Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth of the Workshop
Technomorals Peace Expertise andthe Care of the Self in the Middle East
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos
The people were seduced by corruption and did not listen
to the ldquoadvice of the wise onesrdquo
mdash Ottoman firman 1860
ldquoThere will be great storages of force for every city and
for every house if required and this force man will convert into heat light or
motion according to his needs Is this Utopian A map of the world that does not
Public Culture 263 983140983151983145 10121508992363-2683657
Copyright 2014 by Duke University Press
I am indebted to the generosity of my interlocutors in Lebanon Michel Eleftheriades Nizar
Ghanem Siad Darwish Nizzar Ibrahim Rammal Ghassan Makarem Bernadette Daou Ghassan
Moghaiber Joe Haddad Hannah Reich Muzna Al Masri Sarah Shouman Irma Ghosn and myperennial host Natalia Linos I am thankful to them for their profound insights and for their willing-
ness to share them with me I have changed the names of my interlocutors in this article to protect their
anonymity While writing I received valuable feedback from people on both sides of the Atlantic in
Zurich I am grateful to Shalini Randeria for very useful comments on this piece and to Carlo Caduff
for a precious intellectual friendship in Paris I thank Mark Mazower and the participants of the Reid
Hall Work-in-Progress Seminar at Columbia Global Center | Europe whose feedback helped me to
further develop my ideas in New York City Talal Asad Miriam Ticktin and Yasmine Khayyat gifted
me with their intellectual care at the final writing stages Heartfelt thanks go to Carol Gluck Tim
Mitchell and Mick Taussig for their unstinting belief in this work I benefited greatly from my stu-
dents in our ldquoCrisis Worksrdquo course (Fall 2013) at MESAAS Columbia University for a collective criti-
cal reading and from two anonymous reviewers for constructive and encouraging comments Last but
not least I am more than grateful to Manuela Pellegrino and to Thea and Ilias Parikos whose Ikarian
hospitality inspired the very first draft of this ar ticle Funding for this research has been generously
provided from the following sources Zurich University Research Priority Program (URPP) Asia and
Europe the Stavros Niarchos Foundation and the Swiss National Science Foundation
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include Utopia is not worth even glancing at for it leaves out the one country a
which Humanity is always landing And when Humanity lands there it looks out
and seeing a better country sets sail Progress is the realization of Utopiasrdquo Thus
read the quotation attributed to Oscar Wilde on the wall of Utopia Now the pri-
vate lounge of Michel Eleftheriades self-declared ldquoemperor of Nowheristanrdquo In
the time of my fieldwork in Beirut (2008 ndash 10) Nowheristan an ambitious politi-
cal project that sought to abolish borders passports nation-states and war on a
global scale beginning from Lebanon was recruiting virtual supporters through
a digital platform on the Internet Utopia Now was located in downtown Bei-
rut directly adjacent to one of the countryrsquos most lavish music clubs which also
belonged to Eleftheriades In Utopia Now there were often dinners for Eleftheria-
desrsquos invited friends many of whom were politicians businesspeople diplomats
university professors and high-ranking professionals in international organiza-
tions such as the UN or the World Bank1
Usually the emperor would wait for us in the mezzanine standing between
the mock torture chamber (see fig 1) a special memory from the Lebanese civil
war (1975 ndash 90) and the baroque-style leather couch (see fig 2) a special order
from England2 He would be cloaked in his usual imperial attire black shirt
black trousers and black cape decorated with golden embroidery from head to
toe Long thick brown boots (reminiscent perhaps of his time as a fighter in the
last phases of the civil war) and a wool cap with a Byzantine cross woven onto it
(he was after all a Greek Orthodox and the grandnephew of the archbishop o
Smyrna before the 1922 exodus) would complement the outfit For Eleftheriades
Wildersquos words were the ticket-to-ride to his own utopian ideal in which eterna
peace would be guaranteed through the rule of several wise men knowledgeablein politics and life in general
I chose to begin this piece with Eleftheriades because his unique art of theatri-
1 During my fieldwork I wrote a piece about Eleftheriadesrsquos extravagant persona and about
Nowheristan his ambitious global project for a Greek daily (Kosmatopoulos 2008) After the piece
was published Eleftheriades invited me mdash along with others who had written about him in the foreign
press (including German French US and Turkish media) mdash for dinner Since then I became a fre
quent guest at Utopia Now dinners and used this opportunity to establish relationships with profes
sionals in the field of peacemaking peace building and crisis prevention In that sense Utopia Now
emerged as an essential fieldwork site for this research In accordance with his habit of overstaging
almost everything Eleftheriades used to introduce me to h is other guests as a ldquodoctor in anthropol
ogy and a Russian spyrdquo He never explained to me the reasons for this label and I never asked Now
I realize that I never asked because somehow I was tacitly agreeing with his tendency mdash and secretly
admiring his ability mdash to turn almost every interaction into role-playing
2 The mock torture chamber is a replica of the room in which Eleftheriades was tortured by the
Lebanese forces at the age of fifteen ldquoI just added to it an electric chairrdquo he told me
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The Birth o
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5 3 1
cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-
zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-
pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him
in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his
memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque
caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who
almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and
imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It
was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-
graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon
Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here
Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted
among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return
to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed
within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-
trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-
anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend
the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of
the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-
3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a
half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself
through dur ing fieldwork
4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed
nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo
Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
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tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva
tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash
to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and
issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years
to come
As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts
featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years
of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-
Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen
et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically
called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)
Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen
Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military
offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by
grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans
for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-
ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like
the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-
bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in
the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and
the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o
the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out
come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and
reconciliation respectively6
In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese
civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually
gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-
alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of
and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and
Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and
Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)
5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do
because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b
Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap
peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young
2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007
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experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-
crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-
oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts
namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into
localized assemblages of institutionalized projects
In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of
the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere
the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact
that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace
NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in
almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe
for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan
of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute
travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for
translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace
in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning
mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs
for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of
pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority
In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-
blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict
resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and
beyond
First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo
namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions
among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia
repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-
tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed
within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-
ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled
movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken
from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-
cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution
A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the
selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the
self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social
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5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
Work
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and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 230
Public Culture
5 3 0
include Utopia is not worth even glancing at for it leaves out the one country a
which Humanity is always landing And when Humanity lands there it looks out
and seeing a better country sets sail Progress is the realization of Utopiasrdquo Thus
read the quotation attributed to Oscar Wilde on the wall of Utopia Now the pri-
vate lounge of Michel Eleftheriades self-declared ldquoemperor of Nowheristanrdquo In
the time of my fieldwork in Beirut (2008 ndash 10) Nowheristan an ambitious politi-
cal project that sought to abolish borders passports nation-states and war on a
global scale beginning from Lebanon was recruiting virtual supporters through
a digital platform on the Internet Utopia Now was located in downtown Bei-
rut directly adjacent to one of the countryrsquos most lavish music clubs which also
belonged to Eleftheriades In Utopia Now there were often dinners for Eleftheria-
desrsquos invited friends many of whom were politicians businesspeople diplomats
university professors and high-ranking professionals in international organiza-
tions such as the UN or the World Bank1
Usually the emperor would wait for us in the mezzanine standing between
the mock torture chamber (see fig 1) a special memory from the Lebanese civil
war (1975 ndash 90) and the baroque-style leather couch (see fig 2) a special order
from England2 He would be cloaked in his usual imperial attire black shirt
black trousers and black cape decorated with golden embroidery from head to
toe Long thick brown boots (reminiscent perhaps of his time as a fighter in the
last phases of the civil war) and a wool cap with a Byzantine cross woven onto it
(he was after all a Greek Orthodox and the grandnephew of the archbishop o
Smyrna before the 1922 exodus) would complement the outfit For Eleftheriades
Wildersquos words were the ticket-to-ride to his own utopian ideal in which eterna
peace would be guaranteed through the rule of several wise men knowledgeablein politics and life in general
I chose to begin this piece with Eleftheriades because his unique art of theatri-
