Bibliography the Roles of Aid in Politics February 2011

8/17/2019 Bibliography the Roles of Aid in Politics February 2011

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The Roles of Aid inPoliticsPutting China in Perspective

An Annotated Bibliography

Ward Warmerdam with Arjan de Haan

ebruary !"##


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Introduction

The perceived failure of aid promulgated in the popular media% the e*pected failureof many aid recipient nations to attain their 'illennium /evelopment 0oals% theapparent failure of the military and development missions in Afghanistan and $ra1 to1uell terrorism and bring about socio2economic development% and the deepeningglobal recession tightening national budgets have caused many governments to re2evaluate their development assistance programs and priorities& Political partiesleaning more to the political right are% in many countries% demanding a reduction inforeign aid e*penditures in light of their own nation)s struggling economies andwelfare systems% with some% in contradiction to 34C/ best practices% advocating for

development assistance programs that also bene5t the donor nation)s economies& The 5scal 1uestioning of foreign aid has further led to the 1uestioning of aid)spolitical roles and its value within and bene5ts to national governmentalframewor,s% calling for it to justify its continued e*istence and its budgetarydemands&

urthermore% the increasingly prominent role of emerging donors such asChina and $ndia has provided an altered international political situation in the

conte*t of which traditional donor governments must re2evaluate their foreign policyand foreign aid strategies 6Broadman !""78& The 6re28emergence of such donorscould provide new opportunities for cooperation with traditional donors andimproved insights into processes and methods through which to stimulate socio2economic development% in light of 9outh29outh cooperation 6e&g& Br:utigam !"";<de Haan !"";% !"#"< /ollar !""=< 0ill et al !""7< $39CPRC !"">< Ravallion !""=<

Tj?nneland et !""@8& Cooperation could also reduce the burden of traditional donorsin the development assistance programs% and might provide the appropriate levelsof aid ows to the developing world in order for it achieve much aspired

development goals 64isenman and urlant-ic, !""@8& The 6re28emergence of Chinaas donor and the increasingly global reach of its economic relations have often beenmet with a certain degree of suspicion 6noted by e&g& Br:utigam Tang !"";<Br:utigam !"";8& /uring the Cold War% much of China)s relations with other


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within which power struggles could be mediated< the establishment of multilateralintergovernmental organi-ations such as the EG% the World Ban, and $'% and

regional organi-ations li,e the 4E< the emergence of global terrorism< the growingpopular awareness in developed nations of the plight of the suering in developingnations< the emergence of new donors% some of whom are themselves still foreignaid recipients% who% some have argued% have dierent political and economicagendas than the traditional donors< in addition to countless humanitarian disastersand a number of regional and global recessions& The broad time period in which andconcerning which publications contained in this compilation were written shouldallow recurring and emerging trends to become apparent% leading to an increasedunderstanding of how current global circumstances% and domestic political forces%can and will shape the future political roles of foreign aid& Additionally% this shouldprovide a comprehensive understanding of the patterns of foreign aid policies thatemerging donors could ta,e and highlight possible methods and theoretical lensesthrough which a more thorough investigation in China)s foreign relations with otherdeveloping countries could be analy-ed&

Domestic Origins of Foreign Aid

A natural starting point for an investigation into the politics of aid is to consider thedomestic determinants of foreign aid& oreign aid policies are% li,e domestic andforeign policies% formulated in consideration of domestic political realities and theconte*t international circumstances& This means that as domestic political situationschange and the international conte*t changes% foreign aid policies are reformulatedto adapt to the new set of conditions& There are a number of factors within domesticpolitical conte*ts that can inuence the ways in which foreign aid policies are

formulated and reformulated& Dancaster 6!""7aF #=8 calls these the domestic political forces which she de5nes as falling into four categoriesF

• Ideas: Dancaster argues that the most fundamental IideasJ shaping aid are


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9he argues that the organi-ation of aid has a strong inuence on thepurposes of aid&

Dancaster argues that as the international situation changes% and the domesticpolitical forces react% purposes of aid change as well 6ibid&8& 9he 6!""7a8 states thatthe traditional purposes of foreign aid includeF diplomatic% developmental%commercial% cultural% and aid for humanitarian relief& 9he adds that more recentpurposes of foreign aid includeF promoting economic and social transitions%promoting democracy% addressing global issues 6such as the environment andH$LKA$/98% and mitigating and managing post2conict transitions 6ibid&8&

The current authors believe that the interaction of these domestic politicalforces can be represented as depicted in 5gure # belowF

IDEAS INTERESTS

ORGANIATION

INSTIT!TIONS


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increased use for de!elopment purposes% as in both these countries% suchconstituencies are wea, or lac,ed access% and therefore the de!elopment purpose

of their aid allocation is wea,est 6ibid&8& The author 5nds that domesticconstituencies also increasingly too, the role of monitoring government aid fordevelopment purposes% complementing international pressures from multilateralorgani-ations such as the 34C/2/AC% the World Ban,% and EG agencies% promotingthe use of aid for development purposes 6ibid&8& $nterestingly% Dancaster notes thatacceptance of the aid2for2development norm is dependent on whether the aid2givingnation)s socio2economic condition is suOciently healthy that foreign aid allocationsare not seen to be sacri5cing the needs of the poor at home 6ibid&8& urthermore%she adds that its acceptance is also dependent on the perceived eectiveness of government aid allocated for development purposes 6ibid&8& $n her compilation of cases studies she observes a number of dierences in the domestic political forcesaecting aid% most notably varying inuences of the dierent ideas and institutionswhich shape the purposes of aid& Dancaster)s broad analytical framewor, capturesmany of the aspects concerning the roles of aid in politics as discussed below&

These authors believe that the 5gure below% based on Dancaster)s framewor,%provides a simpli5ed yet ade1uate representation of the interaction of domestic

political forces and their further interaction with other members of the internationalsystemF


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IDEAS

INSTIT"!TIONS

INTERESTS

ORGAN"

IATION

DO#ESTI$ PO%IT&

IDEAS

INSTIT"!TIONS

INTERESTS

ORGAN"

IATION

FOREIGN PO%IT&

IDEAS

INSTIT"!TIONS

INTERESTS

ORGAN"

IATION

FOREIGN PO%IT&

IDEAS

INTERESTS

FOREIGN PO%IT&

IDEAS

INTERESTS

FOREIGN PO%IT&


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elites 60oldstein eohane #;;.F #"8& 0oldstein and eohane argue that principledor causal beliefs aect policy formulation when these have become ingrained in

political institutions and provide (road2maps) to assist actors in policy formulation instrategic situations where there is no uni1ue e1uilibrium 6ibid&8& They conclude thatit is the combination of interests and ideas that has causal weight in the e*planationof actions&

$n a similar vein Cingranelli 6#;;.8 analy-es the eects of dierent moral positions on the relations of the E9 with the Third World through an historicalanalysis& He states that foreign policy formulation in the E9 is guided by a politicalculture composed of the values ofF individualism% capitalism% civilian control of the

government% rule of law% political e1uality and democracy 6ibid&8& The author furtheridenti5es four moral positions prevalent in American politics based on who thepolitical leaders are willing to be held responsible by and whose interests theseleaders should promote 6ibid&8& He categori-es these positions asF nationalist%e*ceptionalist% progressive% and radically progressive% although the latter positionhas less of a voice due to its similarity to the 'ar*ist moral position& He alsoanaly-es 'ar*ism as a moral position ta,en in relations with the Third World& Theauthor states that dierent presidential administrations cannot be classi5ed as

falling solely within these four categories% rather their positions will% on average%tend to fall in one category% though their positions will vary in relation to dierentissues 6ibid&8& Cingranelli de5nes these positions as shown in the table below% andanaly-es how these positions have aected E9 relations with the Third World andother wea,er nations throughout E9 history until the Reagan and Bush senioradministrations& He concludes that there has been a general trend towards theProgressi!e moral position% although this has been gradual with regular uctuationstowards the nationalist position 6ibid&8&

%eaders S'ouldPromote:

%eaders S'ould (e )eld Res*onsible to:

Their 3wn Citi-ens The Communitybeyond $nternational

G i l $d l & ti li t ' ti li t


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9to,,e 6#;=;8 also describes how aid policies are formulated through theinteraction of the e*ternal environment with a country)s domestic environment%

norms% interests and traditions& His compilation of analyses regarding the foreignaid policies of 5ve Western middle powers# see,s to identify the e*tent to whichdierent outcomes of foreign aid policy formulation can be e*plained with referenceto the basic values and ideologies predominant in the nations under analysis% which%for the nations in 1uestion% he de5ned as being generally varieties of $umaneinternationalism 6ibid&8& $n the conte*t of foreign aid policy 9to,,e argues $umaneinternationalism impliesF the recognition of the responsibility of developed nationsto assist the Third World% a belief that a more +ust world is in the long2term interestsof developed countries% and an understanding that this is not in the disinterest of their own national economic and social welfare policies& 9to,,e analy-es the foreignaid policies of these 5ve Western middle powers in relation to variations of thisideology% and concludes that there has been a general move towards liberalinternationalism in these 5ve nations within the period of study 6ibid&8& Liberalinternationalism% according to 9to,,e)s de5nition shares the core concepts of humane internationalism% and adds to it a commitment to an open and multilateraltrading system as well the realist internationalism notion that nations ought topursue economic and political self2interest in the short2 and long2term 6ibid&8& Diberal

internationalism% he states% recogni-es a responsibility towards the 9outh and aimsfor economic growth there% through see,ing to promote common interests betweenrich and poor countries 6ibid&8& 9to,,e argues that this is motivated by thehumanitarian aspects of humane internationalism while recogni-ing theopportunities for both the Gorth and 9outh in integrating the Third World into theWestern mar,et economy 6ibid&8& Diberal internationalism% he notes% is furthercharacteri-ed by a general objection to state and interstate intervention% as well asprocurement tying% rather it favors the mobili-ation of the private sector indevelopment eorts and the use of 3/A to support this% in addition to favoringmultilateral agencies which practice open bidding 6ibid&8& 9to,,e)s descriptions of dierent forms of internationalism provide useful measures with which to evaluateforeign aid policies% including the foreign aid policies of China and other emergingdonors !


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the domestic political gains and the favorable consideration of recipients concerningother international political issues 6ibid&8& Pratt concludes% however% that the eorts

of these middle powers to create a more e1uitable world have ebbed slightly% since#;=#% in the face of an unfavorable political and economic climate internationally%the stronger inuence of national loyalties compared to global responsibilities% andthe lac, of cohesiveness% coordination and consistency in their eorts& Pratt)sconclusions provide part of the e*planation as to why the current international ordercan still not be described as an e1uitable world order& Gevertheless% his descriptionsof why certain countries are more sensitive to the needs of the developing worldallow the comparison of these characteristics to those prevalent in the engagementof China and other emerging donors with the developing world&

A number of authors have loo,ed more speci5cally at certain aspects of domestic politics which inuence foreign aid policy& Thrien and GoUl 6!"""8% fore*ample% loo, at the inuence of political parties on foreign aid& Their 5ndingssuggest that the impact of political ideologies on foreign aid goes beyond the meresupport for or opposition to foreign aid policies% but that a political party whichremains in power for a longer period of time is able to ma,e its own particularconcepts of social justice central to the political debates of their nation 6Thrien

GoUl !"""8& The centrality of these conceptions of social justice in political debates%the authors argue% shapes the formulation of foreign aid policies and priorities6ibid&8& Additionally% Thrien and GoUl show that social2democratic parties have aninuence on levels of development assistance% though the eects of this are onlyapparent in the long2term 6ibid&8& 'oreover% alongside the inuence of politicalparties on foreign aid e*penditures% the authors also identify the signi5cant rolesplayed by welfare institutions and social spending in determining foreign aidspending 6ibid&8& These 5ndings reect those from their earlier study 6GoUl Thrien#;;>8% which proposes that the institutionali-ation of socialist welfare principles atthe domestic level shape the nature and practices of a nation)s foreign aid policy%arguing that states with more institutionali-ed welfare principles at the domesticlevel are more li,ely to provide foreign aid and development assistance and to basethe provision of aid on similar principles The inuence of a governing party)s


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management systems 6ibid&8& $n contrast% Thrien adds% the Deft believes that aid topoor countries is a moral obligation% it argues that the bene5ts are larger than the

costs% and it is concerned about inade1uate levels of aid 6ibid&8& As Thrien and GoUlnoted above% the Deft)s convictions on foreign aid are based on the similarities itperceives between the domestic and international order% believing that internationalaid is an e*tension of the responsibilities of the domestic welfare state 6ibid&8&

Thrien states that the Deft argues that mar,et mechanisms are incapable of achieving the optimal allocation of resources% thus state intervention is necessary toprotect the poorest and most vulnerable 6ibid&8& Thrien states that the Deft holdsthe belief that foreign aid and development cooperation have been responsible% to alarge e*tent% for the socio2economic developments in the Third World% such asincreased health inde*es% reduced poverty% improved infrastructure% and the fall inbirth rates 6ibid&8& Thrien further argues that it is these divergent concepts%concerns and arguments that have developed the international and domestic aidregimes current today 6ibid&8& Thrien)s 5ndings describe the evolution of foreign aidboth domestically in the countries included in his study% and to some e*tent withinthe international system& Enderstanding the political debates leading to theevolution of foreign aid in China and other emerging donors would be useful forpredicting future trends of foreign aid as shaped by these new donors&

lec, and ilby 6!""#8 have studied the relationship between the allocation of E9A$/ contracts across dierent congressional districts and voting on foreign aidpolicies in E9 Congress& Although E9A$/ activities do provide direct economicbene5ts to most states in the E9% lec, and ilby 5nd that the level of contractspending is not signi5cantly related to the support for foreign aid by arepresentative% or other political factors 6ibid&8& The authors 5nd no evidence thatE9A$/ manipulates contract allocation in order to gain political support 6ibid&8& Their5ndings also suggest that the level of aid contract spending only had a marginal

impact on representatives) support for foreign aid 6ibid&8& lec, and ilby state thattheir results concerning the inuence of economic bene5ts on the support for aidare only considered from one dimension of the issue and they 5nd little evidencethat the two are positively correlated in the E9 6ibid 8 They conclude that this


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the foreign policy concerns of the e*ecutive also play a role in foreign aid policy% thepositions and preferences of the president are not seen to signi5cantly aect

legislators) votes on economic aid% meaning that support for foreign aid policiesmust also be gained in Congress% where legislators vote in accordance with theconcerns of their constituents and organi-ed pressure groups within theirconstituency 6ibid&8&

$n a separate article dealing with the eects of the economic ideology of E9governments on foreign aid Tingley 6!"#"8 5nds that economic ideology plays inimportant role in determining aid allocations& He suggests that progressively moreconservative governments commit progressively less of their 0/P to foreign aid

eorts than more liberal governments 6ibid&8& This% Tingley states% is especially thecase with aid allocations to poorer countries and multilateral organi-ations% whichhe purports indicates that conservative governments attach higher importance totrade and geopolitics than development assistance 6ibid&8& These 5ndings reectthose of a number of studies mentioned above% such as that of Thrien 6!"""8&

An even deeper loo, into the wor,ings of foreign aid appropriationsprocedures was ta,en by $rwin 6!"""8& His 5ndings provide a deeper understandingof the importance of person2to2person negotiations and personal favors% consensusbuilding% issues coalitions% ,ey legislative actors% and public2private issuemanagement& $rwin states that foreign aid proponents have grown adept at using avariety of means and steps in order to achieve legislative success% and 5nds thatrespondents generally believed that people rather than procedure was the mostimportant determinant of legislative success for aid policy decisions 6ibid&8& Chongand 0radstein 6!""=8 analy-e the factors which inuence popular support forforeign aid based on World Lalues 9urveys& $mportantly% they 5nd that satisfactionwith own government performance and individual incomes has a positive inuence

on the support for foreign aid 6ibid&8& Additionally% Chong and 0radstein 5nd thatricher more egalitarian governments provide higher levels of aid% while ineOcientgovernments provide lower levels 6ibid&8& inally% the authors argue that whereasrecipients) economic conditions do not aect aid levels% their levels of corruption%


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eects of the American political culture and political opinion% the inuence of Congress% and the situation of the e*ecutive on foreign aid policies& He concludes

that oOcial government commitment is not suOcient for the successful conduct of policy 6ibid8& 3)Deary emphasi-es that public support is vital for the success of aidprograms% although% he argues% this often seems to be lac,ing in the E9% and manygovernment foreign policyma,ers fre1uently believe that E9 public opinion wor,sagainst them 6ibid&8& The e*tent to which public support is essential to the successof aid programs implemented by China and other emerging donors% is somethingthat needs to be investigated in more detail& Enderstanding the levels of inuencepublics in China and other emerging donors have on foreign aid policies can give anindication as to the motivation for aid provision& $n conjunction with a deeper

understanding of the evolving values and beliefs of these publics resulting fromtheir own socio2economic development% ,nowledge on the e*tent to which thesepublics inuence their foreign aid policies will provide a sound basis on which toevaluate the future trends of their aid policies&

