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Ambedkars VisionTe Buddit revival in India ignited by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar mre tan
fty year ag a brugt millin te cuntry mt imveried and
marginalized ele t te Buddit at. Tere i muc we can learn
rm tem, ay Aa Sa.
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With justice on our side, I do not see how we can lose our
battle. The battle to me is a matter o joy For ours is a
battle not or wealth or or power. It is a battle or reedom.
It is a battle or the reclamation o the human personality.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar,
All-India Depressed Classes Conerence, 1942
Hidden in plain sigHt, a modern Buddhist revolution is
gaining ground in the homeland o Shakyamuni. Its being ledby Indian Buddhists rom the untouchable castes, the poorest
o the poor, who go by various names: neo-Buddhists, Dalit
Buddhists, Navayanists, Ambedkarites. But like so much in
their lives, these names carry a subtle odor o condescension
that suggests their kind o Buddhism is something less than
the real thing.
In the childrens hostels and schools o Nagpur or modest
viharas in Mumbais Bandra East slums and the impoverished
Dapodi neighborhood in Pune, one nds people singing simple
(Facing page) Dr. B.R. Ambedkar painted on a wall in Bangalore, India
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Pali chants, studying dharma,and meditatingwith an image
o the Buddha and a photo o
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar adorned
with garlands o resh low-
ers. During a two-week visit to
India, even in the grimmest o
circumstances I could eel their
joy in the dharma and their
hunger or deeper practice and
understanding. The Buddha
was clear: I teach about suering and the end o suering.For those who suer day ater day, year ater year, this mes-
sage is hope itsel.
The 2001 census puts Indias Buddhist population at eight
million, more than 90 percent rom the untouchable commu-
nities; some scholars suggest that the number o uncounted
or undeclared Buddhists is around thirty million. Buddhist
communities are scattered across the nation, with the largest
concentration in the state o Maharashtra.
Jai Bhim! is how Indian Buddhists greet each other. It
means Victory to Bhimthe ounder o their movement,
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar.
Ambedkar was born in 1891 to a poor but educated am-ily o Mahars, the largest untouchable caste in Maharashtra.
Untouchables were excluded rom many aspects o ordinary
Hindu lie, usually barred rom entering temples, going to
school, or even living within the boundaries o rural villages.
Today, the numerous Dalit communitiesdierentiated by
region, ethnicity, and subcasteremain largely conned to
occupations such as butchering, leatherwork, sweeping, and
the removal o rubbish, human waste or dead animals. These
jobs are seen as impure activities that are polluting to
higher castes, and that pol-lution is viewed as somehow
contagious.
Fortunately or the young
Ambedkar, his ather served
in the colonial Indian Army,
and he became one o the
rst untouchables to attend
an Indian university. By his
early thirties he had earned
doctorates rom Columbia
University and the London School o Economics, and a placeat the bar in Grays Inn, a cornerstone o the British legal estab-
lishment. The extreme prejudice that Ambedkar experienced
not only as boy, but later, despite his academic achievements,
is hard or many o us in the West to imagine, even in light
o our own history o racism. When he returned to India to
practice law in Baroda, he was one o the best-educated men
in the country, but, as an untouchable, he was unable to nd
housing and prohibited rom dining with his colleagues. Clerks
tossed les onto his desk or ear o his polluting touch.
Caste means hereditary bondage passed rom generation
to generation under a dominant Brahmanic society. Contrary
to the Buddhist meaning o these same words, in this Hindu
system karma means ate or the caste one is born into,
and dharma means the duty to live out ones lie within
When Ambedkar returned to India to practice law, he wasone o the best-educated men in the country, but, as an
untouchable, he was unable to fnd housing and prohibited
rom dining with his colleagues. Clerks tossed fles onto hisdesk or ear o his polluting touch.
Hozan alan Senauke is vic-bbt f
th Bry z Ctr d frmr xctiv
dirctr f th Bddhist Pc Fwship.