1 During my fieldwork I wrote a piece about Eleftheriadesrsquos extravagant persona and about
Nowheristan his ambitious global project for a Greek daily (Kosmatopoulos 2008) After the piece
was published Eleftheriades invited me mdash along with others who had written about him in the foreign
press (including German French US and Turkish media) mdash for dinner Since then I became a fre
quent guest at Utopia Now dinners and used this opportunity to establish relationships with profes
sionals in the field of peacemaking peace building and crisis prevention In that sense Utopia Now
emerged as an essential fieldwork site for this research In accordance with his habit of overstaging
almost everything Eleftheriades used to introduce me to h is other guests as a ldquodoctor in anthropol
ogy and a Russian spyrdquo He never explained to me the reasons for this label and I never asked Now
I realize that I never asked because somehow I was tacitly agreeing with his tendency mdash and secretly
admiring his ability mdash to turn almost every interaction into role-playing
2 The mock torture chamber is a replica of the room in which Eleftheriades was tortured by the
Lebanese forces at the age of fifteen ldquoI just added to it an electric chairrdquo he told me
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 1
cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-
zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-
pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him
in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his
memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque
caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who
almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and
imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It
was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-
graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon
Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here
Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted
among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return
to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed
within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-
trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-
anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend
the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of
the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-
3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a
half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself
through dur ing fieldwork
4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed
nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo
Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
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Public Culture
5 3 2
tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva
tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash
to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and
issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years
to come
As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts
featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years
of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-
Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen
et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically
called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)
Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen
Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military
offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by
grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans
for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-
ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like
the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-
bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in
the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and
the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o
the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out
come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and
reconciliation respectively6
In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese
civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually
gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-
alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of
and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and
Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and
Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)
5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do
because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b
Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap
peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young
2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 3
experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-
crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-
oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts
namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into
localized assemblages of institutionalized projects
In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of
the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere
the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact
that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace
NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in
almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe
for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan
of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute
travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for
translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace
in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning
mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs
for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of
pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority
In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-
blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict
resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and
beyond
First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo
namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions
among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia
repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-
tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed
within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-
ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled
movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken
from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-
cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution
A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the
selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the
self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
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5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
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5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
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5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
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5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 330
The Birth o
Work
5 3 1
cal (over)staging of almost everything mdash his place in the world my craft and citi-
zenship and more than anything his idea of saving the world from war and ldquostu-
pidityrdquo as he used to say mdash was one of the most important gifts I received from him
in my fieldwork It was indeed Eleftheriadesrsquos unparalleled charisma to weave his
memories (real or surreal) of the war into ad hoc performances of a carnivalesque
caricature into the bizarreness of a former fighter with imperial ambitions who
almost always onstage would then easily cross the boundary between reality and
imagination memory and fantasy crime and sorrow lavishness and tragedy It
was after all Eleftheriadesrsquos theatrical persona that resolutely directed my ethno-
graphic attention toward the stage as an interpretive frame of politics in Lebanon
Ultimately it was through this aesthetic filter that I often caught myself reflectingon peace and war3 Some of these reflections guide the ethnography presented here
Extravaganza notwithstanding Eleftheriadesrsquos Nowheristan must be counted
among the myriad ideas that sought to facilitate and amalgamate Lebanonrsquos return
to peace after the fifteen-year-long civil war While some of them were performed
within secluded spaces of luxurious clubs in Beirut others had a much more pene-
trating effect and a powerful appeal to the entire country Indeed in postwar Leb-
anon a number of important and ambitious sociopolitical projects sought to mend
the wounds repair the cracks overhaul the loss and reflect on the experiences of
the devastating war4 The reconstruction of the destroyed downtown the libera-
3 Reenacting and simulating the lethal urbanity of the civil war through paintball games in a
half-destroyed basement in Beirut must be also counted as part of the aesthetic filter I pushed myself
through dur ing fieldwork
4 Throughout the warrsquos duration more than one hundred thousand people had been killed
nearly one million displaced around the same number injured seventeen thousand ldquodisappearedrdquo
Figure 1 The torture chamber in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
Figure 2 The baroque leather chair in Utopia Now
Photograph by author
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 3 2
tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva
tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash
to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and
issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years
to come
As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts
featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years
of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-
Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen
et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically
called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)
Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen
Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military
offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by
grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans
for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-
ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like
the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-
bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in
the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and
the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o
the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out
come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and
reconciliation respectively6
In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese
civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually
gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-
alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of
and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and
Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and
Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)
5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do
because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b
Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap
peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young
2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 3
experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-
crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-
oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts
namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into
localized assemblages of institutionalized projects
In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of
the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere
the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact
that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace
NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in
almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe
for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan
of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute
travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for
translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace
in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning
mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs
for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of
pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority
In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-
blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict
resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and
beyond
First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo
namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions
among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia
repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-
tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed
within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-
ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled
movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken
from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-
cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution
A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the
selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the
self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social
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Public Culture
