Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics
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Transcript of Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics
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Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis
in Western Catalan Clitics
Jesús Jiménez (Universitat de València)
Workshop on Ibero-RomancePhonology and Morphology,
UCL, London, 18 March 2014
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«The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex
element of Catalan grammar. »
(Wheeler 2005: 341)
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I. Contextual variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:
em passa ‘s/he passes me’ m’ataca ‘s/he attacks me’ me la passa ‘s/he passes it FEM to
me’
passa’ls ‘pass them ACC MASC’ passar-los ‘to pass them ACC
MASC’ passa-mos-els ‘pass them ACC MASC to
us’
Main difficult issues
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II. Dialectal variation: Valencian em /m/ & els /l+z/:
em ~ me passa m’ataca me la passa
passa’ls ~ -los passar-los passa-mos-els ~ -mos-los ~ -mo’ls …
Main difficult issues
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III. Polysemic forms: Valencian els /l+z/:
els passa cada diathem ACC MASC
‘s/he passes them every day’
els passa la salthem DAT
‘s/he passes them the salt’
Main difficult issues
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IV. Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional):
Standard Valencian: els els passa ‘to them them ACC MASC’
Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones):li ‘ls passa lit. ‘to him/her them ACC
MASC’els ho passa lit. ‘to them that’li ho passa lit. ‘to him/her that ’li ho’s passa lit. ‘to him/her that PL’…
Main difficult issues
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«M’he passat la nit somiant amb els pronoms febles. »
(Martí, Poble Nou, 1994)
«Last night I had a thousand nigthmares... about weak pronouns!»
Problems learning pronouns? No wonder
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I. Contextual variation&
II. Dialectal variation&
The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels
Main focus of this talk: Variation
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The syllabification of pronominal clitics obeys the Economy Principle:
E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary.
A variation OT can deal with
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Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret & Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)...
A variation OT can deal with
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Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005), Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)...
A variation OT can deal with
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?
syllable structure
/m/
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structure
/m/
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structureparadigmatic pressure
/m/
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structureparadigmatic pressure
/m/ formal iconicity
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
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Why are clitics so appealing to OT?phonological well-formedness conditions
syllable structureparadigmatic pressure
. . . /m/ formal iconicity
morphological integrity(contiguity)
faithfulness
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics (basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints
II. Underlying representation of clitics III. Quality of the epenthetic vowelIV. (Morpho)phonologically conditioned
allomorph selection
Outline of the presentation
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
/m#pasa/
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics
/m#pasa/
a. me pása
b. em pása
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics1. Syllabic well-formedness constraints:
*PEAK/CONS & OTHERS (*σ-STRUC)
ONSET
*CODA
*COMPLEXCODA
...
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics2. Faithfulness constraints:
DEP-V
MAX
REALIZE-MORPHEME
...
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics3. Contiguity constraints:
CONTIGUITYSTEM: /stɔp/
CONTIGUITYSTEM/AFFIX: /stɔp+z/, /l+z/
CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m//l#pasa/, /pasa#l//l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/
CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC: /m#l+a#pasa/
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant
ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-V, ONSET, *CODA
/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
a. me pása *! *
√ b. em pása * * *
/m#ataka/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
√ a. m atáka
b. me atáka *! * *
c. em atáka * *
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking:
CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> *COMPLEX CODA, *CODA/l#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCO
DA*CODA
a. le pása *!
√ b. el pása *
/lz#pasa/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL *COMPCODA
CODA
a. les pása *! *
√ b. els pása * *
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I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics The emergency of the unmarked: relevant
ranking: CONTIGUITYHOST/CLITIC >> ONSET, *CODA >> CONTIGUITYCLITIC/CLITIC
/m#pasa/ CONTHOST/
CL
ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL
a. me pása *!
√ b. em pása * *
/m#l+a#pasa/ CONTHOST/
CL
ONSET *CODA CONTCL/CL
√ a. me la pása * *
b. em la pása * *! *!
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II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):1. Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological
process of epenthesis → the 1st person clitic:
- has a single underlying form, /m/, &
- different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.