H is th thr f The Bodhisattvas Embrace:
Dispatches from Engaged Buddhisms
Front Lines.
Dalit children at a nursery school runby the Indian wing of Friends of the
Western Buddhist Order (now calledTriratna Buddhist Community)
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the connes o caste responsibilities. This duty includes strict
endogamy, or marriage only within ones caste.
It was Ambedkar who dubbed the untouchables Dalits
meaning people who are broken to pieces. Other names
have been suggested, each problematic, seen as demeaning
by one group or another: Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribesaccounting or some 300 million people, or 25 per-
cent o Indias populationare the sanitized terms used in
the Indian constitution; untouchable is a legally proscribed
status; ex-untouchable is euphemism. Mahatma Gandhis
term harijan, which means children o god, is dismissed aspatronizing by adults who hardly eel themselves blessed by
any divine presence.
While Gandhi was orging a nonviolent anticolonial move-
ment, Ambedkarwho oten clashed with Gandhiworked
or human rights and the annihilation o caste as essential
to what many saw as an otherwise elite-driven nationalism.
Ater years o attempted collaboration with reormist Hin-
dus, including Gandhi, Ambedkar, a member o the Bombay
legislature and a leader o the Mahar conerence, organized a
1927 satyagraha (meaning, roughly, truth orce) o thou-
sands to draw water and drink rom the Chowdar Tank, a
reservoir closed to untouchables despite a 1923 resolution
o the Bombay Council. That same year, Ambedkar took the
radical symbolic step o publicly burning the Manusmrti, the
Brahmanic code o caste duty, which he and other Dalit lead-
ers saw as key to the social, economic, religious, and political
oppression o the untouchables.
Though untouchability was legally abolished under Indias
secular constitution in 1950, the reality is not much improvedtoday. Consider Hillary Maxwells report in a June 2003 edi-
tion o the online National Geographic News:
Indias untouchables are relegated to the lowest jobs, and
live in constant ear o being publicly humiliated, paraded
naked, beaten, and raped with impunity by upper-caste
Hindus seeking to keep them in their place. Merely walking
through an upper-caste neighborhood is a lie-threatening
oence.
Human rights abuses against these people, known as
Dalits, are legion. A random sampling o headlines in main-
stream Indian newspapers tells their story: Dalit boy beatento death or plucking fowers; Dalit tortured by cops or
three days; Dalit witch paraded naked in Bihar; Dalit
killed in lock-up at Kurnool; 7 Dalits burnt alive in caste
clash; 5 Dalits lynched in Haryana; Dalit woman gang-
raped, paraded naked; Police egged on mob to lynch
Dalits.
By 1935, Ambedkar had concluded that the Brahmanic
caste system could not be reormed even with support rom
most liberal-minded Hindus. Caste oppression was not an
artiact o Brahmanism, but rather its essence. Ambedkar
urged the untouchables to give up the idea o attaining Hindureligious rights. He prepared to leave Hinduism and adopt
another religion. He saw caste as a system o graded inequal-
ity in which each subcaste measured itsel above some castes
and below others, creating an almost innite actionalism that
divided each exploited community against another and mak-
ing unity o social or political purpose almost impossible. I
was born a Hindu, Ambedkar said, but I solemnly assure
you that I will not die as a Hindu. He investigated Islam,
Christianity, and Sikhismand was courted by each o these
Walking Buddha statue, nearly sixty feet tall, at Nagarjuna Training Institute,also known as Nagaloka, in Nagpur
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groups, who were well aware that Ambedkars conversion
would bring along millions o untouchables and the promise
o wide political power.
In the late orties, he decided that Buddhismwhich was
indigenous to India and had been the dening religious tra-
dition or nearly 1,500 years
beore being virtually eradi-catedwas the logical home
or his people. The teach-
ings o Buddha are eternal,
but even then Buddha did
not proclaim them to be
inallible, Ambedkar wrote.