5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
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The Birth o
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5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
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5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
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5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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The Birth o
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5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 3 2
tion of the occupied South the recuperation of the ldquodisappearedrdquo the preserva
tion of the memory of the war the reconciliation of the feuding communities mdash
to name just the essential mdash were to become both objects of grand visions and
issues of major controversy that would dominate public discourse for many years
to come
As in Eleftheriadesrsquos whimsical appropriation of Platorsquos Republic5 experts
featured centrally in all those projects During the turbulent and hopeful years
of the first postwar decade engineers and architects employed by the Saudi-
Lebanese construction giant Solidere (Socieacuteteacute libanaise pour le deacuteveloppemen
et la reconstruction de Beyrouth) crafted what the latter quite euphemistically
called ldquoreconstructionrdquo models for Beirutrsquos historic centre-ville (central district)
Strategists and telecommunication specialists recruited by the Islamic movemen
Hezbollah continue to develop secret technologies to counter Israeli military
offensives and intelligence Lawyers and human rights activists approached by
grassroots organizations such as the Families of the Disappeared provided plans
for action and advocacy toward national and international legal and political bod-
ies Historians and photographers involved in academic and artistic projects like
the Beirut Underground compiled archives published books and organized exhi-
bitions on the war Trainers and psychologists invited by local nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and charity foundations chaired reconciliation meetings in
the villages and the mountains throughout the country Granted the rhetoric and
the hope of peace were informing many aspects of these projects Yet in most o
the cases peace was indeed understood as the indirect and rather abstract out
come of those very concrete political aims such as development liberation and
reconciliation respectively6
In my work I explore how in the years that followed the end of the Lebanese
civil war this abstract utopian and ideological imaginary of peace gradually
gave way to a relatively distinct and tangible domain comprised of institution-
alized discourses and practices articulated and promoted by diverse groups of
and several billion dollarsrsquo worth of damage to property and infrastructure sustained (Itani and
Mahmoud 1978 Johnson 2001 Tabbarah 1979 Salibi 1976 Picard 1996 2000 Ochsenwald and
Kingston 2012 Chaoul 1988 Corm 1994)
5 For Plato the statesman is the epistemon he who knows and he who knows what each is to do
because he possesses true knowledge (Castoriadis 2002 32)6 On the reconstruction of Beirutrsquos downtown see Abisaab 2001 S Makdisi 1997a 1997b
Schmid 2006 On Hezbollah see Harb and Leenders 2005 Saad-Ghorayeb 2002 On the disap
peared see Barak 2007 Sherry 1997 Wierda Nassar and Maalouf 2007 Jaquemet 2009 Young
2000 On the politics of memory and memorialization see Volk 1994 2010 Barak 2007
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 3
experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-
crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-
oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts
namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into
localized assemblages of institutionalized projects
In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of
the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere
the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact
that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace
NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in
almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe
for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan
of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute
travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for
translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace
in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning
mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs
for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of
pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority
In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-
blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict
resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and
beyond
First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo
namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions
among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia
repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-
tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed
within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-
ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled
movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken
from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-
cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution
A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the
selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the
self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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Public Culture
5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
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enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 530
The Birth o
Work
5 3 3
experts I explore how a transcendent hope of peace was transformed into a con-
crete object around which diverse forms of technopolitical expertise were devel-
oped and deployed and how peace in and by itself emerged as a utopia of experts
namely a particular situation in which abstract universal ideals transformed into
localized assemblages of institutionalized projects
In this article I examine through ethnography and contextual analysis one of
the flagship techniques of the peace expertise in the Middle East and elsewhere
the so-called conflict resolution workshop Faced with the widely recognized fact
that the workshop in conflict resolution has become the dominant means of peace
NGOs and others in their attempts to address the past and the future of peace in
almost every postconflict setting around the world today the technique seems ripe
for sustained critical inquiry Indeed for the transnational and hypermobile clan
of peacemakers and peace experts the workshop constitutes maybe the absolute
travel device it can be transported and deployed everywhere without the need for
translation into local vernaculars it can exemplify the moral ambition for peace
in the world backed with technical arrangements of space time and learning
mostly imported from other disciplinary settings it can address sustained needs
for knowledge and hopes for personal betterment by introducing a unique style of
pedagogy based on both academic credentials and moral superiority
In the following pages I present ethnographic evidence that shows how assem-
blages of peacemaking most of them centered on the technique of the conflict
resolution workshop had at least three often unintended effects in Lebanon and
beyond
First a massive trend toward what one might call the ldquoworkshopping of peacerdquo
namely the idea that major issues of broad concern regarding past and future vio-lence such as negotiating the memory of the war taming contemporary tensions
among warring parts of the society seeking justice against past state and militia
repression and establishing effective structures for protection of the civil popula-
tion against future repression can be effectively mdash and often solely mdash addressed
within secluded spaces of conflict resolution workshops I argue that workshop-
ping peace was the product of a highly skilled and a dramatically downscaled
movement that at the same time reduced the size of the challenge undertaken
from the macroscopic ideal of ldquopeace in the worldrdquo down to the controlled micro-
cosm of the workshop of conflict resolution
A second effect is the widespread acceptance and consequent proliferation ofa particular version of what Michel Foucault (1986) has called ldquothe care of the
selfrdquo Following this train of thought I show how the idea of the cultivation of the
self as it developed in conflict resolution workshops ldquocame to constitute a social
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5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
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this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
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5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 630
Public Culture
5 3 4
practice giving rise to relationships between individuals to exchanges and com-
munications and at times even to institutionsrdquo (ibid 45) Even more crucially the
cultivation of the care of the self gave rise to a certain mode of knowledge about
oneself and others as well as to the elaboration of a quasi-academic discipline
that practitioners of the field often referred to as the science of conflict resolu-
tion The cultivation of the care of the self in conflict resolution workshops was
primarily premised on a new configuration of peacemaking that understood the
individual as the primary target of expert intervention in a distinct moral and
technical sense In the workshop the individual is expected to acquire at once
technical skills enhancing his or her expertise in peacemaking and moral values
guaranteeing his or her moral high ground to apply the expertise
A third effect is the (re)production of a professionalized field of peace experts
whose degree of legitimacy and mdash by consequence mdash the conditions of institu
tional existence crucially depended on the constant need to reiterate and reify
the binary between an intrinsically ignorant and potentially uncivil society (tha
needs to be trained) and themselves (who need to train it) In this the workshop
of conflict resolution can be situated within the long list of ingenious disciplinary
devices that nolens volens keep populations at bay and leave powerful elites mdash the
wise ones as the Ottoman firman has it mdash to do the work of power unabated
Fighters into Lebanese Postcolonial Reverberations and the Uncivil Society
The argument presented here certainly wishes to speak to the ongoing debate in
anthropology and in the social sciences more generally on the role of civil soci
ety in promoting peace and democracy However instead of taking the notion of
civil society as an analytical tool to be applied to my research field that is peace
expertise in Lebanon I sought to invert the perspective I chose instead to see
civil society as an ethnographic object in its historical and institutional making
through for example the practices technologies and discourses of the peace
expertise Thus I set out to ethnographically and historically explore the ways
through which peacemakers produce a particular expertise that comes to bear
upon the definition and the making of the ldquocivil societyrdquo This is illuminating
in a variety of perspectives For example the understanding of the term during
the first postwar years in Lebanon could be said to have been closer to current
academic definitions of civil society as a space beyond mdash and often in opposition
tomdashstate power Civil society was then the primary locus of popular mass mobi
lization against the war as well as of the articulation of demands for justice and
social protection addressed to those wielding political power I argue that today
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The Birth o
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5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 730
The Birth o
Work
5 3 5
this social practice has been radically inverted and mutated Today the popula-
tion itself has become the target of intervention by experts whose techniques and
practices are set to create a ldquocivil societyrdquo indeed a ldquocivilized societyrdquo through
the application of technomoral configurations of peacemaking
If one listens carefully to the peacemakers one will thus hear that civil society
is not a given but rather a telos that has to be pursued through intervention by
experts One could then suggest that mdash according to this position mdash what is given
is a society that is inherently uncivil and which thus has to be trained in order to
become civil The adjective civil is now perceived as a technicalized and moraliz-
ing qualifier of the noun This argument has both historical and theoretical reper-
cussions The historical argument suggests that the expert field of conflict resolu-
tion sought to institutionalize itself as a rather professionalized response to the
urgent complex and highly political questions about past war crimes continuous
state repression and social (in)justice These questions were reflected in diverse
sociopolitical struggles over the past thirty years As stated above I show else-
where in detail how conflict resolution has historically evolved from a single tool
among many of the antiwar movements in the late 1980s to a professional field
in its own right by the end of the 2000s This process could also be described as
technicalization and depoliticization as manifested in the perception that conflict
