o

a peaceful being (cha

in a conflict resolutio

workshop) Photogra

by author

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330

The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530

The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

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7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

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Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 22: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2230

Public Culture

5 5 0

In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the

Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict

she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible

pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common

experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering

is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same

page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk

1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and

through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal

suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial

way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the

cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-

vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers

from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone

who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and

the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-

supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion

on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for

having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to

be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the

care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering

Theaters of Individualism

As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus

workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-

lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in

workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-

tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by

the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves

to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the

violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol

lowed it

There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that

seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-

shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas

sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha

is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330

The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430

Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530

The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630

Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 23: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330

The Birth o

Work

5 5 1

of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua

franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting

link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it

clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases

when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The

public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the

soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of

bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract

humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-

sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator

but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a

moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-

fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding

works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed

status of the victim onstage and at the center

In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of

the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority

The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and

endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source

of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-

ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of

organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious

communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-

shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some

locals11

Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the

participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian

and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze

was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the

Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the

ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk

about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive

part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing

11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in

Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new

forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-

ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430

Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530

The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630

Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 24: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430

Public Culture

5 5 2

his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my

discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua

of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the

confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete

political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find

ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South

Africa (Wilson 2001)

Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-

jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation

(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution

workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing

the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-

als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas

but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to

which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash

and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the

community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this

process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner

lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed

instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can

then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-

fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are

expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi

vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-

ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any

effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of

individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience

among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian

belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular

way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon

Conclusion

ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an

article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on

Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded

by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530

The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630

Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 25: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530

The Birth o

Work

5 5 3

Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the

Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-

ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and

Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open

a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-

dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp

was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five

days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the

donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of

Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12

Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in

my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis

and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a

very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-

gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking

in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument

of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely

the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-

porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In

these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-

cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding

This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing

relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be

sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and

especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long

12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli

(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a

number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under

siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians

13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through

the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-

naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among

development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict

situations

14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-

ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest

UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the

Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630

Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 26: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630

Public Culture

5 5 4

workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-

sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa

Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos

daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would

suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a

response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-

tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians

who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of

their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their

prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer

camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon

of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-

guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate

reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of

disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)

Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an

assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and

finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings

opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space

and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-

lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely

confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away

from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the

island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move

is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work

has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored

in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is

the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in

place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of

arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the

first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied

attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo

In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the

techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds

which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 27: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730

The Birth o

Work

5 5 5

direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-

ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in

these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members

As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally

handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-

tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-

lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese

peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of

the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as

being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-

posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through

which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to

the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have

returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in

technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the

population in workshops

Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-

geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and

trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers

among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the

young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her

pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-

ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the

Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living

from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore

had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students

The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on

conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies

for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon

and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-

paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-

shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become

battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often

rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 28: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830

Public Culture

5 5 6

References

Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa

of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45

Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous

Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara

(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut

Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution

Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and

Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70

Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial

Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33

Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated

by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press

Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana

dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95

Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames

Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-

sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24

Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo

nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press

Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment

of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by

Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner

El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976

Cambridge MA Harvard University Press

Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing

Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem

Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality

translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon

mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited

by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-

sity of Massachusetts Press

mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by

Alan Sheridan New York Vintage

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 29: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930

The Birth o

Work

5 5 7

Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson

Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-

rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1

173 ndash 97

Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo

Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug

-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx

Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et

chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by

Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan

Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about

Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1

69 ndash 90

Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-

anon London I B Tauris

Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal

43 no 3 375 ndash 87

Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-

ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74

Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I

megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the

Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23

Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-

tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press

Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705

mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report

no 203 23 ndash 30

Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and

Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of

California Press

Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in

West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press

Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract

Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In

Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic

334152Lebanon

Public Culture

Published by Duke University Press

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture

Page 30: Birth of the Workshop

7232019 Birth of the Workshop

httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030

Public Culture

8

Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th

Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier

mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu

tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann

292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press

Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto

Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World

The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin

Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management

Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar

NY Caravan Books

Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc

tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81

Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl

East Report no 203 31 ndash 33

Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa

Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21

Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading

of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no

1 17 ndash 23

mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi

ana University Press

Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura

France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press

Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on

Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba

nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81

Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South

Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni

versity Press

Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post

war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45

Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a

the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste

Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo

Public Culture