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II. Underlying representationFormal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):1. Option 1): The results in m’ataca [m atáka], em passa [em
pása] & me la passa [me la pása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles.
The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral position are the same as the vowels appearing:
in patrimonial words:centre ‘center’ /sentɾ/ [sentɾe] batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ɾ/ [batɾe]
in loanwords: stop /stɔp/ [estɔ́p]
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II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):2. Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly →
1st person clitic:
- has 3 different allomorphs: /m/, /em/ & /me/
- which are a) either chosen by mere
stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.
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II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):2. Option 2b): Markedness constraints *CODA & ONSET
favor the winning candidates m’ataca [m atáka] or me la passa [me la pása].
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II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):2. Option 2b): In a form such as em passa [em pása]…
...it’s not possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic.
/{m, em, me}#pasa/ CONTHOST/CL DEP-V ONSET *CODA
√ a. me pása
b. em pása *! *!
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II. Underlying representation
Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):2. Option 2: Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45).
For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Choice based on:1. Segmental markedness (Palmada 1994):
a) Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə]b) Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] &
sometimes [a]
2. Positional markedness (Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
[i] [u]
[e] [o][ə]
[ɛ] [ɔ]
[a]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:
[i]
[e]
[a]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:Peak hierarchy
[i]
[e]
[a]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:Peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i]
[e] *PEAK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:Peak Unstressedhierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i]
[e] *PEAK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:Peak Unstressedhierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i] *UNSTRPK[a]
[e] *PEAK[e] *UNSTRPK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a] *UNSTRPK[i]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
List of possible vowels:Peak & Unstressedhierarchy peak hierarchy
[i] *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a]
[e] *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]
[a] *PEAK[a], *UNSTRPK[i]
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Variety I: Standard Valencian
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-
level…
Word-initially: [e]stop [e]spaguetis
Elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel, always [e]: at the word-
level… & in the clitic group:
Proclisis: [e]m passa m[e]l passa
Enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Ranking: *PEAK[i], *UNSTRPK[a] >>
*PEAK[e], *UNSTRPK[e]
/m#pasa/ *PEAK[i]
*UNSTRPK[a]
*PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPK[e]
a. am pása *!
√ b. em pása * *
c. im pása *!
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel
Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian
(Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: at the word-level…
[a] word-initially: [a]stop [a]spaguetis
[e] elsewhere: centr[e] (cf. centr-al) batr[e] (cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…
[a] in proclisis: [a]m passa m[a]l passa
[e] in enclisis: passar-m[e] passa-m[e]l
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables
are considered prominent (i.e. peaks) We can split the *UNSTRPK[α] ranking in two,
depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis: Proclisis:
*UNSTRPKPR[a] >> *UNSTRPKPR[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[i]
Enclisis:*UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *UNSTRPKEN[e] >> *UNSTRPKEN[i]
And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general *PEAK[α] ranking.
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *PEAK[i],
*UNSTRPKEN[a] >> *PEAK[e], *UNSTRPKEN[e]
/pasáɾ#m/ *PEAK[i]
*UNSTRPKEN[a]
*PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPKEN[e]
a. pasáɾ ma *!
√ b. pasáɾ me * *
c. pasáɾ mi *!
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: IDENT[low],
*PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a]
/m#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e]
*UNSTRPKPR[a]
√ a. am pása *
b. em pása *!
c. im pása *!
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III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels;
relevant ranking: IDENT[low], *PEAK[i] >> *PEAK[e] >> *UNSTRPKPR[a] /lez#pása/ *IDENT[low] *PEAK[i] *PEAK[e
]*UNSTRPKPR[
a] a. las pása *! *
√ b. les pása *
c. lis pása *!