resolution as a method is adequate for resolving all kinds of conflicts from inter-
personal to international
However the claim of depoliticization is tricky From a closer look this pro-
cess was extremely political in another sense It was accompanied and strength-
ened by elements of professionalization and internationalization which brought
with it specific values and concrete social relations (funding visas invitations tostudy and work abroad academic titles job opportunities at home etc) It intro-
duced new forms of power relations and new subjectivities since it propagated
and cemented the binary image of the technically superior and morally elevated
peace expert on the one hand and the (potentially uncivil and violent) civil soci-
ety in need of education on the other At the same time it introduced a highly
selective filter on what is political since other voices choices and agendas (such
as the focus on war tribunals and popular and social justice solidarity as value
and war memory as a field of social engagement) were thus either eclipsed or
silenced
The theoretical part of my argument situates the emergence of a new tech-nomoral configuration as an integral part of the establishment of a transnational
expertise in peacemaking within genealogies of (post)colonial interventions and
their civilizing missions To be sure the need to educate and civilize an uncivi-
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Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 830
Public Culture
5 3 6
lized population is not new this is how the nation and the empire were formed
(Cooper and Stoler 1997 Fischer-Tineacute and Mann 2004 Weber 1976) Seen from
this perspective the rise of the conflict resolution workshop in Lebanon (and in
Palestine for that matter) was utterly crucial in important transformations of civi
society power and politics that occurred in the past twenty-five to thirty years
Postcolonial theory teaches us that powerful projects seeking to radically trans
form entire societies usually begin with and result in the rearticulation of seman-
tic tropes and the reformulation of language through mimicry (Bhabha 1984) and
what Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler (1997 3) call the ldquogrammar of dif-
ferencerdquo In Lebanon the rise of the workshop and the spread of a technomoral
configuration of peacemaking meant to change radically the received meaning
and the political use of peace Thus during the last years of the Lebanese civi
war and its immediate aftermath peace was for the most part articulated as a
Kampfbegriff (battle concept) on the part of a civil society engaged in struggle
against the political power holders Civil society efforts were directed at assign-
ing accountability and at demands to hold the political class responsible for the
civil war as a collective crime against the Lebanese society In this sense peace
was used as an alternative trope for social and popular justice inherently linked
to the rule of law and to the idea of a civil society premised on the political claim
of rights-bearing subjects In this understanding of the role of civil society the
judicial arena mdash in the form of a war tribunal for example mdash had an essential place
and an important role to play
Two decades later the courtroom as one of the desired loci of popular mobi
lization for peace and justice has given way to the workshop as the primary site
for the training of the population One could say that many Lebanese members ocivil society wanted a war tribunal but they got the workshop for conflict resolu
tion instead This phenomenon I argue is evidence that processes of ldquojuridifica
tion of politicsrdquo witnessed by anthropologists in places such as South Africa and
India are clearly losing ground in Lebanon Rather processes of dejuridification
of politics are on the rise in which judicial paths for civil societyrsquos claims for jus
tice are blocked ignored or rendered irrelevant under the influence of a new form
of expertise that prefers to organize the ldquocare of the selfrdquo rather than to challenge
existing power relations So what we have is a shift from a political civil society
with strong demands for justice that would then regard peace as the outcome o
this process toward a rather paralyzed ldquouncivil societyrdquo that came to accept training in peace and forget anything that has to do with justice Structured through pro
fessional ambitions and persuaded about the inherent incivility of the ldquotargetedrdquo
civilians peacemaking has come to be largely identified with the task of training
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 930
The Birth o
Work
5 3 7
and educating the very same population that only a couple of decades earlier was
seen as the legitimate source of political demands for a better world A vibrant
political society gradually saw the reconfiguration of demands for social justice
and just peace by actors with domestic legitimacy and credibility turning into an
exclusive domain of experts with international legitimacy backing and funding
On their part the peacemakers had the unique chance to participate in a global
community of select experts and pursue international careers premised on easy
mobility without visa problems and travel restrictions But professionalization
came at a price Lebanese peace experts found themselves reproducing an essen-
tialist image of a principally tribal inherently violent and potentially ldquouncivil
societyrdquo often against their will as Samir a Lebanese peace NGO worker many
times told me Altogether one could argue that the peace experts actively partici-
pated in the sociopolitical process that sought to make fighters into Lebanese
therefore suggesting a given unity in belonging that was rather the product of a
shared history of suffering as much as of the broad application of technomoral
configurations and civilizing techniques7
Downsizing Peace
Sitting comfortably on the terrace of Beirutrsquos luxurious Moumlvenpick Hotel and
Spa on a warm sunny afternoon overlooking the calm Mediterranean Sea Paul
Najjar looked content and excited8 His main project for this year 2007 the Sum-
mer School on Conflict Resolution couldnrsquot have had a better kickoff On the
second day of the workshop one participant sat in the middle of the circle and told
everybody the story of his own father who had been kidnapped some months ago
He described how he had also been kidnapped and tortured by the mukhabarrat
(Arabic secret police) when he ventured to the local police station to ask about
his fatherrsquos fate
The story made it onto the news producing ldquomany interesting articlesrdquo Najjar
tells me sipping his cappuccino
The mukhabarrat came to him and beat him This was the beginning of
the article in the [French-speaking newspaper in Lebanon] LrsquoOrientndash Le
Jour I attended this [workshop] session usually I donrsquot say anything
but after this session Monica [the trainer] asked me to say something
7 Here I am invoking the well-known argument by Eugen Weber albeit somewhat reworked to
rid it of its modernist undertones and rather attached to postcolonial imaginaries
8 All appearing names have been modified to conceal the identities of the persons except in
cases of evidently public personas such as Eleftheriades
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Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
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5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
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5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
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5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1030
Public Culture
5 3 8
[What I said] was about the culture of submission it begins from school
from the family After we had a very important discussion It was
very important for me during this summer school not only to deal with
techniques related to conflict the first three days we had many techniques
dialogue negotiation mediation communication They took [sic] these
techniques but itrsquos not only the techniques I think with Monica webegan to discuss the why And when we see injustice what can we do
From this we can open to the conflict it is an important connection
Najjarrsquos depiction of the workshop introduces a principal tension which I often
observed during my fieldwork On the one hand there are the big questions the
(non)institutionalized memory and the judicial (non)handling of the crimes of the
war the ongoing trauma of the families of the disappeared the pervasive injustice
and inequality in the social and structural sense and the causes and the effects of
endemic violence that often revive comparisons to the war These questions Naj
jar hopes may allow the discussion to ldquoopen to the conflictrdquo as he says
On the other hand there are the techniques of conflict resolution mediation
negotiation and dialogue which the workshop participants had ldquotakenrdquo as Naj-
jar notes Yet Najjarrsquos optimistic excitement at what he regards as the workshoprsquo
ldquosuccessrdquo reflects both the pressing anticipation to address these questions and the
shaky confidence that it can be done without relying on the techniques This stance
is recurrent among activists and NGO members in Lebanon but it nevertheless
leads often to frustrations More often than not the small techniques are prioritized
over the big questions As a result widespread anticipations often turn to endless
exasperations The questions that everyone has in mind mdash how did this happen how
can we make sure it will not happen again how can we talk about it mdash remain unanswered Instead the small techniques come to the fore Here size matters in the
sense that experts attempted to downsize peace by squeezing the ldquobig questionsrdquo
into the small spaces of conflict resolution workshops Thus the techniques were to
be applied at the micro level and crucially within the controlled space of the work
shop This downsizing strategy is reminiscent of Bruno Latourrsquos description of the
laboratory Latour and Steve Woolgar (1986) explain that microbiologists decided to
take their battle with the microbes to the secure space of the laboratory where they
could control the conditions and overpower the ldquoenemyrdquo
I observed a striking imbalance between the importance granted to the smal
techniques over the big questions within the conflict resolution workshop andwithin the wider peace NGO world Arguably this uncomfortable and unbalanced
coexistence is the constant source of tension I regard this tension as the primary
product of multiple efforts to reconcile essentially technocratic forms of expertise
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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Public Culture
5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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Public Culture
5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
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5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1130
The Birth o
Work
5 3 9
with highly political and legal claims for social and historical justice and of the need
to deal with collective memory in a satisfactory manner Early on in my fieldwork
I noted how hope and frustration coexist among many antiwar activists and peace
NGO members in Lebanon Later on I became aware of their agonistic efforts to
position themselves or more accurately to adjust their discourse and practice in
accordance with an emerging conception of peace and peacemaking
The new perception was premised on two basic features first the appropria-
tion of technical skills mostly included within the understanding of peacemaking
as an emergent domain of specialized knowledge and a professional field in its
own right and second the proliferation of certain humanist values which often
had to be manifested through theatrical testimonies of suffering and staged per-
formances of mutual understanding However I also noted the resistance that such
efforts were met with and which involved a critical and often cynical stance I
observed participants in conflict resolution workshops openly questioning or even
mocking some trainersrsquo decontextualized and ahistorical discourses on political
violence social justice human rights or international law At other times par-
ticipants refused to accept the images and narratives of (self-)victimization alto-
gether seeing them as imported from a moral universe that had nothing to do with
their own Thus they insisted on rejecting a morality that was arbitrarily associ-
ated with what they saw as Eurocentric and Western notions of civility and even
humanity The critique and sometimes the hostility of the participants to much of
what they saw as imported forms and formulas as well as the technocratic funda-
ments and the substance imparted to them was a standard tenet in my fieldwork
But also many of the ldquoexpertsrdquo themselves some of whom became close friends
during the course of my fieldwork would often reveal to me their profound doubtsabout and lack of faith in the very practices and morals they preached
Despite criticism and doubt by the end of the first decade of 2000 the prac-
tice of the workshop in conflict resolution formed the bedrock of peace expertise
in Lebanon The workshop formed not only its principal mechanism of service
delivery but also the only form that was imbued with legitimacy among NGOs
donors and government officials Naturally it became the main focus of most
NGO documents and manuals of conflict resolution (Balian 1998) as well as the