Putnam 6#;==8 applies a Itwo2level gamesJ approach which recogni-es theeorts of central decision ma,ers to simultaneously reconcile both domestic andinternational imperatives in order to analy-e the lin,ages between domestic politics

and diplomacy& His 5ndings highlight a number of signi5cant features of theselin,ages% among which are the eects on international pressures on the domesticpolitical arena% the 5nding that domestic political cleavages actually cultivateinternational cooperation% and the divergence of interests between a national leaderand the people for whom he is negotiating 6ibid&8& Putnam)s Itwo2level gamesJapproach and his 5ndings provide useful tools% in addition to those of Chong and0radstein% and 3)Deary% with which to analy-e in more detail the domestic politicsof foreign aid policies in China and other emerging donors&

'urshed 6!"".8 analy-es the strategic interaction in aid donor processesthrough principal2agent models and through endogenous policy determination& $nhis analysis legislators are considered as t$e principals and the aid agenciese*ecuting the wishes of the principals are considered t$e agents& His 5ndings


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#oti+ations for Foreign Aid

Related to the analysis of the inuence of domestic political forces on foreign aid isthe analysis of the motivations for providing foreign aid& The analysis of themotivations for 6bilateral8 foreign aid also includes analysis of government e*ecutiveobjectives and geo2strategic concerns& As is evidenced in% for e*ample% 9to,,e6#;=;8% Dancaster 6!""7a8% Pratt 6#;=;8% and Hoo, 6#;;>% #;;@8% foreign aid isdeployed for a number of reasons and in pursuit of a number of goals& Whether it beto present an image in the international community of generous nation or to

appease commercial interest groups domestically% whether it be for humanitarianand moral reasons or in the interests of national security and regional dominance%whether it be to encourage the recipient nation to adopt more democratic forms of government and respect human rights or stimulate regime change% foreign aid isalways deployed for a reason or a mi*ture of reasons& This bibliography contains anumber of publications which present and analy-e the dierent motivations% andcombinations of motivations% for aid and various aid allocation priorities&

An early analysis of the donor interest > and recipient needs models of donor

aid provision motivation was conducted by 'ai-els and Gissan,e 6#;=8& They 5ndthat while aid from multilateral institutions is provided on a recipients) needs basis%bilateral aid from dierent donors is provided to greater or lesser degrees in supportof their own political% economic and security interests 6ibid&8& $n the periods theystudied the authors 5nd that there were shifts in the relative emphasis on donorinterest in aid allocation% with trends towards more consideration for recipient needsduring the early and mid2#;7"s% with a reversal of these trends in the latter half of the decade 6ibid&8& The authors attribute this trend to shifts in bilateral aid budgets

during the #;7"s away from donor interest% and an increased emphasis onmultilateral sources 6ibid&8& 'ai-els and Gissan,e state that the reversal of this trendis e*plained by two factors& irstly% donor contributions to multilateral organi-ationswere cut during the #;7"s 6ibid&8& 9econdly% a number of donors% most notably the


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emphasi-e broad based participation 6ibid&8& Regardless of which concept of ownership and alignment is ta,en% the above mentioned approaches and 5ndings of

'ai-els and Gissan,e 6#;=8 and Berthlemy 6"">8 concerning the recipient needsand donor interest models provide useful measures against which to evaluate theforeign aid practices of China and other emerging donors&

Through a comparative analysis of the foreign aid policies of the E9% rance% Mapan and 9weden Hoo, 6#;;>8 5nds that there is a strong relationship betweennational interest and foreign aid& Additionally% he compares performances of thesecountries to the humanitarian objectives institutionali-ed in the 34C/2/AC% of whichall are members& He concludes that E9 foreign aid policy is dominated by national

security concerns% while rance is concerned more with maintaining colonialrelationships and inuence% 9weden provides most of its aid 6="V8 to recipients with'ar*ist or socialist economies similar to its own domestic world views% and Mapan)sforeign aid policy is driven more by commercial interests 6ibid&8& Hoo, argues that

Mapan)s security interests are protected by America% 9weden is neutral% and rancehas security agreements with la Francop$onie therefore these three countries hadlittle need for security considerations in their foreign aid policies 6ibid&8& Hoo, drawson Holsti)s typology to categori-e the roles these donors thus play in the

international system% identifying rance as an Iactive independent%J Mapan as aIregional2subsystem collaborator%J 9weden as a Imediator%J and the E9 as a IblocleaderJ 6Hoo, #;;>F #>@8& Hoo, further analyses the diering inuences of thedomestic politics in the nations under study% on their foreign aid policies& He 5ndsthat in the E9 domestic politics are very important because of the lac, of publicsupport for foreign aid% while 9weden enjoyed high levels of public support as theiraid policies project their own social values and their political system is one based onthe principle of consensus 6ibid&8& urthermore% although there were also relativelyhigh levels of support for foreign aid in rance and Mapan% the domestic political

forces had little inuence over policy formulation due to the political distancebetween the e*ecutive and the general public 6ibid&8& Dancaster 6!""7a8 providessimilar conclusions concerning the inuence of domestic political forces in rance%Mapan and the E9


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$n the same vein of the recognition of the interdependent relationshipbetween the global Gorth and the 9outh% Cassen et al 6#;=!8 analy-e the terms in

which it is in the interests of the Gorth and 9outh promote and develop theirinterdependence& They state that there is no clear or simple set of conclusionswhich emerges from their study 6ibid&8& The authors argue that the interests andconcerns vary both within and across developed nations% creating a comple*itywhich they 5nd diOcult to summari-e 6ibid&8& 3ne general characteristic that theyare able to identify is the absence of any eort in the Gorth to construct a new formof interdependence or Gorth29outh interdependence on dierent terms 6ibid&8&Cassen et al argue that economic interactions among states of the Gorth areconsidered to be real economic issues% while those between the Gorth and the

9outh are regarded as political diplomac 6ibid&8& They propose that the 5ndingsfrom their case studies show that in actual fact the Third World is of economicimportance% there are areas of mutual interest that can be pursued to stimulateglobal economic activity% and structural adjustments facing the Gorth with regard toenergy% trade and 5nance% and food production have given it greater incentives toengage in new forms of economic relations with the 9outh 6ibid&8& However% Cassenet al also state that they see little evidence of economic gain from relations with thepoorest developing nations% arguing that continued relations with these states

should be based on notions of common humanity% poverty eradication and otherhumanitarian grounds and not on arguments of economic self2interest used togarner domestic political support 6ibid&8& Additionally% the authors 5nd evidence of class strati5cation and class consciousness among nations% preventing the richnations of the Gorth entering alliances with groups of Third World countries 6ibid&8&Cassen et al conclude by 1uestioning the ability of world order at the time of studyto provide a truly e1uitable interdependent relationship in which Third World needsare truly ta,en into consideration 6ibid&8& The observations and conclusions of Cassen et al)s study provide an impetus for analy-ing the strengthening 9outh29outh relationship% especially with consideration as to how this will aect theinternational political and economic order and whether or not this has the potentialof initiating the process of establishing a more e1uitable world order% or whether itwill perpetuate a world order of dominators and dominated where a number the


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political interests% e*cluding E9 military interests% are not signi5cantly inuential inthe allocation debt forgiveness& However% he also indicates that good governance in

general is not a clear determinant for debt forgiveness% rather a number of aspectsof good governance are seen to have a greater inuence than others% though theinuence is still modest 6ibid&8& These aspects includeF respect for democratic rights<accountability of the recipient government< and the e*tent to which the recipientgovernment does not impose burdens of businesses through burdensome economicpolicies& He concludes that debt forgiveness has not often been used to rewardgood governance 6ibid&8&

The above discussions on the determinants of debt relief% and grant2

concessional loan ratios are particularly relevant to emerging donors& There arefears that the emergence of new creditors such as China and $ndia% will endangerthe debt sustainability eorts of traditional donors 6see for e*ample AR3/A/ !""=</ahle Huse 'uya,wa !""78& China has granted debt relief and debt reductions toa number of developing countries 6AR3/A/ !""7< /avies !""7< 'cCormic, !""=<'oAPRC !""@8% as has $ndia 6'cCormic, !""=8& $nvestigations into thedeterminants of these debt relief and debt reduction policies% as well as the grant2concessional loan ratio determinants% of China and other emerging donors should

provide fruitful comparisons to the determinants of similar traditional donor policies&Arguably one of the more seminal papers on the eects of donor motivations

for aid on aid eectiveness is that of Alesina and /ollar 6!"""8& They analy-ed thedierent motivations for aid of a number of countries% 5nding that while E9 andGordic countries targeted poverty% democracy% and openness% with the E9 placingan emphasis on the 'iddle 4ast% rance was more concerned with former coloniesand not with democracy or poverty% and Mapan was more concerned with investmentand trade relationships 6ibid&8& The authors conclude that the patterns of aid ows

from donor nations are one the reasons for the only partial success of foreign aid inpromoting growth and reducing poverty 6Alesina /ollar !"""8& The inuence of donor motivation for providing foreign aid on aid eectiveness is a theme thatpermeates much of the literature on the politics of foreign aid provision 6see for


