Backwards in high heels education and career challenges in hungary

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222Vol.3, No.5, 2013

“Backwards in High Heels”: Education and Career Challenges in

Dr. Ágnes Kazai

1. Center for Grants and Innovation, Semmelweis University

2. First Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology,

* E-mail of the corresponding auth

Abstract

Over the past century radical changes to the status of women have taken place in Hungary. In common with other post-socialist countries, Hungary rapidly adopted the dualfor women. However, the currant status of women remains controversial. In the influential positions in economics and politics, women still lag far behind men. These differences are even more pronounced in scientific life considering the fact that women are overprevent women from carrying out professional and scientific career in Hungary.

Keywords: women, gender, post-socialism, social change, transitional economy, Hungary, higherscience, research and development, glass ceiling

1. Introduction

Over course the XX th century there were radical changes to the status of women in Hungary. During the I. World War, the number of women in higher education doubled compaonwards their participation in higher education has been significantly increasing. Following the 2nd World War, there has been a significant change in the labour market, as well as in education. In common wcountries, our country rapidly adopted the dualand industrial developments, and in a social sense, made acceptable by the maxim of equal opportunity for both genders.

Over the past 65 years Hungary has undergone a lot of changes, but the position of women still remains controversial. Nowadays, 10-12% more women than men participate in higher education. However, for women, having a degree does not constitute a clear path to a good job, salary, career, scientific progress, or even paid work. The development evident in higher education is hardly felt in the labour market.

Worldwide, it can be observed that men earn far more than female colleagues with a similar educatdifferences in salaries have not decreased, and the European Union average was 16.4% in 2010. This figure was even higher in Hungary – 17.6 % in 2010 (European Commission, 2012).positions worldwide is double that of women. In the influential positions in economic and political life we still encounter far more men, and as we proceed to the senior level, the difference is growing. The differences mentioned are also striking in all fields of scientific life. Yoand research institutions, both around the world and also in Hungary. As a contributory factor, consider the glass ceiling theory.

How can we explain that the differences felt in higher educatioobstacles that prevent women from the realization of a professional and scientific career? Is it impossible for women to combine their job, with career promotion, and family life? What are the tasks of responsibility of people in addressing the position of women? Why do women with degrees proceed more slowly up their career ladder? Why is there not a substantial change in the hierarchy between the two sexes in the field of scientific life? What is the role of gender stereotypes in sustaining this position? Can we overcome these prejudices that still exist in our society? A number of research projects and essays have been dealing with the above mentioned questions. (Benchmarking policy measures for gender equality in science; Enwise Europe; Mapping the maze: Getting more women to the top in research; The gender pay gap, origins and policy

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences 1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)

23


Hungary

Dr. Ágnes Kazai1* Bernadett Szita2 Dr. Gábor Pörzse1

Center for Grants and Innovation, Semmelweis University, 15 Ferenc tér, Budapest

of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Semmelweis University, 27 Baross utcaHungary

mail of the corresponding author: [email protected]

Over the past century radical changes to the status of women have taken place in Hungary. In common with other socialist countries, Hungary rapidly adopted the dual-earner family model and provided greater access to

for women. However, the currant status of women remains controversial. In the influential positions in economics and politics, women still lag far behind men. These differences are even more pronounced in scientific life

en are over-represented in higher education. This paper examines the obstacles that prevent women from carrying out professional and scientific career in Hungary.

socialism, social change, transitional economy, Hungary, higherscience, research and development, glass ceiling

century there were radical changes to the status of women in Hungary. During the I. World War, the number of women in higher education doubled compared to the preceding period, and from the mid 40s onwards their participation in higher education has been significantly increasing. Following the 2nd World War, there has been a significant change in the labour market, as well as in education. In common wcountries, our country rapidly adopted the dual-earner family model, made economically possible by technological and industrial developments, and in a social sense, made acceptable by the maxim of equal opportunity for both

Over the past 65 years Hungary has undergone a lot of changes, but the position of women still remains controversial. 12% more women than men participate in higher education. However, for women, having a degree

path to a good job, salary, career, scientific progress, or even paid work. The development evident in higher education is hardly felt in the labour market.

Worldwide, it can be observed that men earn far more than female colleagues with a similar educatdifferences in salaries have not decreased, and the European Union average was 16.4% in 2010. This figure was even

17.6 % in 2010 (European Commission, 2012).1 The number of men occupying management e that of women. In the influential positions in economic and political life we still

encounter far more men, and as we proceed to the senior level, the difference is growing. The differences mentioned are also striking in all fields of scientific life. You can hardly find any women in management in higher education and research institutions, both around the world and also in Hungary. As a contributory factor, consider the glass

How can we explain that the differences felt in higher education are not mirrored in the labour market? What are the obstacles that prevent women from the realization of a professional and scientific career? Is it impossible for women to combine their job, with career promotion, and family life? What are the tasks of government, society, and the responsibility of people in addressing the position of women? Why do women with degrees proceed more slowly up their career ladder? Why is there not a substantial change in the hierarchy between the two sexes in the field of

ientific life? What is the role of gender stereotypes in sustaining this position? Can we overcome these prejudices A number of research projects and essays have been dealing with the above mentioned

g policy measures for gender equality in science; Enwise - Gender equality in a wider Europe; Mapping the maze: Getting more women to the top in research; The gender pay gap, origins and policy

www.iiste.org


Ferenc tér, Budapest 1094, Hungary

Baross utca Budapest 1088,

online.hu

Over the past century radical changes to the status of women have taken place in Hungary. In common with other earner family model and provided greater access to work

for women. However, the currant status of women remains controversial. In the influential positions in economics and politics, women still lag far behind men. These differences are even more pronounced in scientific life

represented in higher education. This paper examines the obstacles that

socialism, social change, transitional economy, Hungary, higher education, career,

century there were radical changes to the status of women in Hungary. During the I. World red to the preceding period, and from the mid 40s

onwards their participation in higher education has been significantly increasing. Following the 2nd World War, there has been a significant change in the labour market, as well as in education. In common with other post-socialist

earner family model, made economically possible by technological and industrial developments, and in a social sense, made acceptable by the maxim of equal opportunity for both

Over the past 65 years Hungary has undergone a lot of changes, but the position of women still remains controversial. 12% more women than men participate in higher education. However, for women, having a degree

path to a good job, salary, career, scientific progress, or even paid work. The development

Worldwide, it can be observed that men earn far more than female colleagues with a similar education. The differences in salaries have not decreased, and the European Union average was 16.4% in 2010. This figure was even

The number of men occupying management e that of women. In the influential positions in economic and political life we still

encounter far more men, and as we proceed to the senior level, the difference is growing. The differences mentioned u can hardly find any women in management in higher education

and research institutions, both around the world and also in Hungary. As a contributory factor, consider the glass

n are not mirrored in the labour market? What are the obstacles that prevent women from the realization of a professional and scientific career? Is it impossible for women

government, society, and the responsibility of people in addressing the position of women? Why do women with degrees proceed more slowly up their career ladder? Why is there not a substantial change in the hierarchy between the two sexes in the field of

ientific life? What is the role of gender stereotypes in sustaining this position? Can we overcome these prejudices A number of research projects and essays have been dealing with the above mentioned

Gender equality in a wider Europe; Mapping the maze: Getting more women to the top in research; The gender pay gap, origins and policy


responses; WS DEBATE project etc.) women's role in scientific life and their opportunities, and to outline a multibasis of the most up-to-date data collected in Hungary.