most central part of autobiographies of the field (Safa 2007) Ultimately it came
to be depicted as the chief solution to challenges to the moral and social order
posed by political violence With significant foreign funds flowing into the fieldby (mostly) Western governments and organizations US and European university
programs that specialized in peacemaking negotiation and conflict resolution
and visa waivers and travel stipends for practitioners and prospective students the
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Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
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5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1230
Public Culture
5 4 0
workshop became eventually an ideal springboard for a promising career in a new
professionalized field of expertise
In the late 2000s every year a considerable number of young Lebanese Pales
tinians and other Arabs apply for participation in workshops organized by local
and international peace NGOs UN agencies and Lebanese university departments
These workshops have more or less similar features but may differ at the ldquotarget
populationsrdquo Workshops that are geared toward career making (Training of Train
ers also known as ToT) usually choose participants among university students
but in the meantime workshops can be targeting broader groups and categories in
a given society such as schoolteachers villagers ldquowomenrdquo and other segments
of what many NGOs understand as strategic elements of civil society Workshops
can be daily or may include several overnight stays in a venue as remote as pos-
sible from urban centers or from the country altogether The workshops I attended
and which Lebanon-based groups organized took place either in a rural house in
the mountains of Lebanon on the remote campus of a university or in a hotel in
Cyprus The body of trainers comprised mostly Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs
but also Western nationals The training material encompasses a heterogeneous
spectrum of sources which includes academic publications on ldquoethnic conflictrdquo
and ldquoethnic violencerdquo by political scientists theater sketches and role-playing
videos from aikido classes in alpine landscapes and school fights in South Afri-
can schools questionnaires on listening and problem-solving skills and diagrams
about the similar nature of interpersonal and interstate conflicts as well as para
phernalia of the peacemaker such as the mirror the shifting mat or the peace doll
In what follows I present some ethnographic insights from a variety of conflic
resolution workshops Most of them I attended as participant observer In onecase I traveled to Cyprus to take part in a workshop that sought to train Leba-
nese schoolteachers in peacemaking and conflict resolution in schools My ethno-
graphic material is presented as evidence to my main argument on the emergence
of a particular configuration of peacemaking that can be divided into two types o
rationalities the technical and the moral
The Technical Career of the Self
The Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) was co-organized by the Canadian development organization a Lebanese
think tank and a UN agency Western embassies and Lebanese banks funded it
The ten-page information leaflet praised the ldquoculture of peacerdquo which was said to
be promoted by ldquocivil society initiatives and movementsrdquo It also noted that this
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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Public Culture
5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 1
summer school should be considered as part of this effort since it was planned
ldquoto provide young civil society activists the opportunity to be trained on conflict
transformation skillsrdquo Additionally it was argued that the workshop constituted
a ldquounique experiencerdquo for these activists ldquoto develop project ideas that will be
implemented in the near future with the support of the organizing bodiesrdquo (field-
work notes)
The workshop program was focused on ldquopractical skills and techniques
conveyed through an interactive methodology including role-plays case stud-
ies simulations a field visit and innovative learning methods such as mainly
theater-based trainingrdquo Moreover training in interpersonal and intergroup
conflict transformation and in ldquolocal practices in reconciliationrdquo was also offered
ldquoSkill packagesrdquo included ldquoInterpersonal and Intergroup Conflict Transformation
Skillsrdquo covering problem solving conflict analysis communication skills and
negotiation ldquoTheater and Creative Conflict Resolutionrdquo ldquoMulti-party Mediation
in International Relationsrdquo and lectures and lessons titled ldquoIntroduction to Peace-
keeping Operationsrdquo ldquoThe Role of International Organizations and Civil Society
in Conflict Transformationrdquo ldquoEnvironmental Consensus Buildingrdquo and ldquoReligion
and Conflict Resolutionrdquo and much more (see fig 3)
Upon arriving at the university campus I found the participants young women
and men mostly in their early twenties chatting outside the big classroom I then
Figure 3 ldquoSchedulerdquo Third Annual Summer School on Conflict Prevention and Transformation
(2007) Source authorrsquos archive
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Public Culture
5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1430
Public Culture
5 4 2
searched for the director a Northern European in her fifties and went straight
to her She had agreed to let me participate Without delay she introduced me to
Alex Katz a ldquoconflict resolution trainerrdquo from the United States in his early for-
ties Katz gave me a big smile and asked me where I come from and what exactly
I was researching He seemed very interested in my research Dressed in earthy
colors he looked like a down-to-earth person As soon as the next session began
Katz introduced me as ldquothe anthropologist colleaguerdquo to the young participants
The participants were young engaged and ambitious Most of them were
Lebanese students at the two renowned private universities in the country the
American University of Beirut and the Lebanese American University Only one
of them was studying at the state-funded Lebanese University Some had trav-
eled from different Arab countries where they also studied in superior academic
institutions such as the American University in Cairo the American University
in Kuwait and the Birzeit University in Ramallah Most of them gave the impres
sion of a dynamic young youth looking for possible career paths
The walls in the classroom revealed a familiar workshop design with chart
sheets hanging in all corners after a laborious opening day in which the students
were divided into distinct working groups with self-chosen names such as ldquosocia
healersrdquo ldquowhite handsrdquo ldquolaugh live longrdquo and ldquolive out loudrdquo among others This
particular day included three sessions focusing on different content In the firs
session Dorothy Dowry the other US trainer presented a case study of a Mexi-
can village in conflict with a big landowner over the ownership of a large chunk
of common land After describing the situation the working groups were called
upon to design a project proposal to submit to the donors To facilitate a pragmatic
setting the trainer proposed a theatrical appearance in which the trainers playedthe role of donors and the participants enacted members of NGOs who seek fund-
ing for their activities The main focus of the training was on attending to funding
deadlines enhancing the quality of project presentation for donors and learning
new methods of fund-raising After the afternoon break both US trainers held a
session on the possibilities of further studies of peacemaking and conflict resolu-
tion in the US academic landscape
Dowry was definitely an impressive presence in the workshop A theologian
in training she used her dominant voice and figure to intervene every time she
thought that the discussion was going the wrong way In her early fifties she had
much experience teaching on conflict resolution Although a Catholic herself shewas working for the Eastern Mennonite University in Virginia She was inspir-
ing for the students reflecting an aura of authority in the field She was the most
knowledgeable trainer when it came to donors funding and career making in
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 3
the field Self-confident and brisk she often commanded the students to return to
English when she felt she was missing something important in their discussions
in Arabic
The next session titled ldquoPublic ConversationsDialoguesrdquo was about to start
The room had been split into two with dividers and a third room would also be
used to facilitate three different ldquodialogue groupsrdquo Students were slow in coming
back A paper on the board described what dialogue is ldquoa conversation that is
focused on a search for understanding others and ourselves better not an attempt
to persuade convince or influencerdquo Katz opened the session ldquoWe will be using a
dialogue technique which is universally used Its spirit is focused on understand-
ing others We are going to split into three groups It is going to be a listening
exercise The role of the facilitators is to remind you of the norms and to keep
time and maintain a safe space and lastly to ask a series of questions If you
donrsquot want to answer you can pass pass for now or answerrdquo
After this brief introduction Katz wrote the following ldquonormsrdquo on the board
bull Come prepared stay engaged keep working
bull Speak for yourself from your own experience
bull Practice empathy
bull Actively participate
bull Intention of building peace
bull Listen carefully
bull Respect diverse experiences
bull Tolerate different moral principles
bull Freedom to share (without attribution)
This ldquouniversally usedrdquo dialogue technique appeared to be an important skillfor the future peacemakers since it was placed at the center of the workshop along
the donor-NGO simulation exercise mentioned above The technique involved
several aspects that once learned would equip future experts with particular skills
in facilitating public conversations and debates that are nevertheless placed within
limited temporal (ldquokeep the timerdquo) and spatial frameworks In general the way
these workshops seek to simulate ldquorealrdquo situations presupposes a rather hierarchic
and structured situation in which every participant knows more or less his or her
position As in the case of the donor simulation exercise the workshop partici-
pants are trained in how to be in their prospective expert positions and not in how
to become This certitude seems to galvanize the sense among them that peace-
making is a professional field and that career opportunities are attainable as long
as one is able to demonstrate particular professional techniques
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Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
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5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1630
Public Culture
5 4 4
Indeed as many of the students told me in the aftermath of the training the
hope and the lure of a promising career in the field was an important element in
their decision to participate in the workshop In fact the success of the entire
workshop for them seemed to be measured by the degree to which this promise
was seriously promoted or not For many students participation in the workshop
is understood as one more important station in their training as future experts
as one more element in their curriculum vitae as one more crucial step in their
professional career in the field of development at large Lana a twenty-year-old
Lebanese situated her participation in another workshop this way ldquoI took par
at the summer school because I wanted to know more about conflict resolution
I graduated with a BA from International Affairs and Diplomacy at the LAU
[Lebanese American University] with concentration on development studies
Generally I am concentrating in development there will always be conflict and
developmentrdquo Her imagining of a personal future was very much in line with the
general format of the workshop in which participants received information abou
funding proposals and studying opportunities and learned how to build their own
ldquopersonal inventoryrdquo of conflict resolution
As a source of inspiration and confirmation of future expectations the train-
ers were often presented as successful examples of conflict resolution experts
mostly through both their practitioner and academic credentials Thus Dowry
often referred to Katz as ldquoProfessorrdquo although he didnrsquot have a PhD nor did he
hold any university position Dowry also presented herself as ldquothe first graduate
with a PhD in conflict analysis everrdquo In so doing the workshop trainers employ
a variety of technical means that have a very particular origin academia Train
ers become ldquoprofessorsrdquo with academic titles and posture which inspire careeraspirations among the students
The presented ethnographic material documents what one may call the career
turn in the field of conflict resolution and peacemaking in Lebanon The emer-
gence of the attitude that I suggest calling ldquothe career of the selfrdquo can also be
perceived through a historical perspective where the trend toward professional-
ization can be juxtaposed with previous attitudes within the antiwar movement in
Lebanon and finally raised as a generational issue as Marwa an anthropologis
and trainer in conflict resolution workshops suggested