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policy ma,ing institutions are primarily concerned with other issues 6/o/ withdefense< Congress with domestic policy< E9/A with agriculture% etc&8 60uess #;=@F

!>78& As such foreign aid becomes a byproduct of other policy considerations 6ibid&8&0uess describes the eects of this divergence of interests in foreign aid allocationson a number of countries in Asia% Datin America and the 'iddle 4ast&

Blac, 6#;@=8 analy-ed the foreign aid strategy of the E9 at the height of theCold War& He investigates the political% economic% defense% and humanitarianrationales for foreign aid provision during this period& He concludes that the politicalrationale for the E9 is clearly the dominant one during this period of ideologicalbattle with 9oviet and Chinese Communism 6ibid&8& He argues that Communist aid is

IdierentJ from E9 aid as it is part of the Communist geo2strategy for achievingworld domination 6ibid&8& Blac, 5nds that other countries in the Iree WorldJ havesimilar rationales to that of the E9% though they are more limited in scope and oftenplace a greater emphasis on trade 6ibid&8& An interesting study by 0oldman 6#;@78analy-es 9oviet foreign aid during a similar period& He concludes that 9oviet aid wasprovided for a number of reasons% includingF economic interests% especially duringthe earlier stages in postwar Communist 4urope< humanitarian motives% as the9oviet government felt a certain sympathy for nations that had suered under

colonial and imperial rule< and political self2interest 6ibid&8& Although these motiveswere often mi*ed% 0oldman observes that there was a general dominance% as in theE9% of the political motives 6ibid&8&

/uring the Cold War 'cinlay 6#;7=8 and 'cinlay and Dittle 6#;77% #;7=a%#;7=b% #;7;8 conducted research into British% rench% 0erman% and E9 aidrelationships with the Third World& A comparative analysis of the 5ndings of theseparate studies is presented in 'cinlay 6#;7;8& 'cinlay relates their 5ndings onthe nature of aid relationships to the concept of imperialism in which any nation

maintains direct or indirect political or economic control or dominance over another6ibid&8& He attributes this to the structure of the international system% rather thandomestic structures% in which there are high levels of competition due to a lac, of abasic normative order and collective goal formulation and actions in the


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form identi5ed by 'cinlay is economic imperialism which is driven by trade andinvestment concerns% where control strategies are employed in order to enhance

the actor)s material well2being 6ibid&8& The author concludes by emphasi-ing thatthere are% however% important dierences among donors on which interests arepromoted and how systematically and comprehensively developed the foreignpolicy of their aid relationship is 6'cinlay #;7;F >"8&

With the increasing importance of intergovernmental organi-ations% anincreasingly inuential global civil society% and collective goal formulations in theforms of% for e*ample% the 'illennium /evelopment 0oals% it would seem that anumber of the aspects of the structure of the international system that facilitated

the imperial aid relationships% have progressed into more just forms& However% theasymmetrical relationships between donors and recipients remain% and still remain aconcern for those in or sympathetic to Third World countries&

'eerin, et al 6#;;=8 analy-e the e*planatory models of researchersconcerning the E9 foreign policy behavior during and immediately after the ColdWar& They suggest that it was still too early to clearly identify the alteredimportance of the determinants of foreign aid such as ideological motivations% asthe new international distributions of power and levels of systemic threat had notbecome settled yet 6ibid&8& However% the authors provide precursory evidenceindicating that strategic considerations are declining while ideological goals arebecoming more prominent% though they state that this evidence is not yetconclusive 6ibid&8& 'eerin, et al argue that as the E9 has not been an activeparticipant in an international environment where there was not an all2consumingthreat% therefore it lac,s e*perience in formulating foreign policy and foreign aidpolicy in the new international system 6ibid&8& These current authors believe that therecent 0lobal War on Terror might be seen as the all2consuming threat in response

to which the E9 is e*perienced in drawing up its foreign policy strategies&An earlier study by 0riOn 6#;;#8 attributes the proliferation of foreign aid

programs to the domestic political support for aid during the Cold War& He too


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decoloni-ation% and this conte*t provided the justi5cation to domestic constituentsfor foreign aid e*penditures 6ibid&8& As many aid budgets were reduced at the end of

the Cold War% Hoo, observes% plans to implement EG programs for sustainabledevelopment were cut bac, 6ibid&8& /uring this period% he continues% governmentsfaced diOculties justifying and legitimi-ing large2scale aid e*penditures that werenot directly related to their own perceived national interests in the post2Cold Warperiod 6ibid&8& The author 5nds that aid ows in this immediate post2Cold War periodwere generally towards strategic allies of the E9% former colonies of rance andBritain% and Mapanese trading partners% as well as former 9oviet bloc transitionsstates and highly indebted middle2income countries 6ibid&8 Hoo, observes that thepolitical meddling of the major superpowers in the world)s poorest states during the

Cold War% has fre1uently been replaced by indierence and neglect after its end6ibid&8& He argues that recipients often have to continue to align their economic%political and security interests with wealthy donors% as they had to during the ColdWar 6ibid&8& Additionally% Hoo, notes that during the early #;;"s% the E9 wasaected by an e*ecutive2legislative impasse due to democratic administration beingopposed by a majority republican Congress% which caused a preoccupation withdomestic politics that obstructed the rede5nition of E9 foreign aid strategy toaddress the new political and economic situation created by the end of the Cold War

6ibid8& He adds that 4urope similarly became preoccupied with the domestic politicalpriorities which emerged as the Cold War ended 6ibid&8& However% Hoo, argues%leaders of the industriali-ed world have become increasingly aware of the dangersof rising foreign debt% unrest and regional conict resulting from socioeconomicdistress% rapid population growth in D/Cs and e*haustion of 5nite natural resources%and have found common cause with the $$s% 34C/% and other multilateralorgani-ations concerned with aid 6ibid&8& This e*panded political economy of the aidregime% he posits% has assured its longevity% although he states that there is still alac, coherent collective action to protect the global commons 6ibid&8& Dancaster6!""7a8 similarly 5nds that there has been a general trend towards an increaseduse of foreign aid for development purposes&

Boschini and 3lofsgrd 6!""78 con5rm 0riOn)s fears and Hoo,)s 5ndings in


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lec, and ilby 6!"#"8 similarly draw comparisons between the geo2politicalroles of aid during the Cold War and the war on terror& The authors argue that the

0W3T and the Bush administration have altered many aspects of the E9 foreignpolicy and foreign aid policy and its emphasis 6ibid&8& They 5nd that the E9 aidbudget has increased with the war on terror% however% aid to poor countries withless immediate political importance has also increased 6ibid&8& Gevertheless% theemphasis on recipient needs has decreased 6ibid&8& Additionally% lec, and ilby 5ndthat conservative governments provide lower levels of economic assistance thanliberals% ceteris paribus 6ibid&8& They state that this demonstrates the great impactthat the war on terror has had on aid given that increased levels of aid wereallocated by the conservative Bush administrations 6ibid&8&

Dancaster 6!""=a8% in her analysis of the Bush administration)s foreign aidpolicy and its renovation% similarly describes the rapid increase in aid volumesfollowing statements by President Bush on the new security strategy% whichelevated development to the same level of priority as diplomacy and defense& Aidlevels reached their highest level in their history during the Bush administration%with the /epartment of /efense also playing an increasingly prominent role indevelopment aid& Aid for diplomacy started to include 5ghting the 0lobal War on

Terror 60W3T8 however% the Bush administration also increased levels of aid forglobal health 6ibid&8&

Rather than giving space to more humanitarian considerations indevelopment assistance allocation motivations in the period immediately after theCold War% the publications mentioned above describe a reduction in aide*penditures and a preoccupation with domestic political concerns& The world)spoorest were neglected 6Hoo, #;;@8 as strategic concerns and colonial relationscontinued to motivate aid& urthermore% aid ows were directed away from the poor

nations of little strategic importance% towards former 9oviet bloc transition states%li,ely also due to strategic and security concerns 6ibid&8& Additionally% the increasedaid ows to heavily indebted middle2income countries could be seen as a means of safeguarding economic and 5nancial investments 6ibid&8& Dancaster 6!""7a8 5nds