2. The position of women in post-social

Due to the radical political and social changes in the last decades of the XXlabour market has also fundamentally changed in postopportunities, expectations have also been increasing, which has had an influence on elements of the traditional female role, most pre-eminently, the role of women in family life. Women must define their aims far more carefully, and plan strategies to pursue them.

In post-socialist countries the ratio of working women was far higher than in western countries, which has two underlying causes: Firstly, a family was able to maintain their standard of living only if both husband and wife were working. Secondly, unemployment was some sort of work was granted to everybody. According to the general vagrancy law, anybody who did not have a job could be punished, and was socially stigmatized. At the same timesocial benefits – they were paid their full salaries as maternity support, and nurseries and kindergartens were offered by employers, who often ensured medical care as well.distinguished status, and only few of them could be found in leading positions. Among other reasons, this was due to the fact that the majority of housework was done by women, so they had less time and energy to build their careers.The positive progress made in the western world regarding the division of housework was not in evidence in the socialist countries (Newel and Reilly, 2001). Following the change of regime, the high rate of female employment decreased radically in these countries.

2.1. The effects of the regime change

After the regime change – in parallel with the transition to a market economy work actually disappeared, mass redundanciesconsidered “unstable labour”, have lost their jobs. Several contradictory studies have examined female unemployment in Eastern- and CentralHungary, however, a higher rate of female unemployment could not be definitivelDetailed studies have shown that the negative consequences of the regime change affected those women with a lower education, no education, or no marketable skills more 1998). So, although the position of women on the labour market has not significantly worsened, their presence in the transitional economy has reduced. (The MONEE Project, 2010) At the same time, differences in salary between men and women with equivalent education and position have

We should also note that the recent financialand in their case, the recent period has seen siFigures 1., 2. and 3. show the distribution by gender regarding economic activity, unemployment and employment in the last 15 years. (Central Statistical Office, 2012)qualification and employment of women. While the number of female graduates is higher than that for men, both in Hungary and in other EU-countries, nearly threewhich do not require university degrees and pay low wages (e.g. shop assistants, administrators, preelementary school teachers, cleaners, bookStatistical Office, 2009) (Table 1.)

Global Gender Gap Index data, regarding recent years, tells us a lot about the inequality between men and women in the following four areas: economipolitical empowerment. The values show how the between the genders. Hungary's ranking has got progressively worse over recent years (Table 2.) (Hausmann, Tyson and Zahidi, 2011). Table 3. shows that the worsening of Hungary’s cumulated ifactor – the extremely low ranking regarding political empowerment, which means that women do not have political influence. As regards health and survival, men and women are in a similar position in Hungary. (This does nthat Hungary is noted for its health preservation or low death rates.)

2.2. The effects of the regime change


24

WS DEBATE project etc.) The aim of the present study was to contribute to a better knowledge of women's role in scientific life and their opportunities, and to outline a multi-disciplinary approach formed on the

date data collected in Hungary.

socialist countries

Due to the radical political and social changes in the last decades of the XXth century, the position of women on the labour market has also fundamentally changed in post-socialist countries. Alongside the widening range of

ectations have also been increasing, which has had an influence on elements of the traditional eminently, the role of women in family life. Women must define their aims far more carefully,

ocialist countries the ratio of working women was far higher than in western countries, which has two underlying causes: Firstly, a family was able to maintain their standard of living only if both husband and wife were working. Secondly, unemployment was unusual, as full employment was a principal aim for centralised systems, and some sort of work was granted to everybody. According to the general vagrancy law, anybody who did not have a job could be punished, and was socially stigmatized. At the same time working women had access to a wide range of

they were paid their full salaries as maternity support, and nurseries and kindergartens were offered by employers, who often ensured medical care as well. As for their career and salary howevedistinguished status, and only few of them could be found in leading positions. Among other reasons, this was due to the fact that the majority of housework was done by women, so they had less time and energy to build their careers.The positive progress made in the western world regarding the division of housework was not in evidence in the

(Newel and Reilly, 2001). Following the change of regime, the high rate of female employment untries.

2.1. The effects of the regime change – the position of women in the transitional economy

in parallel with the transition to a market economy – full employment and the right to work actually disappeared, mass redundancies began, and lots of women, mainly with small children, who are considered “unstable labour”, have lost their jobs. Several contradictory studies have examined female

and Central-Europe. In some post-socialist countries the above trHungary, however, a higher rate of female unemployment could not be definitively shownDetailed studies have shown that the negative consequences of the regime change affected those women with a lower

ion, no education, or no marketable skills more than men with comparable status 1998). So, although the position of women on the labour market has not significantly worsened, their presence in the

(The MONEE Project, 2010) At the same time, differences in salary between men and women with equivalent education and position have been increasing (Rutkowski, 1996).

We should also note that the recent financial-economic crisis has had less influence on female labour than on male, and in their case, the recent period has seen significantly positive tendencies (Cseres-Gergely and Szőke, 2011)

show the distribution by gender regarding economic activity, unemployment and employment in the last 15 years. (Central Statistical Office, 2012) In addition, there are obvious contradictions betweenqualification and employment of women. While the number of female graduates is higher than that for men, both in

countries, nearly three-quarters of female employees work in 15 traditionally female fields university degrees and pay low wages (e.g. shop assistants, administrators, pre

elementary school teachers, cleaners, book-keepers, kitchen workers, assembly line workers, etc.)

Index data, regarding recent years, tells us a lot about the inequality between men and women in economic participation and opportunity; educational attainment; health and survival;

The values show how the countries researched distribute their resources and opportunities between the genders. Hungary's ranking has got progressively worse over recent years (Table 2.) (Hausmann, Tyson

Table 3. shows that the worsening of Hungary’s cumulated index is basically due to the fourth the extremely low ranking regarding political empowerment, which means that women do not have political

influence. As regards health and survival, men and women are in a similar position in Hungary. (This does nthat Hungary is noted for its health preservation or low death rates.)