There is a generational issue in the development of conflict resolution in
Lebanon There is the first generation of people involved in it [she gives
their names] There is the second one [among whom she identifies
herself and others by name] We were old enough to know the war well
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
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5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
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5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
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httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1730
The Birth o
Work
5 4 5
enough but at the same time young enough not to have been engaged in
it If the war had ended later we could have been fighters And as soon
as you are a fighter you cannot take another position For us the war was
something bad The older generation doesnrsquot see it the way we see it They
were engaged politically in parties in fighting For us all the parties were
bad for me the war was bad and ugly The third generation is doing that[conflict resolution] for other reasons I have the feeling for professional
moneymaking reasons Not all of them but surely most of them The
times have changed When I was younger I used to volunteer in many
NGOs while the first generation was active in political parties Five years
later the NGOs donrsquot have any volunteers anymore The younger genera-
tion does only professional things In our times it was not only about war
and peace it was also about social engagement
The Moral Caress of the Self
Helen a trainer had just written the word conflict on the blackboard She turnedto the participants slowly and asked in a calm voice ldquoWhat do you feel about
this wordrdquo The participants schoolteachers in the beginning of their careers
responded in different voices and tones ldquoconfusionrdquo ldquointerestsrdquo ldquomisunder-
standingrdquo ldquodifferent needsrdquo ldquoexcitementrdquo ldquoenergyrdquo ldquowarrdquo ldquowinnersrdquo ldquovictimsrdquo
ldquoexchangerdquo ldquoviolencerdquo ldquopeacerdquo ldquohaterdquo ldquotruthrdquo ldquointeractionrdquo ldquoempowermentrdquo
ldquorelationsrdquo
Helen kept turning to the blackboard every time a new word was aired and
meticulously scribbled it down Then she said ldquoLetrsquos think of some colors some
emotions around that same wordrdquo The schoolteachers cum students of the work-
shop proclaimed ldquofearrdquo ldquoangerrdquo ldquorevengerdquo ldquodepressionrdquo ldquoremorserdquo ldquoregretrdquo
ldquoshamerdquo ldquohappinessrdquo
ldquoWhat about colorsrdquo Helen insisted
ldquoRed blue gray light bluerdquo
ldquoAny metaphorsrdquo Helen expanded
ldquoI think of a volcanordquo said one young man in his late twenties
ldquoTree two people pulling on the same thingrdquo said another man maybe
younger than the first one
ldquoSeed petrol thunderstorm girafferdquo the suggested meta-
phors filled the air of the hotel room in Cyprus where the workshop with
Lebanese teachers was being held ldquoAnd what about in terms of what
is going on in Lebanonrdquo Helen sought to invoke some apparently missing
context ldquoSects death history destroyed buildings bombs
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1830
Public Culture
5 4 6
ignorance crying children crying homeless refugees
land water nationality contrast paradox rightsrdquo each
word took its place on the busy blackboard
ldquoAre you talking about human rightsrdquo Helen asked the young female
teacher
ldquoEhmmm yes human rightsrdquo the teacher responded readilyThe others continued ldquoRevolution and resistance enemy
opportunity meze weapons politics and religion ego
love sexrdquo9 Helen seemed impressed and went on a monologue
ldquoWhat a list What is this list telling us It is an amazing list What
else is this list telling us That conflict has many shapes Thank you
it is multifaceted that it could be difficult to define it If somebody
came from another planet and asked what do you mean by conflict he
would be very confused We got causes here and symptoms we got
links with nature words like water Who said seed Explain
that Tree Explain this Who said land Can you say something
about land Scarce resources itrsquos not always about land but also about
values dignity
ldquoSame like in South Africa we had similar words blood violence
necklacing daily life when apartheid was being dismantled their
association of conflict was death and destruction There might be times
that conflict can be extremely destructive But who said meze I want to
knowrdquo
ldquoI meant the cultural and linguistic mosaic of Lebanonrdquo the voice
defends its choice
ldquoWho said opportunity I remember the Chinese definition of
conflict it can be an opportunity for change and growthrdquoHelen was a white South African woman in her fifties She was calm and
serene despite sometimes struggling to make sense of the answers to her ques-
tions given by the Lebanese participants at the Training of Trainers workshop in
Cyprus As a way to relate to Lebanonrsquos conflict she would often bring examples
from South Africa However she would rarely ask many questions about Leba-
non apart from obvious ones such as the meaning of meze in English After all
Lebanon was not the point here It was not by chance that the organizers chose to
run the workshop in Cyprus As the Lebanese head of the organizing institution
a well-known United States ndash based peace NGO told me the Greek-speaking par
of the island was chosen to ldquobring the participants into a place where they can fee
far away from the conflict [in Lebanon]rdquo Another participant justified the choice
9 ldquoMezerdquo refers to Lebanese delicacies and appetizers
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 1930
The Birth o
Work
5 4 7
of place in similar ways ldquoSince the trainer comes from another culture and we
from yet another it is useful to meet in a place where both of us can move away
from our own cultures and communicaterdquo
For Helen this was the first time she was invited to train people coming
from Lebanon or the Middle East in general Her obvious lack of contextual
knowledge about the conflict that has for decades engulfed the country and the
region at large often made the overall atmosphere awkward Especially notewor-
thy were moments when particular historical events political persons or spe-
cific places mdash loaded with meaning and semantics pertaining to the Lebanese
conflict mdash were given as responses to Helenrsquos answers She chose to deal with this
occurrence by either ignoring these comments or asking careful contextual ques-
tions in the breaks between sessions On one occasion Helen had inquired about
the history of the Lebanese civil war in a car ride around the island three days
after the workshop had begun
Helen is a freelancer who cooperates with different centers for conflict resolu-
tion mainly in South Africa but also in Europe and the United States She began
working in 1998 when she needed a job as she told me She was hired by Quak-
ers to work for a project on violence against children funded by a German founda-
tion When she joined the field there was no funding ldquoIt was just a passion that
overwhelmed merdquo Then she began ldquonetworkingrdquo which she sees as one of her
assets one of her strengths As she explained being part of a center ldquohelped a
lot [since] they have their own networks but in general it is always good to meet
people because otherwise you are in a cocoonrdquo For this job now in Cyprus it was
her US networks that introduced her as a specialist in school education in conflict
resolution to the United States ndash based NGO which had decided to return to Leba-non after an almost ten-year absence and launch a peace-building project whose
bedrock would be introducing problem-solving workshops in schools around the
country The basic idea was to train teachers in conflict resolution
However the call for school directors and individual teachers was not very
successful Some of them came but many stayed away even though the costs
were covered Instead some young Lebanese university students attended such
as Marcel whose dream was to become a professional trainer in conflict resolu-
tion Marcel was one of the most active participants in the workshop and one
could immediately see that he had experience in workshops Indeed this work-
shop was the third that Marcel was taking part in As he told me he considersthis practice namely attending one workshop after the other as the best entryway
into a very promising professional field
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2030
Public Culture
5 4 8
In the hotel lobby during a workshop break Helen tells me that her principa
method is ldquothe focus on the selfrdquo Her aim is to introduce the habit of constan
reflection among all the participants of the workshop It is important for her that
the participants learn to ask the right questions and that they can come up with
the right answers After attending three days of the workshop it was obvious to
me that she understands this process of reflection in a distinct moral way The
self-examination is mainly if not exclusively focused on matters of the soul and
especially in questions of doing good or doing evil as I discuss below Helen is an
advocate for a particular care of the self in which technologies and technical ele
ments are instrumental Thus Helen advises the participants to develop their own
personal ldquopeace toolboxrdquo which must be carried along on every peace-making
occasion A crucial ingredient of this toolbox is the mirror which is used to sym-
bolically remind the participant of the necessary reflective attitude10
This particular focus on the self was more than evident throughout the differ-
ent sessions of the workshop One session for example invited the participants to
take a position vis-agrave-vis a chair placed in the middle of the room and labeled the
conflict According to Helen this exercise sought to make people aware of their
personal positioning toward the conflict no matter how one decides to define
the latter In the next session called ldquothe conflict spectrumrdquo participants were
motivated to reflect and think about whether they had a personal conflict pattern
namely an individual way of dealing with conflicts For example some might
discover that they are rather aggressive while others are rather passive and few
may choose to ignore the conflict altogether Each time their turn came the par-
ticipants were asked to describe their habits their overall approach and their
opinion However there was hardly any discussion on the findings afterwardOpinions were not debated exchanged or commented upon they were rather
accepted as given
In the second part of the workshop day the cultivation of the care of the self
involved multiple ways of introducing role models Participants watched a series
of short films that told stories of peaceful beings The first one called The Magic
of Conflict featured a white tall blond man struggling with two other men al
of them dressed in white uniforms that reminded one of Asian martial arts An
alpine mountainous background gave the sense of a serene environment in which
the instantaneous struggle took place The background seemed to be staged in
10 As the symbol of reflectivity par excellence the mirror plays a crucial part in the care of the
self In Technologies of the Self Foucault (1988) notes that looking at onersquos soul in a similar way tha
a mirror functions constitutes the principal way to know of what the soul consists and thus one can
discover rules that serve as a basis for behavior and political action
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
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Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
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Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
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The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
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7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2130
The Birth o
Work
5 4 9
such a manner as to resonate with the main idea in the first part of the film called
ldquoThe Nature of Conflictrdquo As the voice of the narrator told us ldquoYears and years
of conflict took the mountains to become as they are todayrdquo thus providing the
natural evidence that ldquoconflict is naturersquos proprietor for changerdquo The same voice
claimed that the art of aikido is based on the principle of embracing conflict It is
a martial art that is ldquolovely linked to nonviolencerdquo as Helen noted to us after the
film was over
Before this long workshop day came to an end Helen distributed question-
naires asking the participants for their opinions about what they considered
a peaceful being to be (see fig 4) She then asked them to name some famous
examples of those beings The participants stated the obvious such as Mahatma
Gandhi Martin Luther King and Mother Teresa but one of them nominated
Rafiq al-Hariri Lebanonrsquos slain prime minister
and multibillionaire Saudi-Lebanese entrepreneur
to the post
During this discussion I kept thinking that
Helen definitely made the impression of a peace-
ful being to me albeit a rather tormented one She
had also experienced tremendous amounts of suf-
fering which she revealed to me the night before
As we sat next to the hotel pool she narrated to me
the story of how her close relative was stabbed by
a fellow black prisoner rushing to add that many
people from her own community did not under-
stand how she could continue to try to reconcilethe communities after such a crime Nevertheless