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Cheng 9hi !"";< Di !""78& An analysis of other emerging donors might showsimilar trends indicating a more global shift in foreign aid allocation motivations&

Goting the changes in foreign aid levels and priorities of the E9 and other Westernindustriali-ed states in the global war on terror% an investigation into the eects of the war or terror on the foreign aid policies of China and dierent emerging donorsmight li,ewise indicate global or simply regional trends&

Aid Allocations and Political $oalitions in t'e !N

A number of researchers have been concerned with the relationship between aidallocations and political coalitions in the EG& Alpert and Bernstein 6#;78% Rai 6#;7!%#;="8 and Witt,opf 6#;7.8 conducted their analyses of this relationship at theheight of the Cold War& Although Rai)s 5rst study concluded that more evidence wasneeded in the discussion of the causal relationship of foreign policy and particularvoting behavior% his 5ndings did suggest that certain aspects of E9 and 9ovietforeign policy were closely related to voting in the 0eneral Assembly 6Rai #;7!8& Hislater study observed a dierence between the American and 9oviet uses of aid inrelation to voting in the 0eneral Assembly 6Rai #;="8& He 5nds that *merican aid

was eectively used as an inducement for voting behavior% even though this alsovaried in dierent time periods within the study period 6#;@727@8% whereas evidenceon "o!iet aid highlights its use as a re%ard or punis$ment rather than inducement6ibid&8& However% Rai urges caution by arguing that causality cannot be concludedfrom correlations& Witt,opf 6#;7.8% who analy-ed the E9% the 9oviet Enion and #!members of the EG also serving on the 34C/2/AC% similarly refrains fromconcluding that there is a causal relationship between aid allocations and votingbehavior in the EG% however% he does 5nd associations between the two for many

donors& He states that while these associations were wea,er and diered inintensity for dierent donors in dierent periods under study% the associationsbetween aid allocations and EG voting behavior remained consistently strong forthe E9 6ibid&8&


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The 5ndings in the study conducted by /reher et al 6!""=8% using panel datafor #. countries from #;7.2!""!% also reveal the importance attached to pursuing

voter compliance in EG 0eneral Assembly through E9 bilateral aid allocations& Whendisaggregating the eectiveness of various forms of foreign aid in promoting votercompliance they indicate that general budget support% grants and untied aid are themost eective forms 6ibid&8& 3ther forms of aid% they continue% are generallypreferred for other objectives 6ibid&8& They argue that project aid and concessionalloans may be preferred forms to encourage the productive use of aid in recipientcountries% especially in countries where local governance is not strong 6ibid&8&/reher et al add that tied aid might be favored in cases where the commercialinterests of the donor are more prominent than commercial interests 6ibid&8& The

authors conclude that there is strong evidence to suggest that E9 aid allocationshave bought voter compliance 6ibid&8&

u-iem,o and Wer,er 6!""@8 further analy-e E9 aid allocations tononpermanent members of the EG 9ecurity Council& They 5nd that developingcountries serving on the EG 9ecurity Council receive% on average% an additional Y#@million in aid% while in important time periods this 5gure can rise to as much as Y>million 6ibid&8& The authors state that rotating members of the 9ecurity Council

receive at least >; percent more E9 aid when they serve on the Council% havingreached a #7" percent increase during important voting periods 6ibid&8&

$n their analysis of post2Cold War voting patterns in the EG 0eneral Assembly%im and Russett 6#;;@8 observe that voting alignment is no longer along the 4ast2West split current in the bipolar international order of the Cold War% rather% theyassert% it is now characteri-ed by a Gorth29outh split& The authors argue that votingalignments are li,ely to be inuenced by varying notions of self2determination andeconomic development% reecting dierences between rich and poor countries

6ibid&8& They argue that although the importance of Gorth29outh issues is not new%these issues were subordinated to 4ast2West concerns during the Cold War 6ibid&8im and Russett 6#;;@8 also note that due to the composition of the 9ecurityCouncil permanent membership% namely the dominance of Western industriali-ed


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that evidence of the inuence of regime type on general voting behavior isinconclusive 6ibid&8& inally% though he rejects the hypothesis that the post2Cold War

global conict is characteri-ed by a Iclash of civili-ationsJ% Loeten does 5nd someevidence of divisions between Western and non2Western countries) voting behavior%and also between non2Western% Asian% African and 'uslim countries 6ibid&8&

0iven the above 5ndings on the correlation between foreign aid allocationsand EG voting behavior% $ndia)s aspirations for permanent membership on the EG9ecurity Council%= and the fact that China)s EG 9ecurity Council membership can beattributed% at least in part% to its foreign aid eorts in the #;>"s and #;@"s 6Di!""78% investigation in into the correlations between foreign aid allocations of China

and other emerging donors and EG 6both 9ecurity Council and 0eneral Assembly8voting behavior in vital in order to highlight foreign policy strategies with regard topursuit of EG voting objectives& This is even more pertinent given the observationsof im and Russett 6#;;@8 on the Gorth29outh alignment% and the 9outh29outhcooperation of emerging donors strengthening these trends% as well as Loeten)s6!"""8 5nding indicating the emergence of a counter hegemonic bloc% composed of China% $ndia and a number of other states% to challenge the hegemony of the E9 andits Western allies&

Donor In.uence on International Financial Institutions

Another important aspect of foreign aid policy is the inuence a number of donorcountries e*ert on the $nternational inancial $nstitutions such as the $'% the WorldBan, and regional development ban,s& As these institutions play an increasinglyimportant role in aid policies and 5nancial disbursements% a number of governmentshave attempted to e*ert pressure on them in order to pursue their own nationalforeign policy strategies&

$nvestigating $' conditionality agreements% ang 6!""78 observes thatconditions attached to loans varied both 1ualitatively and 1uantitatively this is


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lending programs& The authors 5nd probability and si-e of $' loans to be larger if acountry has a higher level of political and economic pro*imity to the E9 and othermajor Western 4uropean countries% if it has a bigger 1uota% and if it has morenationals wor,ing on the $' sta 6ibid&8& Although this 5nding does not show anactive eort on the part of the E9 and other major Western 4uropean countries toinuence $' lending practices% their inuence is implied through the positivecorrelations between probability and si-e of $' loans and the political andeconomic pro*imity to the E9 and other major Western 4uropean countries& Barroand Dee proceed to analy-e the eects of this political economy of recipientselection% suggesting that% in general% participation in $' loan programs is bad foreconomic growth 6ibid&8&

Lreeland 6!""8 similarly investigates the impact of politics on $'arrangements and thereby $' conditionality& He 5nds in that $' agreementssigned with countries which are favored by the E9% conditionality is not very strict orit is not strictly enforced 6ibid&8& E9 inuence over $' lending policies is driven byboth political and economic motives% to gain or maintain political support fromrecipients and to protect 5nancial interests 6ibid&8& Lreeland further analy-es anumber of aspects of the domestic politics in $' loan recipient countries withregard to $' conditionality and the leveraging ability of the $' in these countries&

Analy-ing E9 inuence over the World Ban, in the period #;=@ to !""!% lec,and ilby 6!""@b8 5nd that E9 inuence over the World Ban, is characteri-ed byevolving rather than stable relationships% due to the changing interests and policiesof dierent presidential administrations and varying economic and politicalsituations& They indentify two E9 interests that have a signi5cant connection toWorld Ban, lending allocations when the period under study 6#;@=2!!"!8 isconsidered as a whole% namely trade and geopolitical interests 6lec, ilby

!""@b8& Concerning trade lec, and ilby 5nd that% all else being e1ual% the greatera country)s share of E9 e*ports% the higher the levels of World Ban, funds thatcountry receives 6ibid&8& With regard to geopolitical considerations% the authors 5ndthat countries favored in E9 bilateral aid allocations were also allocated higher


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eport 2000 Ravi anbur% who resigned& Wade demonstrates that the E9 is able toe*ert its inuence through the administrative machinations of the Ban, in orderachieve its objectives 6i&e& to have 9tiglit- 5red% and the W/R rebalanced8 whileappearing to act with procedural appropriateness 6Wade !""!8& However% he doesidentify a certain degree of autonomy for the Ban, and limits to the E9)s inuenceupon the organi-ation 6ibid&8&

A similar investigation into the inuence of donors on $$s was conducted byilby 6!""@8 which focused on the regional Asian /evelopment Ban,& He concludesthat there is signi5cant donor inuence on the Asian /evelopment Ban,% mostnotably by the E9 and Mapan& ilby argues that even when the cases of China and