2.2. The effects of the regime change – the representation of women’s interest and their participation in politics

www.iiste.org

y was to contribute to a better knowledge of disciplinary approach formed on the

century, the position of women on the socialist countries. Alongside the widening range of

ectations have also been increasing, which has had an influence on elements of the traditional eminently, the role of women in family life. Women must define their aims far more carefully,

ocialist countries the ratio of working women was far higher than in western countries, which has two underlying causes: Firstly, a family was able to maintain their standard of living only if both husband and wife were

unusual, as full employment was a principal aim for centralised systems, and some sort of work was granted to everybody. According to the general vagrancy law, anybody who did not have a

working women had access to a wide range of they were paid their full salaries as maternity support, and nurseries and kindergartens were offered

As for their career and salary however, women did not have a distinguished status, and only few of them could be found in leading positions. Among other reasons, this was due to the fact that the majority of housework was done by women, so they had less time and energy to build their careers. The positive progress made in the western world regarding the division of housework was not in evidence in the

(Newel and Reilly, 2001). Following the change of regime, the high rate of female employment

full employment and the right to began, and lots of women, mainly with small children, who are

considered “unstable labour”, have lost their jobs. Several contradictory studies have examined female socialist countries the above trend could be proved. In

y shown (Kolosi and Sági, 2006). Detailed studies have shown that the negative consequences of the regime change affected those women with a lower

(van der Lippe and Fodor, 1998). So, although the position of women on the labour market has not significantly worsened, their presence in the

(The MONEE Project, 2010) At the same time, differences in salary between men (Rutkowski, 1996).

female labour than on male, Gergely and Szőke, 2011).

show the distribution by gender regarding economic activity, unemployment and employment in In addition, there are obvious contradictions between the

qualification and employment of women. While the number of female graduates is higher than that for men, both in quarters of female employees work in 15 traditionally female fields

university degrees and pay low wages (e.g. shop assistants, administrators, pre-school and keepers, kitchen workers, assembly line workers, etc.). (Central

Index data, regarding recent years, tells us a lot about the inequality between men and women in c participation and opportunity; educational attainment; health and survival;

countries researched distribute their resources and opportunities between the genders. Hungary's ranking has got progressively worse over recent years (Table 2.) (Hausmann, Tyson

ndex is basically due to the fourth the extremely low ranking regarding political empowerment, which means that women do not have political

influence. As regards health and survival, men and women are in a similar position in Hungary. (This does not mean

the representation of women’s interest and their participation in politics


As the rate of women’s employment was much higher in postequal rights - they would be far ahead of Westernfrom enjoying the privileges of emancipation, able to meet the new expectations, finding it hard to balance work, family and social life (LaFont, 2001). Although the rate of female employment has been high, women have had lowdifficult to advance in their careers, because of their central role in the family (principally in childbeen considered unstable labour (Korovushkina, 1994)

Under the socialist regime, women had rights and social benefits which are not availabeven now. However, their participation in economic and political life was often made impossible, and they were encouraged to follow traditional female patterns. Although there was a specified quota for female representation in several socialist parliaments (Ostrovska, 1994), this did not mean that they could get a hearing. Representation of woman did not mean representation of their interests. Regretfully, in the aftermath of regime change in postcountries, we cannot see so much as a visible trace of an intention to integrate women into the mainly dominated political sphere (Fuszara, 2000).

As a matter of fact, a low inclination of women to participate in political life could also contribute to the situation. In the countries of this region, political style has maintained its strongly masculine edge, the fundamental characteristics of which are an aggressive and cynical approach, power struggles, corruption and hypocrisy. Such features differ from the style of discussion and system of values women are socialized to, especially in societies where traditional feminine traits, such as agreeability, obedience, placidity, moderation and a willingness not to prioritise personal interests, are strong social norms. The avoiconsequence of the “lack” of socialization, it is also due to a fear of losing femininity, and an unwillingness to cast off female roles.

Looking back at Hungary’s history since 1848, and presidents was a woman. The number of female ministers and state secretaries has also been very low. Over the last two years there has been only one woman state secretary, and only siin the Hungarian government. Table 4. shows the gender distribution of MPregime change (Information System of the Hungarian Parliament, 2012)of female MP-s is under 10, which means that Hungary is bringing up the rear in Europe. According to a survey made by the Inter-parliamentary Union, Hungary is ranked 114South-American countries are ahead of Hungary, even some Arabic countries, which are not considered spearheads for the emancipation of women. (Inter

2.3. Factors hindering the careers of women

The essence of the “glass ceiling” effect is that well-paid positions – they peak at a certain step of the career ladder, and they cannot get into higher positions. In the case of women, the characteristic “glass ceiling” is the middlehighest positions (Morrison, White and Van Velsor, 1994). The “glass ceiling” is a transparent barrier, which prevents women from advancement traditional stereotype that decrees only men are able to be leaders. In addition, before taking on higher positions, women always have to consider whether they will be able to meet the demands of their fespecially when they have children (Hultin, 2003)

Another important factor is so-called success anxiety, which means that success, alongside its positive effects, often induces distress in women (Sassen, 1980). Success and leadersfeatures, such as dominance, the vindication of personal interests, a leading or very ambitious personality, an aggressive attitude, and a lack of empathy. Women are often afraid that, should they prove above traits, their femininity will be compromised, especially if men see them as rivals.

In the case of men a contradictory phenomenon, the sowhich is that, even in traditionally feminine jobs, men in a minority do not suffer any discrimination. On the contrary, they progress far quicker than their female colleagues (Williams, 1992). According to Williams, this is due to the fact that, at a place of work where women As a result, women themselves help men to get into higher positions, as they believe a man can represent the interests of the institution better, having a more appropriate image


25

As the rate of women’s employment was much higher in post-socialist countries, we could suppose that they would be far ahead of Western-European countries. However, over recent decades women, far he privileges of emancipation, have rather been afflicted by a guilty conscience

able to meet the new expectations, finding it hard to balance work, family and social life (LaFont, 2001). Although the rate of female employment has been high, women have had low-paid and low-status jobs, and it has proved

, because of their central role in the family (principally in childbeen considered unstable labour (Korovushkina, 1994).

Under the socialist regime, women had rights and social benefits which are not available in most western countries even now. However, their participation in economic and political life was often made impossible, and they were encouraged to follow traditional female patterns. Although there was a specified quota for female representation in several socialist parliaments (Ostrovska, 1994), this did not mean that they could get a hearing. Representation of woman did not mean representation of their interests. Regretfully, in the aftermath of regime change in post

see so much as a visible trace of an intention to integrate women into the mainly (Fuszara, 2000).