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IV. Allomorph selection
Case study:
Plural masculine accusative
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IV. Allomorph selection Data (Standard Valencian):
Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los
[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els
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IV. Allomorph selection Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els
has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997):
/l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/
/o/ is a gender morph → not an epenthetic vowel
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IV. Allomorph selection Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we
assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry:
Accusative plural: {/l+z/ > /l+o+z/}
The selection of the first form is enhanced by the PRIORITY constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» (Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)
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IV. Allomorph selection
Variety I: Standard ValencianPRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z}) >> DEP-V
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IV. Allomorph selection Data (Standard Valencian):
Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: els porta, vos els porta
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los
[els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >>
PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pása ls
b. pása los *!
c. pása les *! *
/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
a. pasáɾ els *! *
√ b. pasáɾ los *
c. pasáɾ les *! *
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >>
PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z}) >> DEP-V/pasaɾ#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pasáɾ me ls * *
b. pasáɾ me los * *! *
/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL PRIOR DEP-V
√ a. pasáɾ voz els * *
b. pasáɾ voz los * *!
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IV. Allomorph selection
Variety II: Pedreguer ValencianDEP-V >> PRIORITY ({l+z > l+o+z})
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-
V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
√ a. pása ls
b. pása los *!
/pasaɾ#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ els *! *
√ b. pasáɾ los *
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-
V >> PRIORITY({L+Z > L+O+Z})/pasa#m#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
√ a. pásaɾ me ls * *
b. pásaɾ me los * * *!
/pasaɾ#voz#{lz>loz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pásaɾ voz els * *!
√ b. pásaɾ voz los * *
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IV. Allomorph selection Data (Pedreguer Valencian):
Enclisis:
[ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, & [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls
[los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los
(cf. standard portar-vos-els)
Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/
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IV. Allomorph selection
Variety III: Palmera ValencianPRIORITY inversion
({l+o+z > l+z}) in enclisis
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-
V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pása ls *!
√ b. pása los
/pasaɾ#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pásaɾ els *! * *
√ b. pásaɾ los
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IV. Allomorph selection Ranking: CONTSTEM/AFFIX, CONTHOST/CLITIC >> DEP-
V, PRIORITY({L+O+Z > L+Z})/pasa#m#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ me ls * * *!
√ b. pasáɾ me los * *
/pasaɾ#voz#{loz>lz}/ CONTSTEM/AFFIX CONTHOST/CL DEP-V PRIOR
a. pasáɾ voz els * *! *
√ b. pasáɾ voz los *
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IV. Allomorph selection Data (Palmera Valencian):
Enclisis:
[los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, & [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los
Maximal extension of /l+o+z/
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V. Final remarks In the process of grammaticalization,
pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum:
… Independent words
Palmera Valencian
Pedreguer Valencian
Standard Valencian
… Affixes
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V. Final remarks Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the
default epenthetic vowel:
[e] in Western Catalan
[ə] in Eastern Catalan
Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonological grounds: cf., respectively, Pedreguer Valencian [a]ls porta & portar-l[o]s.
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V. Final remarks With regard to the last exceptions to the
general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:
On the one hand, whereas proclitic forms tend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]ls porta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntactic independence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).
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V. Final remarks With regard to these exceptions to the general
rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:
On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]ls porta vs. porta-m[e]ls.
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VI. References ALDERETE, John (1995): Faithfulness to prosodic heads. Ms., University of
Massachusetts, Amherst. BARNES, Jonathan (2002): The phonetics and phonology of positional
neutralization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Published as Strength and weakness at the interface: Positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006.
BELTRAN, Vicent (2005): El parlar de la Marina Alta. 2 vols. Alacant: Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat d’Alacant.
BONET, Eulàlia (1991): La morfologia dels clítics pronominals en català i en altres llengües romàniques. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
BONET, Eulàlia (1993): «3rd Person Pronominal Clitics in Dialects of Catalan». Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics 3-1: 85-111.
BONET, Eulàlia (2002): «Cliticització». In: Joan Solà; Maria-Rosa Lloret; Joan Mascaró & Manuel Pérez Saldanya (dir.) Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 1. Barcelona: Empúries, 933-989.
BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1995): Cliticització i sil·labificació. I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).
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VI. References BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1996): Variació dialectal i optimitat.
Epèntesi en el grup clític. 6è Col·loqui de Gramàtica generativa, València. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998a): Fonologia catalana.