The religion o Buddha
has the capacity to change
according to times, a quality
which no other religion can
claim to have... Now whatis the basis o Buddhism? I
you study careully, you will
see that Buddhism is based
on reason. There is an ele-
ment o fexibility inherent in
it, which is not ound in any
other religion.
Ambedkars plans or conversion were postponed while he
served as Indias rst law minister and leader o the constitu-
tional drating committee. Then, in the early ties, setting aside
his political career, he plunged into the study o Buddhism and
its application to the shaping o a new Dalit identity. Aterlong consideration and consultation, and in ill health, eeling
the shadow o mortality, he converted in a public ceremony in
Nagpur on October 14, 1956, taking the three reuges o the
Buddha, dharma, and sangha, and receiving the pancasila, or
ve ethical precepts, rom the most senior Buddhist monk in
India, U Chandramani. He then did something unprecedented.
Turning to the 400,000 o his ollowers who were present,
he oered them the three reuges and his own twenty-two
vows, which included the ve precepts and the renunciation
o specic articles o Hindu practice and belie. This signaled a
momentous renewal o Buddhism in India. A number o mass
conversions ollowed within weeks.
Not quite two months later, Ambedkar was dead, elled by
complications rom diabetes and heart disease.
The New Buddhist Movement and TBMSG
The death o Ambedkar, or Babasaheb, as his devotees call
him, let the nascent Dalit spiritual and political movement
without unied leadership. It was not surprising to see the
rapid rise o actionalism, given the entrenched system o
graded inequality. No one else on the scene had the intellect
and strength o character with which to uniy the many out-
cast communities.
People looked at Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar as a kind
o guide or guru or philosopher who would lead them ater
conversion, says Mangesh Dahiwale o the Manuski Center,an Ambedkarite hub in Pune. (Manuski is the Marathi word
Ambedkar used or humanity or humanness.)
Ambedkars book The Buddha and His Dhamma came out
a year ater his death. It became a source to which people
turned in order to understand Buddhism, Dahiwale says.
It was published in English rst, and soon translated into
From the start, Ambedkars Buddhism incorporated a vision o acompassionate society and social liberation, ar beyond the introspective
caricature that some have o Buddhism.
Mangesh Dahiwale, a young leader ofthe Manuski Project in Pune
Dalit woman and son outside a shop in Pune
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Marathi and Hindi. That book was a guide, and people began
to read it and study it in groups.
In Ambedkars day there were virtually no Buddhist teachers
in India, but people focked around the Sri Lankan and Bur-
mese Buddhistsanyone who could oer Buddhist teachings,
Dahiwale says. I they ound a bhikkhu, they would gather
around and try to understand what Buddhism is. In act some
o the people rom the Ambedkarite movement, in the 1950s,
became monks in India, ordained in a Sri Lankan tradition.
Still, the process that Ambedkar set in motion was incom-
plete. From 1956 until the early eighties, there was little con-
tinuing education or practice available to millions who hadconverted. But the right seeds had been planted.
Babasaheb Ambedkar had created the Bhartiya Bauddha
Mahasabha, or the Buddhist Society o India, in 1955, Dahi-
wale says. The rst mass conversions were held under their
auspices. But or the most part, these were local initiatives.
The start o this movement was grassroots and Indian-led.
There were no teachers or prominent leaders; ordinary people
took the initiative. Even though Dr. Ambedkar was not there,
his inspiration was there. People tried to do what they could.
Mainly they were very poor, acing discrimination, but they
tried to keep the fame alive.
This network o local viharas and practitioners, scattered
across Maharastra state and other parts o India, allowed the
young English monk Ven. Sangharakshita to connect with the
Dalit Buddhist movement. Sangharakshita met with Ambed-
kar several times, and when he happened to be in Nagpur on
the evening that Ambedkar died in Delhi, he was asked to be
a speaker at a meeting o condolence.