As a matter of fact, a low inclination of women to participate in political life could also contribute to the situation. In he countries of this region, political style has maintained its strongly masculine edge, the fundamental characteristics

of which are an aggressive and cynical approach, power struggles, corruption and hypocrisy. Such features differ ussion and system of values women are socialized to, especially in societies where traditional

feminine traits, such as agreeability, obedience, placidity, moderation and a willingness not to prioritise personal interests, are strong social norms. The avoidance of aggressive postures which promote selfconsequence of the “lack” of socialization, it is also due to a fear of losing femininity, and an unwillingness to cast

Looking back at Hungary’s history since 1848, we can see that none of the approximately 70 prime ministers, heads and presidents was a woman. The number of female ministers and state secretaries has also been very low. Over the last two years there has been only one woman state secretary, and only since the end of 2011 has there been a woman in the Hungarian government. Table 4. shows the gender distribution of MP-s by election peri

(Information System of the Hungarian Parliament, 2012). In the Hungarian Parliament, the ps is under 10, which means that Hungary is bringing up the rear in Europe. According to a survey

parliamentary Union, Hungary is ranked 114th out of 190 countries. Several African, Asian and are ahead of Hungary, even some Arabic countries, which are not considered spearheads

for the emancipation of women. (Inter-parliamentary Union, 2011)

2.3. Factors hindering the careers of women – the glass ceiling and glass escalator effects

of the “glass ceiling” effect is that – although women have the chance to advance into high prestige and they peak at a certain step of the career ladder, and they cannot get into higher positions. In the

stic “glass ceiling” is the middle-manager position. They could, but do not obtain the highest positions (Morrison, White and Van Velsor, 1994). The “glass ceiling” is a transparent barrier, which

(Acsády, 2010). Several factors contribute to this phenomenon, among others the traditional stereotype that decrees only men are able to be leaders. In addition, before taking on higher positions, women always have to consider whether they will be able to meet the demands of their fespecially when they have children (Hultin, 2003).

called success anxiety, which means that success, alongside its positive effects, often induces distress in women (Sassen, 1980). Success and leadership are often thought to be accompanied by masculine features, such as dominance, the vindication of personal interests, a leading or very ambitious personality, an aggressive attitude, and a lack of empathy. Women are often afraid that, should they prove above traits, their femininity will be compromised, especially if men see them as rivals.

In the case of men a contradictory phenomenon, the so-called “glass escalator” effect, can be observed, the point of traditionally feminine jobs, men in a minority do not suffer any discrimination. On the contrary,

they progress far quicker than their female colleagues (Williams, 1992). According to Williams, this is due to the fact that, at a place of work where women are in majority, male employees receive special attention from the fairer sex. As a result, women themselves help men to get into higher positions, as they believe a man can represent the interests of the institution better, having a more appropriate image and approach (Baron and Bielby 1985, 1986).

www.iiste.org

alist countries, we could suppose that - regarding European countries. However, over recent decades women, far

have rather been afflicted by a guilty conscience as they have not been able to meet the new expectations, finding it hard to balance work, family and social life (LaFont, 2001). Although

status jobs, and it has proved , because of their central role in the family (principally in child-rearing) they have

le in most western countries even now. However, their participation in economic and political life was often made impossible, and they were encouraged to follow traditional female patterns. Although there was a specified quota for female representation in several socialist parliaments (Ostrovska, 1994), this did not mean that they could get a hearing. Representation of woman did not mean representation of their interests. Regretfully, in the aftermath of regime change in post-socialist

see so much as a visible trace of an intention to integrate women into the mainly male-

As a matter of fact, a low inclination of women to participate in political life could also contribute to the situation. In he countries of this region, political style has maintained its strongly masculine edge, the fundamental characteristics

of which are an aggressive and cynical approach, power struggles, corruption and hypocrisy. Such features differ ussion and system of values women are socialized to, especially in societies where traditional

feminine traits, such as agreeability, obedience, placidity, moderation and a willingness not to prioritise personal dance of aggressive postures which promote self-interest is not only a

consequence of the “lack” of socialization, it is also due to a fear of losing femininity, and an unwillingness to cast

we can see that none of the approximately 70 prime ministers, heads and presidents was a woman. The number of female ministers and state secretaries has also been very low. Over the

nce the end of 2011 has there been a woman s by election period following the

In the Hungarian Parliament, the percentage s is under 10, which means that Hungary is bringing up the rear in Europe. According to a survey

out of 190 countries. Several African, Asian and are ahead of Hungary, even some Arabic countries, which are not considered spearheads

the glass ceiling and glass escalator effects

although women have the chance to advance into high prestige and they peak at a certain step of the career ladder, and they cannot get into higher positions. In the

manager position. They could, but do not obtain the highest positions (Morrison, White and Van Velsor, 1994). The “glass ceiling” is a transparent barrier, which

tors contribute to this phenomenon, among others the traditional stereotype that decrees only men are able to be leaders. In addition, before taking on higher positions, women always have to consider whether they will be able to meet the demands of their families and households,

called success anxiety, which means that success, alongside its positive effects, often hip are often thought to be accompanied by masculine

features, such as dominance, the vindication of personal interests, a leading or very ambitious personality, an aggressive attitude, and a lack of empathy. Women are often afraid that, should they prove to be in possession of the

called “glass escalator” effect, can be observed, the point of traditionally feminine jobs, men in a minority do not suffer any discrimination. On the contrary,

they progress far quicker than their female colleagues (Williams, 1992). According to Williams, this is due to the fact are in majority, male employees receive special attention from the fairer sex.

As a result, women themselves help men to get into higher positions, as they believe a man can represent the and approach (Baron and Bielby 1985, 1986). It


often occurs that women in higher positions, somewhat countercareers, and even seek to hinder their professional progress (Ellemers and van den Heuvel, 2004)

It would be a mistake to attribute the difficulties of women in their professional progress only to the discriminative behaviour of men, as women have the same prejudices against their own gender. We can surmise therefore, that women have to meet more requirements if they want to be recognized, or they have to make more sacrifices to achieve the same results as men.

The “glass ceiling” and “glass escalator” effects are more significant in Hungary than in Westernbe due to the fact that in the last decades Hungarian women, in contrast to their western counterparts, have not been able to internalise the actual spirit of emancipation, and they do nothing to fight for their own equality. Instead, they accept that traditions have marked outat home. In Hungary, several negative connotations are attached to the concepts of emancipation and feminism, and a great number of women consider them stigmas rather than the

2.4. Career possibilities for women in science

Discrimination against women can also be observed in science, where they are underOf course, the development and survival of this phenomwe cannot say that such discrimination is its only cause. Addressing biological differences between men and women which may predict their being successful in the various fields of science, is stidoing so may provide ammunition for certain prejudiced standpoints seeking to preserve the present situation.

Baron-Cohen’s research (2003) upholds the genetic peculiarities which allow men to think more analyticallysystematically, and these abilities are obviously advantageous in scientific work. Women are genetically determined to be more empathic, caring and social, their communicative skills are better and they are able to show their feelings and recognize the feelings of others. These abilities are essential for them also, because they are of primary importance in taking care of their children.

We can state that gender stereotypes have a biological justification to some degree. Later, these biological differences will be reinforced, due to the differing socialization of boys and girls in the family, at school and in the wider social milieu. While boys play games demanding strategic and logical thinking and competitive behaviour, girls play with dolls, which fosters a caring impulse even from early childhood. In preschool and elementary education, the aggressive actions of boys are not as strictly disapproved of as those of girls. At the same time, boys who perform well in their studies are considered clever andconsidered diligent and assiduous. These stereotypes can also be observed in the case of tertiary studies.

2.5. The position of women in higher education

Women are over-represented in higher education alcase of scientific careers, and a specific “glass ceiling” effect exists in research, with its own special characteristics. Scientific careers require sacrifices and obligations (travelling, wodeeply than men. Professional progress is much more difficult for women, as the childlimited, and bringing up children is mainly the responsibility of women. Biological determinatiosocialization may still cause women to find their place in familyrequiring sacrifices.