she went on experiencing ldquoincredible levels of
painrdquo having seen her elder son dying (she didnrsquot
elaborate on this loss) and her younger son brought home stabbed It seemed that
for her personal experiences of suffering constituted the sine qua non condition
to be a good trainer in peacemaking I posed this question to her openly A good
trainer is one who can link the personal with the professional she responded
almost diplomatically However I felt that for her this meant more than anything
to have a tangible share in suffering Indeed without being asked only minutes
later she went on to tell me that very often she feels ldquovulnerablerdquo But then sheadded as if the utterance were left unfinished that these incredible levels of pain
make credible the persons who do this work and that after all we teach at the
heart level
Figure 4 Features o
a peaceful being (cha
in a conflict resolutio
workshop) Photogra
by author
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2230
Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330
The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430
Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530
The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
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Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2230
Public Culture
5 5 0
In that sense Helen did not need to know more about Lebanon to teach the
Lebanese how to face the challenge of peacemaking in the Lebanese conflict
she already knew enough about human suffering having been through incredible
pain herself To connect with her students she did not need to share any common
experience with them apart from the universal moral context of pain Suffering
is the necessary translating device that brings Helen and her students on the same
page and in the same room Thus Helenrsquos version of ldquodistant sufferingrdquo (Boltansk
1999) was constituted both through the given geographic distance to Lebanon and
through the experiential proximity to the locus of an abstractly defined universal
suffering Finally this version of the cultivation of the self I argue is in a crucial
way different from the Foucauldian prototype Foucault (1986 57) notes that the
cultivation of the self pictures the self ldquonot simply as an imperfect ignorant indi-
vidual who requires correction training and instruction but as one who suffers
from certain ills and needs to have them treated either by oneself or by someone
who has the necessary competencerdquo My analysis of the rise of the workshop and
the particular care of the self that went with it would fully confirm Foucaultrsquos pre-
supposition on the given ignorance but would most probably reject his assertion
on the need to treat the ills from suffering In fact the self needs not treatment for
having undergone suffering but reward for having endured it The self needs not to
be cured but to be caressed to be handled with care This particular version of the
care of the self is often theatrically staged through public testimonies of suffering
Theaters of Individualism
As in the aforementioned workshop with Monica praised by Najjar the Cyprus
workshop with Helen kicked off with an intense icebreaker namely the pub-
lic announcement of each participantrsquos position vis-agrave-vis the conflict Trainers in
workshops I attended in Lebanon and elsewhere often asked the following ques-
tion as soon as the workshop began ldquoHow have you personally been affected by
the conflictrdquo In the aftermath I observed participants opening up themselves
to the group and narrating very personal stories of loss and suffering due to the
violence inflicted upon them either during the civil war or in the years that fol
lowed it
There is a concrete constitutive structure at the core of the moral process that
seeks to introduce reflections of the care of the self in conflict resolution work-
shops The public testimonies of suffering function as theatrical rites de pas
sage into a postviolence life that can begin anew from the moral scratch tha
is In fact it seems that often trainers seek to constitute this passive experience
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330
The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430
Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530
The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630
Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2330
The Birth o
Work
5 5 1
of violence and the subsequent pain inflicted upon the individual as the lingua
franca among the participants not only because it is often the only connecting
link among diverse biographies narratives and belongings but also because it
clears the way for the rewriting of the individual This is especially so in cases
when one seeks to stage the contextual setting as theatrically as Monica did The
public confession that one has undergone pain and suffering functions to pose the
soul as a moral tabula rasa having erased crime through suffering This form of
bonding is peculiar in a philosophical sense because it is based on both abstract
humanitarian principles and concrete individualistic stories this form of confes-
sion is peculiar in a juridical sense because it seeks to denounce the perpetrator
but at the same time forgive the crime this form of testimony is peculiar in a
moral sense because it elevates the individual after and only after his or her con-
fession of having been through the experience of pain But this form of bonding
works in a theatrical sense where participants are invited to enact their presumed
status of the victim onstage and at the center
In that last sense the theatrical enactment of pain and suffering at the core of
the workshop presupposes and introduces a religious format of moral superiority
The individual is awarded not only because he or she underwent suffering and
endured it but also and mainly because he or she considers it a formidable source
of inspiration and spiritual guidance and is ready to admit all this in public Argu-
ably the religious format assumes an evidently Christian character in cases of
organized public testimonies of mutual forgiveness between different religious
communities in Lebanon as some conflict resolution and reconciliation work-
shops in the villages of the Chouf mountains in Lebanon have been seen by some
locals11
Samir an experienced trainer in conflict resolution workshops in the vil-lages of the Chouf recited a telling incident to me In one of these workshops the
participants most of them former fighters in the war from both sides Christian
and Druze were asked to narrate their involvement in the war Samir a Druze
was shocked by what he saw as the lightness and self-effacement with which the
Christian fighters described what happened to them in detail and condemned the
ldquocrimesrdquo from both sides The Druze by contrast would simply refuse to talk
about the war and the crimes of either side believing that killing is a constitutive
part of every war and therefore that one cannot gain anything by confessing
11 The Chouf region has its own distinct place and its own particular web of narratives of coex-istence conflict and cooperation within the complex historical and anthropological landscape in
Lebanon For a comprehensive history of Lebanon with a par ticular focus on the Chouf and the new
forms of sectarian government introduced by the Ottomans and favored by the European govern-
ments of France and Britain in the nineteenth century see the superb analysis of U Makdisi 2000
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430
Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530
The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630
Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2430
Public Culture
5 5 2
his or her participation in it They saw such confession as hypocritical In my
discussions with Samir we often entertained the idea that the effect of this ritua
of confession was to simultaneously achieve a level of moral superiority for the
confessor and a sense of shared responsibility for all thus excluding the concrete
political and historical context of the crime committed mdash compare similar find
ings by anthropologists on the ldquotruth and reconciliation committeesrdquo in South
Africa (Wilson 2001)
Thus public testimonies of suffering do not always produce submissive sub-
jects who then have to be treated by external experts in health or reconciliation
(cf Nguyen 2010) In a peculiar way testimonies of suffering in conflict resolution
workshops may have the double effect of liberating the individuals while placing
the blame on the community at large They produce morally elevated individu-
als within a community that comes to bear the responsibility for not only pas
but also future crimes In subjugating the individual under the ldquocommunityrdquo to
which the individual belongs and by presuming where his or her allegiance mdash
and by default the main incentive for his or her past crimes mdash is placed it is the
community that is charged with the moral burden of bad conscience As such this
process resembles at the collective level what Friedrich Nietzsche calls Verinner
lichung at the individual level namely the process of internalizing the repressed
instincts and their subsequent transformation into the individual soul which can
then bear the burden of sin Through ritualized and theatricalized public con-
fessions the internalization of the repressed instincts and the bearing of sin are
expanded over mdash if not solely attributed to mdash the community to which the indi
vidual belongs The workshop thus tends to recreate and reproduce ldquothose fright-
ening fortificationsrdquo yet not against the old ldquoinstincts of freedomrdquo against whichthe state protected itself as Nietzsche (2009 66 ndash 67) argues but rather against any
effort to pursue justice for the past crimes committed by individuals or groups of
individuals This process occurs through a wholesale attribution of bad conscience
among members of the communities The same process reasserts the sectarian
belonging of the individual to the community and thus reconfirms in a circular
way what Ussama Makdisi (2000) calls ldquothe culture of sectarianismrdquo in Lebanon
Conclusion
ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo read the title of an
article published in the Daily Star mdash Lebanonrsquos English-speaking newspaper mdash on
Friday August 1 2008 (Heisler 2008) The five-day summer school was funded
by the governments of Italy and Spain and was jointly organized by the UN
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530
The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630
Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2530
The Birth o
Work
5 5 3
Development Program (UNDP) the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies and the
Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee The piece reports that the organiz-
ers hailed as successful this project in which ldquoyoung people from Lebanese and
Palestinian communities were isolated in the mountains and encouraged to open
a dialoguerdquo The stated goal which was to ease tensions between Palestinian resi-
dents of the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp and Lebanese living around the camp
was achieved Indeed a UNDP official from Spain is quoted as saying ldquoIn five
days theyrsquove been able to overcome these prejudicesrdquo For the participants and the
donors alike the workshop did succeed in mending the wounds that the ldquocrisis of
Nahr al-Baredrdquo had produced12
Arguably this story is the final stage of the series of developments I outline in
my article The newspaper piece is centered on two main themes namely crisis
and the workshop (referred to as ldquosummer camprdquo) which taken together suggest a
very particular reading not only of the events surrounding the Nahr al-Bared refu-
gee camp but one could add more general patterns of violence and peacemaking
in Lebanonrsquos civil society today Thus the overall spirit and the main argument
of the newspaper piece reflects a growing tendency among peacemakers namely
the idea that sudden eruptions of political violence must be understood as tem-
porary crises that can be addressed with the wide application of workshops13 In
these workshops the civil society can exchange views receive training from spe-
cialists and thus resolve the crisis through dialogue and mutual understanding
This example not only confirms this articlersquos argument about the increasing
relevance that the practice of workshop acquires in present-day Lebanon14 To be
sure the story is paradigmatic of the implications from such developments and
especially about the role that the workshop increasingly plays in efforts to definethe overall problem and to design a response It is telling that a five-day-long
12 The Nahr al-Bared refugee camp is located in northern Lebanon near the city of Tripoli
(Ar Tarablus) In 2008 a group of armed men who used the camp as their retreat zone engaged in a
number of clashes and ambushes with outposts of the Lebanese Army which then held them under
siege and eventually destroyed the entire refugee camp killing many civilians
13 The growing trend to think of complex situations of political violence and disorder through
the frame of crisis and through what Craig Calhoun (2004) aptly describes as the ldquoemergency imagi-
naryrdquo is one of the main findings of my fieldwork not only among peace builders but also among
development specialists in the UN and the world of international aid in relation to postconflict
situations
14 It is telling that the main donors are (1) the governments of Italy and Spain whose share inthe total amount of development aid to Lebanon is among the highest annually and whose commit-