By the time I rose to speakstanding on the seat o a rick-
shaw, and with someone holding a microphone in ront o me
about 100,000 people had gathered, Sangharakshita says. Byrights, I should have been the last speaker, but as things turned
out I was the rst. In act, I was the only speaker. Not that there
werent others who wanted to pay tribute to the memory o the
departed leader. One by one, some ve or six o Ambedkars
most prominent local supporters attempted to speak, and one
by one they were orced to sit down again as, overcome by
emotion, they burst into tears ater uttering only a ew words.
From this moment, Sangharakshita says his sense o
personal responsibility was clear. During the decade that
Students attending a ten-month leadership program in basic Buddhism and social action at Nagaloka
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ollowed, I spent much o my time with the ex-untouchable
Buddhists o Nagpur, Bombay [Mumbai], Poona [Pune],
Jabalpur, and Ahmedabad, as well as with those who lived
in the small towns and villages o central and western India.
I learned to admire their cheerulness, their riendliness, their
intelligence, and their loyalty to the memory o their great
emancipator.
Returning to Britain, where he ounded the Friends o the
Western Buddhist Order (FWBO), now called the Triratna
Buddhist Community, Sangharakshita kept thinking about the
Dalit Buddhists and his riends in India. Heencouraged a young disciple, Dhammachari
Lokamitra, to visit India and work with the
Ambedkarite Buddhists.
Lokamitra is a tall, solid, and youthul-
looking Englishman with an easy laugh and a
quick mind. His energy at sixty-two hints at a
kind o wildness tempered by years o dharma
practice. He lives with his amily in a modest
house in the Ambedkar Colony settlement in
Pune. Since 1978, he has helped to build a movement, Trailokya
Bauddha Mahasangha Sahayaka Gana (TBMSG), the Indian
wing o FWBO, and a variety o related social organizations,
all o which aimed to develop a new Indian or Ambedkarite
Buddhism, using dharma practice and social action.
Lokamitra came to India in 1977 to study yoga with B.S.
Iyengar in Pune. He decided to break up the long train trip rom
Kolkata by stopping over in Nagpur, and arrived by chance on
the twenty-rst anniversary o the day Ambedkar led the Dalits
into Buddhism. As an FWBO angarika, wearing robes, he ound
himsel on a large stage acingthousands o devotees.
In the thirty-six hours we
spent in Nagpur, I entered a
new world, a world o millions
o the most oppressed people,
Dalit children in rural Kondhanpur, near the Pune-Bangalore highway
Dhammachari Lokamitra, a foundingteacher of TBMSG, at home in Pune
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all desperate to transorm their lives and their society through
Buddhism, but with little living teaching to guide them, Loka-
mitra recalls. I had stumbled blindly into a situation in which
the two-old transormation seemed a real possibility, and on
the most auspicious o days. I did not consciously decide to live
and work in India then but I have no doubt that my uture was
decided on that day.
Lokamitra moved to India the ollowing year, and with help
o local Indian Buddhists he organized retreats and meditation
groups. Our riends, he says, organized these where they
couldan abandoned disused railway carriage, the verandao an unnished police station, a small garage when its car
went to church on Sundays.
More than thirty years have passed since those rough and
ready days. TBMSG now includes more than ve hundred
ordained dharma teachersdharmacharis and dharmachari-
nisand many thousands o practitioners. With the support o
the Karuna Trust and other donors in Asia and the West, two
related organizationsJambudvipa Trust and Bahujan Hitay
(meaning or the welare o many)evolved to do outreach
and social work among the Dalits. As well, Maitreyanath
Dhammakirti, Mangesh Dahiwale, Priyadarshi Telang and
other TBMSG leaders established the Manuski Center (also
known as the Manuski Project) in Pune. The center is quiet
and cool, with a good library, meeting rooms, oces, basic but
comortable guest rooms, and a large meditation hall.