Men can progress more easily. In the case of a man who has got a family, and a caring wife ensurbackground and shielding him from the majority of familyand knowledge. National and international surveys confirm the differences between men and women. Men with successful careers are successful in their private life too, while women’s careers often cause problems in their private life, or result in a distancing of family relationships

2.6. Difficulties in women’s scientific careers

On the basis of statistical data, we can state that reconciling the manifold obligations of scientific work and familylife is problematic in the case of women. 90 % of men working in a scientific field are married, and the number of divorcees is quite low, while 15 % of women are not According to statistical data collected in 1980, 34.5 % of graduate women have not got children, and the rate of childless women researchers is 40.6 % (Palasik and Papp, 2007). With reference to sothe data alarming, as the ratio of single and childless persons has increased in the total population. This will be a


26

often occurs that women in higher positions, somewhat counter-intuitively, do not help their female colleagues’ careers, and even seek to hinder their professional progress (Ellemers and van den Heuvel, 2004)

It would be a mistake to attribute the difficulties of women in their professional progress only to the discriminative behaviour of men, as women have the same prejudices against their own gender. We can surmise therefore, that

requirements if they want to be recognized, or they have to make more sacrifices to

The “glass ceiling” and “glass escalator” effects are more significant in Hungary than in Westernt in the last decades Hungarian women, in contrast to their western counterparts, have not been

able to internalise the actual spirit of emancipation, and they do nothing to fight for their own equality. Instead, they accept that traditions have marked out certain patterns for them, and try to meet these requirements both at work and at home. In Hungary, several negative connotations are attached to the concepts of emancipation and feminism, and a great number of women consider them stigmas rather than the fruits of a long and troubled struggle.

2.4. Career possibilities for women in science

Discrimination against women can also be observed in science, where they are under-represented all over the world. Of course, the development and survival of this phenomenon is in part due to the above-mentioned factors. However, we cannot say that such discrimination is its only cause. Addressing biological differences between men and women which may predict their being successful in the various fields of science, is still considered something of a taboo, as doing so may provide ammunition for certain prejudiced standpoints seeking to preserve the present situation.

Cohen’s research (2003) upholds the genetic peculiarities which allow men to think more analyticallysystematically, and these abilities are obviously advantageous in scientific work. Women are genetically determined to be more empathic, caring and social, their communicative skills are better and they are able to show their feelings

e feelings of others. These abilities are essential for them also, because they are of primary importance in taking care of their children.

We can state that gender stereotypes have a biological justification to some degree. Later, these biological nces will be reinforced, due to the differing socialization of boys and girls in the family, at school and in the

wider social milieu. While boys play games demanding strategic and logical thinking and competitive behaviour, sters a caring impulse even from early childhood. In preschool and elementary

education, the aggressive actions of boys are not as strictly disapproved of as those of girls. At the same time, boys who perform well in their studies are considered clever and talented, while similarly capable girls are usually considered diligent and assiduous. These stereotypes can also be observed in the case of tertiary studies.

2.5. The position of women in higher education

represented in higher education all over the world. However, the trend cannot be observed in the case of scientific careers, and a specific “glass ceiling” effect exists in research, with its own special characteristics. Scientific careers require sacrifices and obligations (travelling, working abroad for years, etc.) affecting women more deeply than men. Professional progress is much more difficult for women, as the childlimited, and bringing up children is mainly the responsibility of women. Biological determinatiosocialization may still cause women to find their place in family-life rather than in a successful scientific career

Men can progress more easily. In the case of a man who has got a family, and a caring wife ensurbackground and shielding him from the majority of family-problems, he can focus on his work with all his power

National and international surveys confirm the differences between men and women. Men with cessful in their private life too, while women’s careers often cause problems in their private

tancing of family relationships (Nagy, 2001, Koncz, 2008).

2.6. Difficulties in women’s scientific careers

ta, we can state that reconciling the manifold obligations of scientific work and familylife is problematic in the case of women. 90 % of men working in a scientific field are married, and the number of divorcees is quite low, while 15 % of women are not married. The rate of single women under 40 is almost 25 %. According to statistical data collected in 1980, 34.5 % of graduate women have not got children, and the rate of childless women researchers is 40.6 % (Palasik and Papp, 2007). With reference to social changes, we may still find the data alarming, as the ratio of single and childless persons has increased in the total population. This will be a

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intuitively, do not help their female colleagues’ careers, and even seek to hinder their professional progress (Ellemers and van den Heuvel, 2004).

It would be a mistake to attribute the difficulties of women in their professional progress only to the discriminative behaviour of men, as women have the same prejudices against their own gender. We can surmise therefore, that

requirements if they want to be recognized, or they have to make more sacrifices to

The “glass ceiling” and “glass escalator” effects are more significant in Hungary than in Western-Europe, which may t in the last decades Hungarian women, in contrast to their western counterparts, have not been

able to internalise the actual spirit of emancipation, and they do nothing to fight for their own equality. Instead, they certain patterns for them, and try to meet these requirements both at work and

at home. In Hungary, several negative connotations are attached to the concepts of emancipation and feminism, and a fruits of a long and troubled struggle.

represented all over the world. mentioned factors. However,

we cannot say that such discrimination is its only cause. Addressing biological differences between men and women ll considered something of a taboo, as

doing so may provide ammunition for certain prejudiced standpoints seeking to preserve the present situation.

Cohen’s research (2003) upholds the genetic peculiarities which allow men to think more analytically and systematically, and these abilities are obviously advantageous in scientific work. Women are genetically determined to be more empathic, caring and social, their communicative skills are better and they are able to show their feelings

e feelings of others. These abilities are essential for them also, because they are of primary

We can state that gender stereotypes have a biological justification to some degree. Later, these biological nces will be reinforced, due to the differing socialization of boys and girls in the family, at school and in the

wider social milieu. While boys play games demanding strategic and logical thinking and competitive behaviour, sters a caring impulse even from early childhood. In preschool and elementary

education, the aggressive actions of boys are not as strictly disapproved of as those of girls. At the same time, boys talented, while similarly capable girls are usually

considered diligent and assiduous. These stereotypes can also be observed in the case of tertiary studies.

l over the world. However, the trend cannot be observed in the case of scientific careers, and a specific “glass ceiling” effect exists in research, with its own special characteristics.

rking abroad for years, etc.) affecting women more deeply than men. Professional progress is much more difficult for women, as the child-bearing years are more limited, and bringing up children is mainly the responsibility of women. Biological determination and the effects of

life rather than in a successful scientific career

Men can progress more easily. In the case of a man who has got a family, and a caring wife ensuring a secure problems, he can focus on his work with all his power

National and international surveys confirm the differences between men and women. Men with cessful in their private life too, while women’s careers often cause problems in their private

ta, we can state that reconciling the manifold obligations of scientific work and family-life is problematic in the case of women. 90 % of men working in a scientific field are married, and the number of

married. The rate of single women under 40 is almost 25 %. According to statistical data collected in 1980, 34.5 % of graduate women have not got children, and the rate of

cial changes, we may still find the data alarming, as the ratio of single and childless persons has increased in the total population. This will be a


great problem in the future, as several developmental psychology studies suggest that the intellectual devand school progress of children are strongly correlated to the education of their mothchildlessness of highly educated women will have serious consequences.