ted forces to the UN Peacekeeping Force in southern Lebanon top the list (2) the UNDP the largest
UN agency in Lebanon and among the most influential in the entire UN system globally and (3) the
Lebanese Center for Policy Studies one of the countryrsquos most established think tanks
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630
Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2630
Public Culture
5 5 4
workshop featuring twenty-five participants is described as a ldquosuccessfulrdquo mea-
sure to ldquorepair the riftsrdquo of a series of events that featured the Lebanese Nationa
Army laying siege and shelling a refugee camp of thirty thousand souls almos
daily for a period of four months Beyond this apparent shortcoming I would
suggest paying attention to the linguistic connotations involved here Thus as a
response to the crisis Lebanese and Palestinians were ldquoisolatedrdquo in the moun-
tains Then it is truly remarkable if not cynical to suggest that for Palestinians
who are denied citizenship in Lebanon and most probably have spent most of
their lives in refugee camps the best place in which they might ldquoovercome their
prejudicesrdquo is yet another camp even if this is euphemistically called a ldquosummer
camprdquo Note how metaphors and words that otherwise might be part of the jargon
of a military operation are strategic and constitutive of this practice These lin-
guistic borrowings should not be underestimated Rather they hint at an alternate
reading of the conflict resolution workshop that is within the long genealogy of
disciplinary mechanisms (Foucault 1995)
Indeed throughout this article I have described the conflict workshop as an
assemblage of particular technomoral arrangements that aim at organizing (and
finally disciplining) the ways that bodies behave move and express feelings
opinions and attitudes These arrangements relate not only to the ways that space
and movement within that space is regulated (and restricted in the sense of ldquoiso-
lationrdquo for example) In fact making sure that the people involved are securely
confined within a spatial arrangement that is both secluded and relatively away
from familiar environments (as in the ldquomountainsrdquo in a ldquocamprdquo of sorts on the
island of Cyprus) is only the first element of the disciplinary logic The next move
is to divide the time available into slots in which different tasks will and must beaccomplished To be sure these insights are not necessarily new Foucaultrsquos work
has opened an enormous field of research whose possibilities have been explored
in different directions My sole contribution to the study of disciplinary power is
the argument that the conflict resolution workshop constitutes an effort to put in
place a particular mechanism of subject formation that premised on a number of
arrangements aims at two particular aspects the moral and the technical In the
first case the moralized care of the self is expected to develop those embodied
attitudes and values that signal forgiveness civility and finally ldquopeacefulnessrdquo
In the second case the technical self is trained in the embodied skills and the
techniques of professionalizationThis line of thought prompts us to go beyond the rhetoric of repair of wounds
which is what the organizers claim the workshop is about It points to another
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2730
The Birth o
Work
5 5 5
direction that is to the underlying ideas and assumptions about the human quali-
ties and the general constitution of the individuals who are selected to take part in
these workshops as well as about the larger society of which they are members
As already argued the image that guides these interventions is one of a morally
handicapped society one that finds itself in a generalized state of civil disintegra-
tion hence an uncivil society Notably there is an interesting historical paral-
lelism here U Makdisi (2000) notes that during the rebellions of the Lebanese
peoples (Ar ahalı ) against their feudal rulers (Ar zursquoama ) in the second part of
the nineteenth century the latter sought to construct the image of the former as
being in a constant state of ignorance (Ar jahal) The elites responded by pro-
posing as a solution to this problem massive campaigns of civil education through
which the ahalı were expected to become modern civil subjects and listen to
the ldquowise onesrdquo Today the claim of the ignorance of the ahalı seems to have
returned in a different guise namely as an inherent and widespread deficiency in
technomorality Contemporary campaigns of civil education seek to ldquotreatrdquo the
population in workshops
Needless to say this treatment is what experts expect But it would be an exag-
geration to suggest that this idea is the outcome of those rather contradictory and
trivial forms of intervention All in all it seems that the hopes for future careers
among young members of the Lebanese society are rarely realized Lana the
young Lebanese who hoped that her participation in the workshop would help her
pursue a career in the field of conflict and development in Lebanon was eventu-
ally obliged to leave the country for a job in the blossoming labor market in the
Gulf countries A major player in the field in Lebanon began earning his living
from it only after almost a decade and a half of work The workshop targetingteachers in Cyprus was unable to enroll the preferred schoolteachers and therefore
had to compromise with the participation of career-oriented university students
The image that I disseminate through this article namely that the workshops on
conflict resolution must be perceived as aspirins that are advertised as therapies
for cancer is not mine solely It is shared by the majority of the people in Lebanon
and by many of the experts themselves To be sure as with the educational cam-
paigns more than a hundred years ago as portrayed by U Makdisi todayrsquos work-
shops are not finite designs on the paper of power Instead they often become
battlefields in which the ldquopeoplerdquo mdash as described in the Ottoman firman mdash often
rise up against the ldquowise onesrdquo
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2830
Public Culture
5 5 6
References
Abisaab Malek 2001 ldquoBeirut Reviving Lebanonrsquos Pastrdquo International Journa
of Middle East Studies 33 no 1 143 ndash 45
Azar Edward E and Robert F Haddad 1986 ldquoLebanon An Anomalous
Conflictrdquo Third World Quarterly 8 no 4 1337 ndash 50Balian Armen ed 1998 Hal alnizarsquoat Tamarin tatbiqiyah wa maqalat mukhtara
(Conflict Resolution Written Exercises and Accompanying Reader ) Beirut
Lebanese Network for Conflict Resolution
Barak Oren 2007 ldquo lsquoDonrsquot Mention the Warrsquo The Politics of Remembrance and
Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanonrdquo Middle East Journal 61 no 1 49 ndash 70
Bhabha Homi K 1984 ldquoOf Mimicry and Man The Ambivalence of Colonial
Discourserdquo October no 28 125 ndash 33
Boltanski Luc 1999 Distant Suffering Morality Media and Politics Translated
by Graham D Burchell Cambridge Cambridge University Press
Calhoun Craig 2004 ldquoA World of Emergencies Fear Intervention and theLimits of Cosmopolitan Orderrdquo Canadian Review of Sociology Revue cana
dienne de sociologie 41 no 4 373 ndash 95
Castoriadis Cornelius 2002 On Platorsquos ldquoStatesmanrdquo Translated by David Ames
Curtis Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Chaoul Melhem 1988 ldquoThe Layout of the War in Lebanon Political and Confes-
sional Aspects of a Function of Reductionrdquo Social Compass 35 no 4 607 ndash 24
Cooper Frederick and Ann Laura Stoler eds 1997 Tensions of Empire Colo
nial Cultures in a Bourgeois World Berkeley University of California Press
Corm George 1994 ldquoThe War System Militia Hegemony and Reestablishment
of the Staterdquo In Peace for Lebanon From War to Reconstruction edited by
Deirdre Collings 215 ndash 30 Boulder CO Lynne Rienner
El-Khazen Farid 2000 The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon 1967 ndash 1976
Cambridge MA Harvard University Press
Fischer-Tineacute Harald and Michael Mann eds 2004 Colonialism as Civilizing
Mission Cultural Ideology in British India London Anthem
Foucault Michel 1986 The Care of the Self Vol 3 of The History of Sexuality
translated by Robert Hurley New York Pantheon
mdashmdashmdash 1988 Technologies of the Self A Seminar with Michel Foucault Edited
by Luther H Martin Huck Gutman and Patrick H Hutton Amherst Univer-
sity of Massachusetts Press
mdashmdashmdash 1995 Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison Translated by
Alan Sheridan New York Vintage
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 2930
The Birth o
Work
5 5 7
Gilmour David 1983 Lebanon the Fractured Country Oxford UK M Robertson
Harb Mona and Reinoud Leenders 2005 ldquoKnow Thy Enemy Hizbullah lsquoTer-
rorismrsquo and the Politics of Perceptionrdquo Third World Quarterly 26 no 1
173 ndash 97
Heisler Jay 2008 ldquoSummer Camp Repairs Rifts after Nahr al-Bared Crisisrdquo
Daily Star August 1 wwwdailystarcomlbNewsLebanon-News2008Aug
-0150711-summer-camp-repairs-rifts-after-nahr-al-bared-crisisashx
Itani Leyla Badih and Jalal Mahmoud 1978 La guerre du Liban Images et
chronologie (The War in Lebanon Images and Chronology) Translated by
Yussif Antoun Beirut Dar al-Massira Originally published as Harb Libnan
Jaquemet Iolanda 2009 ldquoFighting Amnesia Ways to Uncover the Truth about
Lebanonrsquos Missingrdquo International Journal of Transitional Justice 3 no 1
69 ndash 90
Johnson Michael 2001 All Honourable Men The Social Origins of War in Leb-
anon London I B Tauris
Khalidi Walid 1989 ldquoLebanon Yesterday and Tomorrowrdquo Middle East Journal
43 no 3 375 ndash 87
Kliot Nicolas 1987 ldquoThe Collapse of the Lebanese Staterdquo Middle Eastern Stud-
ies 23 no 1 54 ndash 74
Kosmatopoulos Nikolas 2008 ldquoMichel Eleftheriades I etisi gia Visa einai I
megaliteri morfi ratsismourdquo (ldquoMichel Eleftheriades Applying for Visa Is the
Biggest Form of Racismrdquo) Eleftherotypia May 23
Latour Bruno and Steve Woolgar 1986 Laboratory Life The Social Construc-
tion of Scientific Facts Princeton NJ Princeton University Press
Makdisi Saree 1997a ldquoLaying Claim to Beirut Urban Narrative and SpatialIdentity in the Age of Solidererdquo Critical Inquiry 23 no 3 661 ndash 705
mdashmdashmdash 1997b ldquoReconstructing History in Central Beirutrdquo Middle East Report
no 203 23 ndash 30
Makdisi Ussama 2000 The Culture of Sectarianism Community History and
Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon Berkeley University of
California Press
Nguyen Vinh-Kim 2010 The Republic of Therapy Triage and Sovereignty in
West Africarsquos Time of AIDS Durham NC Duke University Press
Nietzsche Friedrich 2009 On the Genealogy of Morals A Polemical Tract
Translated by Ian Johnston Arlington VA Richer Resources PublicationsOchsenwald William L and Paul Kingston 2012 ldquoLebanon Civil Warrdquo In
Encyclopaedia Britannica Online wwwbritannicacomEBcheckedtopic
334152Lebanon
Public Culture
Published by Duke University Press
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture
7232019 Birth of the Workshop
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullbirth-of-the-workshop 3030
Public Culture
8
Picard Elizabeth 1996 Lebanon a Shattered Country Myths and Realities of th
Wars in Lebanon Translated by Franklin Philip New York Holmes and Meier
mdashmdashmdash 2000 ldquoThe Political Economy of Civil War in Lebanonrdquo In War Institu
tions and Social Change in the Middle East edited by Stephen Heydemann
292 ndash 322 Berkeley University of California Press
Saad-Ghorayeb Amal 2002 Hizbursquollah Politics and Religion London Pluto
Safa Oussama 2007 Conflict Resolution and Reconciliation in the Arab World
The Work of Civil Society Organisations in Lebanon and Morocco Berlin
Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management
Salibi Kamal 1976 Crossroads to Civil War Lebanon 1958 ndash 1976 Delmar
NY Caravan Books
Schmid Heiko 2006 ldquoPrivatized Urbanity or a Politicized Society Reconstruc
tion in Beirut after the Civil Warrdquo European Planning Studies 14 no 3 365 ndash 81
Sherry Virginia N 1997 ldquoDisappearances Syrian Impunity in Lebanonrdquo Middl
East Report no 203 31 ndash 33
Tabbarah Riad B 1979 ldquoBackground to the Lebanese Conflictrdquo Internationa
Journal of Comparative Sociology 20 nos 1 ndash 2 101 ndash 21
Volk Lucia 1994 ldquoReconstruction through Deconstruction A Critical Reading
of the Discourse on Lebanon since the Civil Warrdquo Arab Studies Journal 2 no
1 17 ndash 23
mdashmdashmdash 2010 Memorials and Martyrs in Modern Lebanon Bloomington Indi
ana University Press
Weber Eugen 1976 Peasants into Frenchmen The Modernization of Rura
France 1870 ndash 1914 Stanford CA Stanford University Press
Wierda Marieke Habib Nassar and Lynn Maalouf 2007 ldquoEarly Reflections on
Local Perceptions Legitimacy and Legacy of the Special Tribunal for Leba
nonrdquo Journal of International Criminal Justice 5 no 5 1065 ndash 81
Wilson Richard A 2001 The Politics of Truth and Reconciliation in South
Africa Legitimizing the Post- Apartheid State Cambridge Cambridge Uni
versity Press
Young Michael 2000 ldquoThe Sneer of Memory Lebanonrsquos Disappeared and Post
war Culturerdquo Middle East Report no 217 42 ndash 45
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos is a cultural anthropologist Currently postdoctoral fellow a
the Columbia Global Centers | Europe (Paris) he teaches at Sciences Po and at the EacutecolePolytechnique Feacutedeacuterale de Lausanne This article is part of a book project titled ldquoMaste
Peace Governing Violence in Postwar Lebanonrdquo
Public Culture