During my visit to India, I stayed at Manuski and gave
workshops on engaged Buddhism. I also met with students
at the Nagaloka education center, took part in a study retreat
in Kondhanpur, and oered dharma talks in Nagpur and
Mumbai. Each activity included melodic Pali chanting andmeditation.
The Dalit Buddhist meditation practices are straightorward
and amiliar to me: anapanasati, or mindulness o breathing,
and metta bhavana, or cultivation o loving-kindness. I sense
a quality o concentration and settledness. City sounds rise
within the silence o meditationchildrens shouts, panting
rickshaw drivers, barking dogs, the crack o a cricket bat, a
street vendors cry. The peace o meditation at once includes
all o this and goes beyond it. Hal a continued page 88
New Buddhist students attending class at Nagaloka
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I was inspired by the students at Nagaloka. Despite having been involvedin engaged Buddhism or more than twenty years, nowhere elsehave I met young people with the kind o intuitive grasp o Buddhist practiceand social action arising together.
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world away rom Caliornia, I eel completely at home. The
ordinariness is amazing: sitting with riends in the middle o
an urban jungle.
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity
In 1991, when I came to work at Buddhist Peace Fellowship
in Berkeley, engaged Buddhism was outside the mainstream.
Twenty years later, countless centers and groups are involved
in prison work, chaplaincy, eeding the poor, and organizing
against war. We have come to see this as a responsibility that
fows rom the bodhisattva vow to save all beings. But rom
the start, Ambedkars Buddhism incorporated a vision o a
compassionate society and social liberation, ar beyond the
introspective caricature that some have o Buddhism. So it
is natural that an Indian Buddhist movement, rooted in the
most oppressed segment o society, would see the oneness o
personal development and social transormation.In an All-India Radio broadcast two years beore his con-
version, Ambedkar said: Positively, my social philosophy may
be said to be enshrined in three words: liberty, equality, and
raternity. Let no one, however, say that I have borrowed my
philosophy rom the French Revolution. I have not. My philos-
ophy has its roots in religion and not in political science. I have
derived them rom the teachings o my master, the Buddha.
Fraternity is the cutting edge o Ambedkars Buddhism
and the new Buddhist movement. Fraternity is sangha, the
community o practitioners, and the wider community o all
beings, and as such, it is linked to equality. However, rater-nity is a challenge or the Dalit community. It challenges them
just like race, class, and diversity challenge Western Buddhists.
The social realities o India draw clear lines between all the
religionsHindu, Muslim, Sikh, Christian, and Buddhist;
between caste and noncaste; and, most critically, between the
many Dalit groups themselves within the system o graded
inequality, each group scrambling or the tiniest privileges
o social position, economic opportunity, and political power.
Fraternity is what connects us. And we know this is hard work.
The Manuski Project is action central or Dalit social
work. Its mission has our main aspects: transcending caste
barriers; ighting social discrimination; developing Dalitwomen leadership; and building solidarity. A network o
related organizations has developed in Maharashtra, Andhra
Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Gujurat, and Tamil Nadu. Projects
include education or both children and adults, civil rights
work, and earthquake and tsunami relie.
Free inquiry and gender equality are points that Ambed-
kar identied as the essence o BuddhismI measure the
progress o a community, he said, by the degree o progress
which women have achievedand women now lead many
o the social projects. In slums and poor villages, Ambedkarite
continued from page 69
Buddhist women are leading schools, hostels, social work, and
dharma communities as teachers or dharmacharinis in their
own right. There are more than ninety women teachers in
TBMSG. But the movement still needs to have more women in
visible leadership, which means participating equally in public
events and internal organizational structures.
Nagaloka, or the Nagarjuna Training Institute, is TBMSGs
fagship educational project, the largest o its centers. The
institute has a teen-acre campus on the outskirts o Nagpur.