In Hungary there is no (satisfactory) legislation in place which cofamily life. For example, Ph.D. students whose studies are financed by the state cannot get maternity benefits or mortgages for flats, and because of their lack of work experience, they will be handicappedCorrespondence and fee-paying students can have the above advantages, although financing their studies constitutes a major burden.

These unfavourable conditions are likely to discourage women from research careers. We regret to say who decide on research, in spite of all these difficulties, will not face a bright future. Most of them will work in a field with poor financial conditions, their salaries will be lower than men’s, and the chance to progress is small. In the case that they get into significant positions they will not have equal prestige, remuneration, mobility and authority to men (Papp and Groó, 2005)

3. Women in Hungary – an outline in the framework of the statistical data

In Hungary, there are 1105 women to ogirls born in 2009 was 78 years, 8 years more than our grandmothers’ half a century ago. Hungarian women live 8 years longer than men. 51% of women between 15(throughout the EU this figure is 31%). 66% of women are employed as intellectual workers and 34% in manual fields. The labour market does not value the labour of men and women equally; the average salary of men exceeds that of women by 17.6%.

Hungarian women are more ambitious in their studies than most of their European counterparts: their rate of participation is 55-56%, compared to 55% in the European Union. The average age of women getting married for the first time and having children is 28 years. Women spend threeStatistical Office, 2011).

3.1. Female students in higher education

In Hungary, higher education institutions were established at the turn of the XIVBuda, Bratislava, and Transylvania), but women were only permitted to take part in higher education starting from the end of the XIXth century. In 1895, the culture minister allowed females to take part in higher education, mosin the departments of philology, medicine, and pharmacology. But please note that only after the II. World War, in 1945/46, did all departments (except the theological and military officer’s) become open to women.of female students by the mid-60s reached 40% and two decades later it was already over 50%. The number of women who obtained degrees between 1949 and 1990 has increased by a factor of twenty; according to the census in 1990, half of the women who graduated from higher educationof the XXth century 53.6% of fulldepartments of medicine (91.8%), health pedagogy (93.8%), pedagogy (85.2and Engler, 2005).

By the middle of the century, on fullthe number of “fairer sex” participants reached 60%. But following the 2005/2006 term, the numbstudents decreased slightly, and thus their participation in the recently closed educational period reached just 55%. There were differences in the distribution between the departments. The percentage of women in fullwas between 52-53%; a figure exceeded by 10% for women on correspondenc5.).

It’s worth examining the ratio of female participation with respect to the various higher education forms. In the term 2010/2011, the total number of students studying in all fields of higher education was more than 360 thousand, and among them the number of women was 200 thousand. Their share in tertiary vocational training was close to 65 % and 70 % in postgraduate specialisation programmes. While on of graduates on master courses exceeded 60%. Unfortunately, in the field of doctoral education (PhD, DLA), which is the gateway to a scientific career, the percentage of women was smaller; the students are mosthis term (NEFMI – Ministry of National Resources, 2011) (Figure 4.)


27

great problem in the future, as several developmental psychology studies suggest that the intellectual devand school progress of children are strongly correlated to the education of their mothchildlessness of highly educated women will have serious consequences.

In Hungary there is no (satisfactory) legislation in place which could support the compatibility of research work and family life. For example, Ph.D. students whose studies are financed by the state cannot get maternity benefits or mortgages for flats, and because of their lack of work experience, they will be handicapped

paying students can have the above advantages, although financing their studies constitutes

These unfavourable conditions are likely to discourage women from research careers. We regret to say who decide on research, in spite of all these difficulties, will not face a bright future. Most of them will work in a field with poor financial conditions, their salaries will be lower than men’s, and the chance to progress is small. In

e that they get into significant positions they will not have equal prestige, remuneration, mobility and authority to men (Papp and Groó, 2005).

an outline in the framework of the statistical data

In Hungary, there are 1105 women to one thousand men, which is 52% of the population. The life expectancy of girls born in 2009 was 78 years, 8 years more than our grandmothers’ half a century ago. Hungarian women live 8 years longer than men. 51% of women between 15-64 years of age are employed, 8% are part(throughout the EU this figure is 31%). 66% of women are employed as intellectual workers and 34% in manual fields. The labour market does not value the labour of men and women equally; the average salary of men exceeds

Hungarian women are more ambitious in their studies than most of their European counterparts: their rate of 56%, compared to 55% in the European Union. The average age of women getting married for

nd having children is 28 years. Women spend three-quarters of their life in a healthy state

3.1. Female students in higher education

In Hungary, higher education institutions were established at the turn of the XIVth and Buda, Bratislava, and Transylvania), but women were only permitted to take part in higher education starting from

century. In 1895, the culture minister allowed females to take part in higher education, mosin the departments of philology, medicine, and pharmacology. But please note that only after the II. World War, in 1945/46, did all departments (except the theological and military officer’s) become open to women.

60s reached 40% and two decades later it was already over 50%. The number of women who obtained degrees between 1949 and 1990 has increased by a factor of twenty; according to the census in 1990, half of the women who graduated from higher education institutions were teachers. Already in the second half

century 53.6% of full-time students in higher education were women, most of them studying at the departments of medicine (91.8%), health pedagogy (93.8%), pedagogy (85.2%) and nursery

By the middle of the century, on full-time, part-time and correspondence courses at all higher education institutions, the number of “fairer sex” participants reached 60%. But following the 2005/2006 term, the numbstudents decreased slightly, and thus their participation in the recently closed educational period reached just 55%. There were differences in the distribution between the departments. The percentage of women in full

53%; a figure exceeded by 10% for women on correspondence courses in the last 5

It’s worth examining the ratio of female participation with respect to the various higher education forms. In the term students studying in all fields of higher education was more than 360 thousand, and

among them the number of women was 200 thousand. Their share in tertiary vocational training was close to 65 % and 70 % in postgraduate specialisation programmes. While on bachelor programmes 54% were women, the number of graduates on master courses exceeded 60%. Unfortunately, in the field of doctoral education (PhD, DLA), which is the gateway to a scientific career, the percentage of women was smaller; the students are mos

Ministry of National Resources, 2011) (Figure 4.).