Barcelona: Ariel. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (1998b): La sil·labificació del grup
clític en català. Novè Col·loqui de la NACS, Barcelona. BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2002): «OCP effects in Catalan cliticization». Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1: 19-39.
BONET, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2005): «More on alignment as an alternative to domains: the syllabification of Catalan clitics». Probus 17.1: 37-78.
BONET, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa LLORET & Joan MASCARÓ (2007): «Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies». Lingua 117: 903-927.
CAMPMANY, Elisenda (2008): Diferències fonològiques entre diversos estils de parla al català central septentrional. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona.
COLINA, Sonia (1995): A Constraint-based Analysis of Syllabification in Spanish, Catalan, and Galician. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana.
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VI. References COLOMINA, Jordi (1985): L'alacantí. Un estudi sobre la variació lingüística.
Alacant: Institut d'Estudis «Juan Gil-Albert», Diputació Provincial d'Alacant. CROSSWHITE, Katherine (1999): Vowel reduction in Optimality Theory.
Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Published in London / New York: Routledge, 2001. DECESARIS, Janet A. (1987): «Epenthesis in Catalan». In: Carol Neidle &
Rafael A. Núñez (ed.) Studies in Romance Languages: Proceedings if the 15th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris, 79-92.
GARCIA, Josepa & Vicent BELTRAN (1994): El parlar de Pedreguer. Pedreguer: Ajuntament de Pedreguer, Institut d’Estudis Comarcals de la Marina Alta.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1997): L’estructura siŀlàbica del dialecte valencià. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de València.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús (1999): L’estructura siŀlàbica del català. València, Barcelona: IIFV, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Maria-Rosa LLORET (2013): «Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages». In: Victoria Camacho-Taboada; Ángel L Jiménez-Fernández; Javier Martín-González & Mariano Reyes-Tejedor (ed.) Information Structure and Agreement. (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 197). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 319-336.
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VI. References
JIMÉNEZ, Jesús & Júlia TODOLÍ (1995): «La forma dels pronoms clítics catalans: condicions sil·làbiques i alineament morfològic». In: Carlos Martín Vide (ed.) Actes del XIè Congrés de Llenguatges Naturals i Llenguatges Formals. Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 429-437.
LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Jesús JIMÉNEZ (1998): «Marcatge posicional i prominència en el vocalisme àton». Caplletra 45: 55-91. LLORET, Maria-Rosa & Joaquim VIAPLANA (1996): «Els clítics pronominals singulars del català oriental: una aproximació interdialectal». Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes XXXII: 273-309.
MASCARÓ, Joan (1986): Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana. MORALES, Alfonso & Pilar PRIETO (1992): «Processos d'epèntesi en grups
de clítics en tortosí». In: Actes del Sisè Col·loqui d'Estudis Catalans a Nord-Amèrica (Vancouver, 1990). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 131-142.
PALMADA, Blanca (1994): La fonologia del català. Els principis actius i la variació. Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
PALMADA, Blanca & Pep SERRA (1995): La sil·labificació òptima del clítics. Treball presentat al I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).
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VI. References
SERRA, Pep (1996): La fonologia prosòdica del català. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Girona.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1988): Estat actual de la combinació binària de pronoms febles al País Valencià. Master’s Thesis, Universitat de València.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1992): «Variants dels pronoms febles de 3a persona al País Valencià: regles fonosintàctiques i morfològiques». Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 5: 137-160.
TODOLÍ, Júlia (1994): «Els clítics pronominals de 3a persona a les comarques d'Alacant: interferència lingüística del castellà?». Actes del IXè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, vol. 3. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 197-209.
VIAPLANA, Joaquim (1980): «Algunes consideracions sobre les formes pronominals del barceloní». Anuario de Filología 6: 459-483.
WHEELER, Max (1979): Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell. WHEELER, Max (2005): The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
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Thank you for your attention
Jesús Jiménez ([email protected])
Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER (FFI2010-22181-C03-02) and by the Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521)
Presentation soon available at: http://www.ub.edu/GEVAD/