$ndia are e*cluded% donor trade interests and geopolitical interests have a greaterinuence than humanitarian interests 6ibid&8& He notes that selection and allocationof A/B funds discriminates against China and $ndia 6ibid8& ilby argues that Chinawas discriminated against for Cold War E9 political reasons% where as $ndia wasdiscriminated against on the basis of Mapanese concerns 6ibid&8& Through comparisonwith his earlier study% and a number of other studies% ilby comes to the conclusionthat donor interests e*ert even more inuence in the A/B than they do in the WorldBan, 6ibid&8&

0iven the above 5ndings on donor inuence of $nternational inancial$nstitutions and the fact that China is also a contributor to the World Ban,$nternational /evelopment Association; and the $'%#" in addition to being amember of the Asian /evelopment ban,% similar investigations regarding theinuence of China and emerging donors on the $$s are needed& Results of suchstudies should highlight similarities and dierences in the motivations and means of such inuence concerning traditional and emerging donors% identifying areas wheremechanisms to mitigate such inuence are re1uired&

)uman Rig'ts/ $orru*tion - t'e En+ironment


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better human rights records 6ibid&8& Gevertheless% the authors observed thatnational security considerations trumped human rights considerations in countriesperceived to be vital to E9 national security% these received aid regardless of humanrights performance 6ibid&8&

An earlier study focusing on the relation of human rights practices and E9foreign aid allocation to Datin American in 5scal year #;=! by Cingranelli andPas1uarello 6#;=>8 aimed to identify whether or not there had been any progresstowards human rights considerations in light of earlier studies which found thathuman rights violators tended to be rewarded while human rights champions werepunished& Their 5ndings suggest that there had been progress with regard to human

rights considerations in E9 foreign aid allocation 6ibid&8& $n the two stage process of aid allocation decisions the authors 5nd that human rights considerations did notplay a role in %$et$er or not a country received economic assistance% however%recipients with better human rights performances did receive higher levels of economic assistance 6ibid&8& Cingranelli and Pas1uarello 5nd that human rightsconsiderations did have a signi5cant inuence on whether or not a country receivedmilitary aid% as countries with poor human rights records were not allocated militaryaid% however% levels of military aid were not determined by human rightsperformances 6ibid&8&

Geumayer 6!"".b8 similarly investigates the relationship between humanrights considerations and foreign aid allocations& His study on the foreign aidallocations of the !# 34C/2/AC members dierentiates between civilKpolitical rightsand personal integrity rights 6ibid&8& Geumayer 5nds that respect for civilKpoliticalrights is an important determinant for most donor countries in decisions on whetheror not to provide aid to a recipient% however% personal integrity rights play a muchless signi5cant role 6ibid&8& 3ne signi5cant 5nding% Geumayer suggests% is that when

both aspects of human rights are ta,en together% the li,e2minded countries) foreignaid provision is% as far as concern for human rights is concerned% not better thanthat of other donors 6ibid&8& $n fact% Geumayer 5nds that only Mapan and the Enitedingdom provide more aid to countries with greater respect for human rights% and


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more concerned with form of governance 6democracy8 than with 1uality of governance 6ibid&8#

A more recent form of aid provision is environmental aid& igaj 6!"#"8investigates the determinants of environmental aid allocation& Her conclusions%though not complete% indicate that #8 poverty and environmental variables aredeterminants of whether a country received environmental aid or not% !8 aid levelsare determined by economic and environmental issues 6ibid&8& igaj 5nds no evidentdierences between bilateral and multilateral environmental aid 6ibid&8& 9he also5nds no evidence that political variables play a role in environmental aid allocationconsiderations% however% economic considerations do indicate a concern for

5nancial viability 6ibid&8& 9he attributes this to the fact most environmental aid is inthe form of loans which need to be paid bac, by recipients 6ibid&8&

/iscussions concerning the relations between foreign aid allocations andhuman rights are particularly pertinent in the case of China and other emergingdonors who are often accused of ignoring human rights performances in theirforeign aid allocation considerations 6see for e*ample AR3/A/ !""=< Asche 9chZller !""=< Cornellisen Taylor !"""< /ahle Huse 'uya,wa !""=< onings!""78& As is evident from the 5ndings presented above% the human rights concerns

of traditional donors also leave a lot to be desired and are also highly variable& Amore in depth investigation into the relationship between foreign aid allocation andhuman rights considerations by China and other emerging donors is necessary inorder to provide an ade1uate comparison with traditional donors&

T'e #oral Dimension of Foreign Aid

A number of publications deal with the humanitarian motivation for foreign aidprovision 6not to be confused with humanitarian aid or disaster relief8% or themotivation foreign aid provision which is based on a perceived moral obligation forricher countries to assist poorer ones 9to,,e 6#;=;8 and Dancaster 6!""7a8 for


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universal& or e*ample% initially% the respect for human liberties was a domesticallypromoted principle% however% it is now a moral good that the E9 has chosen torespect and advance throughout the world 6ibid&8&

Dumsdaine 6#;;.8 provides a more in2depth investigation in to the role of morality as a motivation for foreign aid% drawing comparisons among dierentdonors in the period #;;2#;=;& He further trac,s the evolution of foreign aid inlight of morality as a determinant& He concludes that changes in domestic politicalorientations and the constantly changing ethical concerns of the publics can changethe character of the international politics% for e*ample% through theinstitutionali-ation of various standards and best practices in the 34C/2/AC 6ibid&8&

Dumsdaine argues that any e*planation of foreign aid cannot be based solely onpolitical and economic rationales% but must also provide a central place to thehumanitarian and egalitarian beliefs of the aid donors 6ibid&8&

Hattori 6!"".8 similarly provides an investigation into the moral dimension of foreign aid& He argues that donations given to multilateral grant2givingorgani-ations form part of the (ethical core) of a broader process of theinstitutionali-ation of foreign aid 6ibid&8& He claims that this institutionali-ationprocess is part of the collective eort of former coloni-ing countries in the postwar

period% and that the ,ey organi-ation in this endeavor the 34C/2/AC 6ibid&8& Heargues that /AC has ta,en the role of (moral boo,,eeper) encouraging the use of foreign aid as virtuous practice 6ibid&8& Hattori concludes that this increased ethicaldiscourse and public scrutiny have created the incentive for donors to conform theirforeign aid practices to these bene5cent standards% and further discusses theimplications of this on the international order 6ibid&8&

An earlier study on the relation between aid and ideology was conducted by

$mbeau 6#;==8& The author develops a conceptuali-ation of international aid2givingbehavior based on the notion of a bounded rationality that involves the interactionbetween objective and subjective factors 6$mbeau #;==F .8& rom this he deducesfour hypotheses to e*plain dierent levels of aid e*pendituresF instrumental%


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As has become apparent from this brief introduction on a few of the aspects of theroles of foreign aid in politics% foreign aid is a comple* issue& oreign aid is used toserve a multitude of purposes and any given donor)s foreign aid policy compositionchanges periodically& Policies are formulated in consideration of domesticdeterminants + such as socio2economic climate% dominant norms and values%constituent pressures% government strategy + in view of the international conte*t6e&g& national security concerns% geo2political positioning8& This bibliography ma,escertain recurring and emerging trends apparent% for e*ample% the increased use of aid for commercial reasons in times of economic downturns to promote domesticeconomic development% and the trend towards more altruistic motivations in timeswhere there are fewer economic and political concerns&

The variable nature of aid should also put into perspective any investigationinto the nature of the relations of China and other emerging donors with lessdeveloped countries% begging the 1uestion whether these relations are so dierentto those of Western industriali-ed nations with their less developed counterparts%both past and present 6Br:utigam !"";8& $t is important at this juncture to repeatthat China is not a new donor& /ue to the changing domestic and political conte*tsfollowing the end of the Cold War% the economic reforms since #;7=% the opening upto foreign investment during the #;;"s% and the more recent Ioutward boundJpolicies which promote the foreign investment by Chinese companies% its foreignpolicy and foreign aid strategies and composition has changed 6ChaponniXre !"";<Cheng 9hi !"";< Di !""78& $t no longer pursues the geo2strategic foreign aidpolicies intended to spread Communism 6ibid&8& A comparative analysis of Chinese%

Mapanese% rench% E9% and Gordic foreign aid policies would li,ely reveal thatChinese foreign aid policies hold a lot in common with the foreign aid policies all of these traditional donors& There are elements of the commercial interests found in

Mapanese aid 6e&g& Br:utigam !"";< Broadman !""7< ChaponniXre !"";< $39CPRC

!"">< 'oAPRC !""@8& There are elements of building regional inuence% li,e thatfound in rench and Mapanese foreign aid policies% although the terminology used bythe Chinese government is that of building friendships% partnerships and trust6$39CPRC !"">< Di !""7< 'oAPRC !""@8 #. There are moreover similarities with