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great problem in the future, as several developmental psychology studies suggest that the intellectual development and school progress of children are strongly correlated to the education of their mothers (Csépe, 2008). The

uld support the compatibility of research work and family life. For example, Ph.D. students whose studies are financed by the state cannot get maternity benefits or mortgages for flats, and because of their lack of work experience, they will be handicapped on the labour market.

paying students can have the above advantages, although financing their studies constitutes

These unfavourable conditions are likely to discourage women from research careers. We regret to say that women who decide on research, in spite of all these difficulties, will not face a bright future. Most of them will work in a field with poor financial conditions, their salaries will be lower than men’s, and the chance to progress is small. In

e that they get into significant positions they will not have equal prestige, remuneration, mobility and

ne thousand men, which is 52% of the population. The life expectancy of girls born in 2009 was 78 years, 8 years more than our grandmothers’ half a century ago. Hungarian women live 8

ployed, 8% are part-time workers (throughout the EU this figure is 31%). 66% of women are employed as intellectual workers and 34% in manual fields. The labour market does not value the labour of men and women equally; the average salary of men exceeds

Hungarian women are more ambitious in their studies than most of their European counterparts: their rate of 56%, compared to 55% in the European Union. The average age of women getting married for

f their life in a healthy state (Central

XVth century (in Pécs, Old Buda, Bratislava, and Transylvania), but women were only permitted to take part in higher education starting from

century. In 1895, the culture minister allowed females to take part in higher education, mostly in the departments of philology, medicine, and pharmacology. But please note that only after the II. World War, in 1945/46, did all departments (except the theological and military officer’s) become open to women. The percentage

60s reached 40% and two decades later it was already over 50%. The number of women who obtained degrees between 1949 and 1990 has increased by a factor of twenty; according to the census in

institutions were teachers. Already in the second half time students in higher education were women, most of them studying at the

%) and nursery-teaching (92.2%) (Bocsi

time and correspondence courses at all higher education institutions, the number of “fairer sex” participants reached 60%. But following the 2005/2006 term, the number of female students decreased slightly, and thus their participation in the recently closed educational period reached just 55%. There were differences in the distribution between the departments. The percentage of women in full-time education

e courses in the last 5-6 years (Table

It’s worth examining the ratio of female participation with respect to the various higher education forms. In the term students studying in all fields of higher education was more than 360 thousand, and

among them the number of women was 200 thousand. Their share in tertiary vocational training was close to 65 % bachelor programmes 54% were women, the number

of graduates on master courses exceeded 60%. Unfortunately, in the field of doctoral education (PhD, DLA), which is the gateway to a scientific career, the percentage of women was smaller; the students are mostly male (51.3%) for


Summarizing the newest (2011) admission process data, we may conclude that the number of women who applied was greater by 10% than men. The smallest difference, accoundergraduate studies (8%), while more than 24% more women than men wished to switch to master courses in this term. We may conclude from these data and tendencies that the number of women studying in hiHungary, starting from the middle of the 80s, has flat

Recent experience suggests that the headcount for women wishing to take part in master courses has substantially exceeded that for men (Figure 5.). We are not aware of any Hunwomen to study in higher education. However, it is a fact that graduates begin work later, their careers begin later, and their salaries are lower for a period than those of their contemporaries. This mayinterested in continuing their studies than women. The distribution for BA and MA courses supports this hypothesis.

Significant differences can be observed depending on the field of education: the most “masculine” subjects are

considered to be I.T. and technical education, and the number of male applicants to these departments this year

has exceeded by 80-90% applications to national defence and military departments. The most significant female

majorities can be found in pedagogic

and to social sciences (69.9%) (Educatio Kft, 2011)

catching in the case of scientific degrees. According to the 2009 statisti

are men. At the same time, women’s proportion among doctors of science is even worse

To be a Member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences is considered the peak of a scientific career. At this level

can find hardly any women; in 1949 there was only 1 woman among the 129 members. By the 1960s the number of

women was a bit higher, 1-2 persons. In the 1980s there were 7

the 310 academics were women (Haraszthy and Hrubos, 2002)

Academic membership seems to be beyond women’s reach. We may say that it exceeds the scope of the “glass

ceiling” phenomenon, and this aim is thought to reside in an invisible region. At the tim

paper, the rate of women among the Members of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences was 4.9

Regarding the proportion of women, the most female candidates are in the fields of social sciences and the

humanities, while the figures are lowest in agricultura

considerable; they are between 21.3%

of social sciences and humanities, where the rate of female participation is jus

professionals it is only 8.4 % (Figure 7.)

All of the above suggests that the number of female students has significantly grown in the recent past, but in doctoral education we can still notice a dominance of men. In the foemployment among educators and researchers in higher education, and following that, in research and development positions.

3.2. Women in higher education

In the 2010/2011 term approximately 22 thousand people various state institutions, the church and foundations, the percentage of female teachers was 37.2%. The rate of employment of female educators was higher in state institutions and foundations, andchurches (Figure 8.). Almost 1500 people were employed in higher education in research jobs in the 2009/2010 term; among them 96% were working in state owned institutions, and 3.5% in the private sector. One third (32.9%) of researchers in this period were women. While almost 67% of all researchers were fulltime female employees was even higher, more than 75%. This also means that there were fewer female researchers employed on a part-time basis in the abov

The “scissor diagram” (Figure 10.) shows the differences between women and men in the university hierarchy. As we have already mentioned, the higher female participation rate in higher education can no longer be obserPhD courses, and as we proceed along the “rating level” in higher education, the difference grows in favour of men. From all this we may conclude that a number of highly talented women take part in higher education (e.g. look at their percentage on master courses) whose scientific career does not progress in higher education institutions.

We should seek to find out why the number of women studying on PhD courses is decreasing. One possible reason may be that most leading positions are occupied by mewomen in decision-making positions, most PhD


28

Summarizing the newest (2011) admission process data, we may conclude that the number of women who applied was greater by 10% than men. The smallest difference, according to the previous data, was among applicants for undergraduate studies (8%), while more than 24% more women than men wished to switch to master courses in this term. We may conclude from these data and tendencies that the number of women studying in hiHungary, starting from the middle of the 80s, has flat-lined.

Recent experience suggests that the headcount for women wishing to take part in master courses has substantially We are not aware of any Hungarian surveys examining the greater inclination of

women to study in higher education. However, it is a fact that graduates begin work later, their careers begin later, and their salaries are lower for a period than those of their contemporaries. This may interested in continuing their studies than women. The distribution for BA and MA courses supports this hypothesis.


nsidered to be I.T. and technical education, and the number of male applicants to these departments this year

90% applications to national defence and military departments. The most significant female

majorities can be found in pedagogical (81.1%), medical and health departments (78.8%), and to humanities (74%)

(Educatio Kft, 2011). The differences between the two genders are more eye

catching in the case of scientific degrees. According to the 2009 statistical data, nearly 80% of science candidates

are men. At the same time, women’s proportion among doctors of science is even worse

To be a Member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences is considered the peak of a scientific career. At this level


2 persons. In the 1980s there were 7-8 and at the end of the 1990s as many as 10 out

araszthy and Hrubos, 2002).

Academic membership seems to be beyond women’s reach. We may say that it exceeds the scope of the “glass

ceiling” phenomenon, and this aim is thought to reside in an invisible region. At the tim

he rate of women among the Members of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences was 4.9


humanities, while the figures are lowest in agricultural sciences. It is worth mentioning that the variations are not

considerable; they are between 21.3%-26.4%. However, there is a much higher variation among doctors in the field

of social sciences and humanities, where the rate of female participation is just 18.4%, and among agricultural

(Figure 7.).