At night, rom a distance, one can see the tall golden image o
a walking Buddha that smiles down on the students.
The institute oers a ten-month leadership training pro-
gram in basic Buddhism and social action or young Dalits
rom all religious communities. About ve hundred young
people rom twenty Indian states have graduated rom the
program over the last eight years. Most o these students have
gone back to their villages to work on campaigns against
social oppression, oer dharma teachings, and support otheryoung people so that they too can live and train in Nagaloka.
These students come rom caste-based villages where lie is still
marked by discrimination and violence. Even as I write, CNN
reports the murder o an Indian politician in Uttar Pradesh,
shot as he attended a ceremony marking Ambedkars birth.
For many o these students, leaving home or the rst time
is unsettling and dicult. Each one arrives with a common
yearning to see the world and to be o use, but growing up
within oppressive traditional cultures leaves them unprepared
or the cultural shock o a new lie at Nagaloka. Some o them
are overwhelmed, but most nd their way into student lie,buoyed by new riends and teachers and practicing dharma.
One young student recounted: In my childhood I observed
this caste system all the time. My grandmother had to take
water rom the village well. But when she put her bucket in,
other community people saw that and would not take water
until the well was puried by rituals. I someone asked you to
their home or ood, i you were Dalit, you had to wash your
own plate. My ather oten used to do that. Once I was invited
or dinner, but I reused to wash my plate. They asked why I
wouldnt wash it. I said, i you invite me to eat with you, it is
not right to orce me to wash my own plate. In that case, I can
give up your ood and go. So I just let.
A woman o twenty said: I am rom Orissa. Where I live
there is still a very strong caste system. They dont allow Dalit
children to get any kind o education. I a girl tries to get an
education, their parents become araid and get them married
quickly. Neighborhood people will not allow the girls to learn
as they wish to. We are here at Nagaloka now, but my amily
doesnt know we are learning Buddhism. When we go back
to the village we will share with them what we have learned
about the dharma. We came with the help o ormer students,
and when we go back we will help nd other students. I really
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believe that our training at Nagaloka
will benet our community.
The school explains its mission this
way: The dierent Scheduled Caste
communities in India do not usually
cooperate with each other, even ater
they have become Buddhists. At the
Nagarjuna Training Institute, they
relate to each other just as Buddhists
and not in terms o the caste they have
come rom. This in itsel is an enormous
contribution to a truly democratic soci-
ety. The intensive practice or a year
with other Buddhists rom all over
India means they cease to identiy with
the old untouchable caste but just as
Buddhists.
I was inspired by the students atNagaloka. Meeting them over several
days, their stories touched me. Their
way-seeking minds glow with the spirit
o inquiry. Despite having been involved
with engaged Buddhism or twenty
years, nowhere else have I met young
people with their kind o intuitive grasp
o Buddhist practice and social action
arising together. Nowhere else have I
had deeper discussion that never slipped
into abstraction, but ocused on theconditions o oppression these students
know only too well. Nowhere else have
I encountered anything like their deter-
mination to remake the world in peace.
My heart is with them.
There is much in this new Indian
Buddhism that we share in the West.
On both sides we have turned to the
dharma in response to the Buddhas
central message about suering and
the end o suering. Knowingly or not,
many o us in the West come to Bud-
dhism to deal with suering, oten
alienated rom the religious traditions
we were born into. For Dalits, whose
material circumstances may be so di-
erent rom ours, the motivation is the
same: to learn about suering and to
reach its end, in each persons lie and
in society. As well, what I call the three
marks o Western Buddhisma largely
lay movement, eminization, and social
actionare shared by Ambedkarites.
With all that we have in common, it is
painul that Indian Buddhism is almost
invisible to other Buddhists around the
world. The time has come or us to see
that a vast engaged movement in India
promises to change the way Buddhism
is seen by all the worlds religions.
89 Spring 2011 buddhadharma: the practitioners quarterly