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based on notions of Communism% planned and controlled economies andauthoritarian regimes% however% there are other elements of the domestic politicalforces in China% such as worldviews% traditions% morals% principled and causal beliefs%which need to be investigated and ta,en into consideration& The eects of Asianvalues and Confucianism on foreign relations and foreign policy strategy would needto be studied% as well the e*tent to which foreign policy and foreign aid policy areguided by 'ar*istK9ocialistK'aoistKCommunist ideologies and the reformist conceptsof /eng [iaoping& 0iven the importance of 5uani 6relationships8 in Chinese society%and the fact that an overwhelming proportion of senior government oOcials haverelatives in senior business positions%#> the e*tent to which these relationships% asone of the domestic political forces% drives or guides foreign policy formulation

needs to be investigated and understood& Additionally% analyses such as thatconducted by $mbeau 6#;==8 concerning the relationship between objective andsubjective political factors and foreign policy behavior will li,ely produce a betterunderstanding of China)s foreign policy decision ma,ing&

Additionally% the eect of Thrien and GoUl)s 6!"""8 5ndings that parties whoremain in power for e*tended periods of time have been able to ma,e their ownconcepts of social justice central to national political debates% thus shaping foreignaid policies and priorities% needs to be investigated with regard to China&

$t might also be fruitful ta,e the lens of $umane internationalism% as 9to,,e6#;=;8 and Pratt 6#;=;8 did% and consider to what e*tent Chinese relations with theless developed countries 5ts within the dierent forms of this broad ideology% associalist ideological elements play a large part in humane internationalism andCommunism& Rather than being a $umane internationalist or an international realist could China be a $umane international realist or a liberal internationalist \urthermore% is China more sensitive to recipient needs than traditional donors\ $f

so% to what e*tent can this sensitivity be e*plained by Pratt)s 6#;=;8 theory as towhy certain countries are more sensitive to recipient needs than others\ $t is clearthat part of China)s sensitivity could be attributed to the pursuit of favorableconsideration by recipients concerning other international political issues 6Di !""78%


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BR4EG$G0% 'AR$M4 6#;;>8% IW3R/9 AG/ /44/9F 3R4$0G A99$9TAGC4 RH4T3R$C AG/ P3D$C]B4HAL$3R $G TH4 G4TH4RDAG/9% B4D0$E'% AG/ TH4 EG$T4/ $G0/3'%J $G I&'&*I-&*L"8DI'" 8*'L; % L3D& .;% G3& !% PP& !.>2>% BDACW4DD PEBD$9H$G0% D T/&^^^^^^^^^^^^@;

BR3WG% 4$TH AG/ T$RGAE4R% M$DD 6!"";8% '&D" I& 8" F -'I5& *""I"*&6' -/' :' P *" D'6*D' 'P- P-D86'D F- '/I' ; 8"*ID% WA9H$G0T3G% /CF 'AGA04'4GT 9 ]9T4'9$GT4RGAT$3GAD&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^7#

BR3WG% W$DD$A' 6!"";8% IR4C3G9$/4R$G0 TH4 A$/ R4DAT$3G9H$PF $GT4RGAT$3GAD R4DAT$3G9AG/ 93C$AD /4L4D3P'4GT%J $G :' -8&D *L'% L3D& ;=% G3& !=% PP& !=>2!;;&^^̂ ^̂ ^̂ ^7.

BE4G3 /4 '49E$TA% BREC4 AG/ 9'$TH% ADA9TA$R 6!""78% I3R4$0G A$/ AG/ P3D$C]C3GC499$3G9%J $G -8&*L -F 6-&FLI6 '"-L8I-&% L3D& >#% G3& !% PP& !>#2!=&^^^^^^^7

BERG4DD% P4T4R 6#;;#8% I$GTR3/ECT$3G T3 BR$TA$G9 3L4R94A9 A$/F B4TW44G $/4AD$9' AG/94D2$GT4R49T%J $G B394% AGER/HA AG/ BERG4DD% P4T4R 64/9&8% I*I&? " -/'"'*" *ID"I&6' 1@7@ '''& ID'*LI"9 *&D "'LF >I&''" % PP& #2.#% 'AGCH49T4RF 'AGCH49T4REG$L4R9$T] PR499&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^7>

BERG4DD% P4T4R 6#;;.8% I033/ 03L4RG'4GT AG/ /4'3CRAT$AT$3GF A 9$/4WA]9 D33 ATA$/ AG/ C3G/$T$3GAD$T]%J $G D'9-6*IA*I-&% L3D& #% G3& !% PP& =>2>".&^^^^^^^^^^^^^7>

BERG4DD% P4T4R 6#;;78% ITH4 CHAG0$G0 P3D$T$C9 3 3R4$0G A$/ + WH4R4 T3 G4[T\J$G P-LII6"% L3D& #7% G3& !% PP& ##72#!>% P3D$T$CAD 9 TE/$49 A993C$AT$3G&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^7@

BERG4TT% 9 TAGT3G 6#;;!8% I&/'"I&5 I& "'68I; '6-&-9I6 *ID F- &-&>'6-&-9I6P8P-"'"% WA9H$G0T3G% /CF C4GT4R 3R 9 TRAT40$C AG/ $GT4RGAT$3GAD 9 TE/$49&^^^^^^^^^77

BERG9$/4% CRA$0 AG/ /3DDAR% /AL$/ 6!"""8% IA$/% P3D$C$49 AG/ 0R3WTH%J $G *9'I6*&


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CA994G% R3B4RT% M3DD]% R$CHAR/% 'ATH$493G% M3HG AG/ 94W4DD% M3HG 6#;=!8% I3L4RL$4W%J$G CA994G% R3B4RT% M3DD]% R$CHAR/% 94W4DD% M3HG% AG/ W33/% R3B4RT 64/9&8 I6: 6-8&; I&''"" *&D :ID -LD D'/'L-P9'& % PP& #2"% D3G/3GF CR33' H4D'&^^^^^^^^^^^^^;"

CA994G% R3B4RT 6#;;#8% IAT4RW3R/%J $G B394% AGERA/HA AG/ BERG4DD% P4T4R 64/9&8I*I&E" -/'"'*" *ID "I&6' 1@7@ '''& ID'*LI"9 *&D "'LF >I&''" % PP& !"2!";%'AGCH49T4RF 'AGCH49T4R EG$L4R9$T] PR499&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^;!

CHAEL$G% G$CH3DA9 /4P4TR$9 AG/ RAA]% AART 6!""78% IWH3 04T9 /4BT R4D$4\J $G -8&*L -F '8-P'*& '6-&-9I6 *""-6I*I-&% L3D& >% G3& !2.% PP& ...2.!&^^^^^^^^^^^^;>

CH3G0% ADB4RT3 AG/ 0RA/9T4$G% 'AR 6!""=8 IWHAT /4T4R'$G49 3R4$0G A$/\ TH4/3G3R)9 P4R9P4CT$L4%J $G -8&*L -F D'/'L-P9'& '6-&-9I6"% L3D& =7% G3& #% PP& #+#.& ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^;@

CHR$9T$AG A$/ 6!""8% :' P-LII6" -F P-/'; *ID I& :' &' 6-LD *%HTTPFKKWWW&EG2G0D9&3R0KP3D$T$C9V!"3V!"P3L4RT]&P/% ACC4994/ #;K##K!"#"&^^^^^^^;@

C$G0RAG4DD$% /AL$/ D& AG/ PA9EAR4DD3% TH3'A9 4& 6#;=>8% IHE'AG R$0HT9 PRACT$C49 AG/ TH4 /$9TR$BET$3G 3 E&9& 3R4$0G A$/ T3 DAT$G A'4R$CAG C3EGTR$49%J $G *9'I6*& -8&*L-F P-LII6*L "6I'&6'% L3D& !;% G3& .% PP& >.;2>@.&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^;;

C$G0RAG4DD$% /AL$/ D3E$9 6#;;.8% ':I6", *9'I6*& F -'I5& P-LI6; *&D :' :ID -LD%G4W ]3R F 9 T& 'ART$G9 PR499&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#"#

CDA4994G9% 9 T$MG% CA99$'3G% /AGG] AG/ LAG CA'P4GH3ET% B M3RG 6!"";8% I4L$/4GC4 3GCHAG049 $G A$/ ADD3CAT$3G CR$T4R$A%J $G :' -LD *&= '6-&-9I6 '/I' % L3D& !.% G3&!% PP& #=>2!"=&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^##@

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C3[% /AG$4D 0& AG/ /E$G% /$AG4 D& 6!""=8% IC3D/ WAR% PEBD$C 3P$G$3G% AG/ 3R4$0GP3D$C] 9P4G/$G0 /4C$9$3G9F / ]GA'$C R4PR494GTAT$3G B] C3G0R499 AG/ TH4 PR49$/4GT%J $G6-&5'"" *&D :' P'"ID'&6; % L3D& .>% G3& #% PP& !;2>#&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!"

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/$A'3G/% DARR] 6!""=8% I3R4$0G A$/ $G TH4 GAT$3GAD $GT4R49TF TH4 $'P3RTAGC4 3/4'3CRAC] AG/ 03L4RGAGC4%J $G P$CAR/% D3E$9 A&% 0R34D94'A% R3B4RT AG/ BE99% T4RR] &

64/9&8% F -'I5& *ID *&D F -'I5& P-LI6; L'""-&" F- :' &' : *LF 6'&8; % PP& @#2=>%G4W ]3R F '& 4& 9HARP4% $GC&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!#

/3DAG% '$CHA4D B& AG/ T3'D$G% BR$AG W& 6#;="8% I$R9T W3RD/2TH$R/ W3RD/ D$GA049F4[T4RGAD R4DAT$3G9 AG/ 4C3G3'$C /4L4D3P'4GT%J $G I&'&*I-&*L -5*&IA*I-&% L3D&.% G3& #% PP& #2@.&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!!

/3DDAR% /AL$/% D4L$G% L$CT3R$A% 6!""@8 ITH4 $GCR4A9$G0 94D4CT$L$T] 3 3R4$0G A$/%#;=+!"".%J $G -LD D'/'L-P9'& % L3D& .% G3& #!% PP& !".+!"@&^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!.

/3R4% R3DAG/ 6#;=!8% IMAPAG AG/ TH4 TH$R/ W3RD/F C3$GC$/4GC4 3R /$L4R04GC4 3$GT4R49T9%J $G CA994G% R3B4RT% M3DD]% R$CHAR/% 94W4DD% M3HG% AG/ W33/% R3B4RT 64/9&8I6: 6-8&; I&''"" *&D :ID -LD D'/'L-P9'& % PP& #!=2#>>% D3G/3GF CR33'H4D'&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!.

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/R4H4R% A[4D% GEGG4GA'P% P4T4R AG/ TH$4D4% RA$G4R 6!""=8% I/349 E9 A$/ BE] EG04G4RAD A994'BD] L3T49\ A /$9A00R40AT4/ AGAD]9$9%J $G P8LI6 6:-I6'% L3D& #.@% PP&#.;2#@& #!


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4A9T4RD]% W$DD$A'% D4L$G4% R399 AG/ R33/'AG% /AL$/ 6!""8% IA$/% P3D$C$49% AG/ 0R3WTHFC3''4GT%J $G *9'I6*& '6-&-9I6 '/I' % L3D& ;% G3&.% PP& 77+="&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!;

4994[% MA'4] 6!""=A8% ITH4 G43D$B4RAD$AT$3G 3 /4L4D3P'4GTF TRA/4 CAPAC$T] BE$D/$G0AG/ 94CER$T] AT TH4 E9 A04GC] 3R $GT4RGAT$3GAD /4L4D3P'4GT%J $G *&IP-D'% L3D& "%G3& !% PP& !!;2!>#&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#!;

4994[% MA'4] 6!""=B8% I/494RL4/G499% /4L4D3P'4GT% AG/ TH4 9 TAT4F 0430RAPH$CCAT403R$AT$3G $G TH4 E9 A04GC] 3R $GT4RGAT$3GAD /4L4D3P'4GT)9 3R4$0G A99$9TAGC4RA'4W3R %J $G 5'-F-89% L3D& .;% PP& #@!>2#@.@&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#."

4L4RT9% MAC3B 6#;=!8% IR$CH C3EGTR] $GT4R49T9 AG/ TH$R/ W3RD/ /4L4D3P'4GTF TH4G4TH4RDAG/9%J $G CA994G% R3B4RT% M3DD]% R$CHAR/% 94W4DD% M3HG% AG/ W33/% R3B4RT 64/9&8R$CH C3EGTR] $GT4R49T9 AG/ TH$R/ W3RD/ /4L4D3P'4GT% PP& !=2!7=% D3G/3GF CR33'H4D'&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#.#

AR$99% CHR$9T3PH4R M& 6!"#"8% ITH4 9 TRAT40$C 9EB9T$TET$3G 3 EG$T4/ 9 TAT49 3R4$0GA$/%J $G F -'I5& P-LI6; *&*L;"I"% L3D& @% PP& #"72#.#&^^^^^^^^̂ ^^^^^^^^^^̂ ^^^^^^^^^̂ ^#.#

$4D/4G% 'ATTH4W B& 6#;;=8% ITH4 043P3D$T$C9 3 A$/F TH4 PR3L$9$3G AG/ T4R'$GAT$3G 3A$/ T3 A0HAG R4E0449 $G G3RTH W49T R3GT$4R PR3L$GC4% PA$9TAG%J $G P-LII6*L5'-5*P:; % L3D& #7% G3& % PP& >;2=7% 4D94L$4R 9C$4GC4% D T/&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#.!

$0AM% '3G$A 6!"#"8% IWH3 04T9 4GL$R3G'4GTAD A$/\ TH4 CHARACT4R$9T$C9 3 0D3BAD4GL$R3G'4GTAD A$/ /$9TR$BET$3G%J $G '&/I-&9'&*L '6-&-9I6" *&D P-LI6; "8DI'"% L3D&#!% PP& ;72##&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#.

D4C % R3B4RT & AG/ $DB]% CHR$9T3PH4R 6!""#8% I3R4$0G A$/ AG/ /3'49T$C P3D$T$C9F

L3T$G0 $G C3G0R499 AG/ TH4 ADD3CAT$3G 3 E9A$/ C3GTRACT9 ACR399 C3G0R499$3GAD/$9TR$CT9%J $G "-8:'& '6-&-9I6 -8&*L% L3D& @7% G3& .% PP& >;=2@#7&^^^^̂ ^^^̂ ^^^̂ #.>

D4C % R3B4RT & AG/ $DB]% CHR$9T3PH4R 6!""@A8% IH3W /3 P3D$T$CAD CHAG049 $GDE4GC4


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03D/9T4$G% ME/$TH AG/ 43HAG4% R3B4RT "& 64/9&8 6#;;.8% ID'*" *&D F -'I5& P-LI6; 'LI'F", I&"I8I-&", *&D P-LII6*L 6:*&5'% $ THACA% G&]&F C3RG4DD EG$L4R9$T] PR499&^^#"

03D/9T4$G% ME/$TH AG/ 43HAG4% R3B4RT "& 6#;;.8% I$/4A9 AG/ 3R4$0G P3D$C]F AGAGAD]T$CAD RA'4W3R %J $G 03D/9T4$G% ME/$TH AG/ 43HAG4% R3B4RT "& 64/9&8% ID'*" *&DF -'I5& P-LI6; 'LI'F", I&"I8I-&", *&D P-LII6*L 6:*&5'% PP& .2."% $ THACA% G&]&FC3RG4DD EG$L4R9$T] PR499&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#"

03D/9T4$G% 'ARE9 P& AG/ '399% T3// M& 6!"">8% IC3'PA99$3GAT4 C3G94RLAT$L49 3RC3G94RLAT$L4 C3'PA99$3GAT49\ E9 P3D$T$CAD PART$49 AG/ B$DAT4RAD 3R4$0G A99$9TAGC4 T3AR$CA%J $G -8&*L -F D'/'L-P9'& "8DI'"% L3D& #% G3& 7% PP& #!==2#."!&^^^^^̂ ^^̂ #

03D/'AG% 'AR9HADD 6#;@78% "-/I' F -'I5& *ID% G4W ]3R F PRA404R&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#

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0EDHAT$% RAL$ AG/ GADDAR$% RAM 6#;==8% IR43R' 3 3R4$0G A$/ P3D$C$49F TH4 $99E4 3$GT4R2C3EGTR] ADD3CAT$3G $G AR$CA%J $G -LD D'/'L-P9'& % L3D& #@% G3& #"% PP& ##@72##=&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^#7"

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HAG94G% H4GR$ AG/ TARP% $GG 6!"""8% IA$/ 44CT$L4G499 /$9PET4/%J $G -8&*L -F I&'&*I-&*L D'/'L-P9'& % L3D& #!% G3& .% PP& .7>+.;=&^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^̂ ^^^^^#7#

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Bibliography the Roles of Aid in Politics February 2011

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