All of the above suggests that the number of female students has significantly grown in the recent past, but in doctoral education we can still notice a dominance of men. In the following we will examine the rate of female employment among educators and researchers in higher education, and following that, in research and development

In the 2010/2011 term approximately 22 thousand people worked as teachers at universities and colleges. Among the various state institutions, the church and foundations, the percentage of female teachers was 37.2%. The rate of employment of female educators was higher in state institutions and foundations, and lower

Almost 1500 people were employed in higher education in research jobs in the 2009/2010 term; among them 96% were working in state owned institutions, and 3.5% in the private sector. One third (32.9%) of

earchers in this period were women. While almost 67% of all researchers were full-time, the proportion of fulltime female employees was even higher, more than 75%. This also means that there were fewer female researchers

he above mentioned period (Figure 9.).

The “scissor diagram” (Figure 10.) shows the differences between women and men in the university hierarchy. As we have already mentioned, the higher female participation rate in higher education can no longer be obserPhD courses, and as we proceed along the “rating level” in higher education, the difference grows in favour of men. From all this we may conclude that a number of highly talented women take part in higher education (e.g. look at

master courses) whose scientific career does not progress in higher education institutions.

We should seek to find out why the number of women studying on PhD courses is decreasing. One possible reason may be that most leading positions are occupied by men, and scientific life is not an exception. There are very few

making positions, most PhD-grants are given to men, and the members of the advisory boards

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Summarizing the newest (2011) admission process data, we may conclude that the number of women who applied rding to the previous data, was among applicants for

undergraduate studies (8%), while more than 24% more women than men wished to switch to master courses in this term. We may conclude from these data and tendencies that the number of women studying in higher education in

Recent experience suggests that the headcount for women wishing to take part in master courses has substantially garian surveys examining the greater inclination of

women to study in higher education. However, it is a fact that graduates begin work later, their careers begin later, explain why men are less

interested in continuing their studies than women. The distribution for BA and MA courses supports this hypothesis.


nsidered to be I.T. and technical education, and the number of male applicants to these departments this year

90% applications to national defence and military departments. The most significant female

al (81.1%), medical and health departments (78.8%), and to humanities (74%)

The differences between the two genders are more eye-

cal data, nearly 80% of science candidates

are men. At the same time, women’s proportion among doctors of science is even worse – only 13.7%.

To be a Member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences is considered the peak of a scientific career. At this level we


8 and at the end of the 1990s as many as 10 out of

Academic membership seems to be beyond women’s reach. We may say that it exceeds the scope of the “glass-

ceiling” phenomenon, and this aim is thought to reside in an invisible region. At the time of writing the present

he rate of women among the Members of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences was 4.9% (Figure 6.).


l sciences. It is worth mentioning that the variations are not

26.4%. However, there is a much higher variation among doctors in the field

t 18.4%, and among agricultural

All of the above suggests that the number of female students has significantly grown in the recent past, but in llowing we will examine the rate of female

employment among educators and researchers in higher education, and following that, in research and development

worked as teachers at universities and colleges. Among the various state institutions, the church and foundations, the percentage of female teachers was 37.2%. The rate of

lower in those financed by Almost 1500 people were employed in higher education in research jobs in the 2009/2010 term;

among them 96% were working in state owned institutions, and 3.5% in the private sector. One third (32.9%) of time, the proportion of full-

time female employees was even higher, more than 75%. This also means that there were fewer female researchers

The “scissor diagram” (Figure 10.) shows the differences between women and men in the university hierarchy. As we have already mentioned, the higher female participation rate in higher education can no longer be observed on PhD courses, and as we proceed along the “rating level” in higher education, the difference grows in favour of men. From all this we may conclude that a number of highly talented women take part in higher education (e.g. look at

master courses) whose scientific career does not progress in higher education institutions.

We should seek to find out why the number of women studying on PhD courses is decreasing. One possible reason n, and scientific life is not an exception. There are very few

grants are given to men, and the members of the advisory boards


awarding the grants are mostly men too. Besides discrimination, traditional female pprivilege of family and household responsibilitystronger in post-socialist countries than in Western

It can also be observed in other EU-case of university professors’ degrees. In addition to the long and arduous working hours needed for a professor’s degree, this effect may be due to the fact that a university professor anot only men but often also women who are reluctant to accept female leaders. A similar picture emerges if we try to examine gender differences for those working in research jobs. For the 2009/2010 term tin higher education was one third. In the “lowest” research positions their proportion was almost 43%, while out of the 4 research professor’s jobs, 3 were occupied by men

3.3. Women in research

In Hungary in 2010, at the 2,983 research institutions, 53,991 people worked in research and development. The work of 35,700 researchers was helped by 9,329 assistants and 8,962 manual or nonworkers considered full time (full time equivalent, Fmanual or non-manual employees).shown in Figure 12. According to this graph, it may be stated that the proportion of thdevelopment compared to other employees has significantly risen in the past three years. But it should be noted that the rise is only partly due to the jump in R&D numbers, as a decrease in employment also plays an important rothis. (Research Central Statistical Office, 2011) In 2010, nearly 41% of R&D personnel were women, but their distribution was dependent on occupation. While more than two thirds of scientists and engineers were men, 55% of scientific assistants and 62% of manual and non manual employees were women.

We may also notice significant deviations among women working in R&D according to position and sector (Figure 13.). In general, it may be stated that most women were working at higher education and other R&in the case of businesses this proportion is less characteristic. In all positions in science research and development, female representation is lower. In the period studied, only one out of every fifth researcher in business was a womaBut in the case of assistant researchers and other manual workers in research, especially in R&D that was not business related, most of the employees were women.of difference between separate sectors of research and other positions. In the case of research institutions this difference is 20%, in higher education it is 30gap between those working at the universities and HE i

Figure 14. shows the substantial difference between men and women with respect to the types of occupation. 70% of men working in most of the R&D units in Hungary perform R&Đ tasks. In the case of women this level hardly exceeds 50%, and the others work as assistants and manual workers at the R&D institutions. The proportion of women working in R&D is also dependent ofemale researchers is high (more than 40 %) in the fields of humanities and social sciences. But it is worth highlighting that medical sciences are in first place. If we examine ththat among researchers under 34 years of age, the number of women is higher than that of men in this field.

Overall, we may conclude that the proportion of females among elder women is lower, and in the case ofolds it does not exceed 20% overall. However, the average lifespan of women in Hungary is also substantially longer than that of men, and there are many factors that are involved: women usually retire at an earlier age; 30ago, today's older generation of women were more restricted in higher education study, etc. It is worth paying special attention to the 25-35 age group because, at 31%, they may be considered the most populous category.

While analyzing the data in Table 6., we may infearea of education. Only one out of every five researchers is a woman, and in the case of the younger age groups the situation is the same, so we cannot expect to see more female researchers

Besides the above, it is also worth mentioning another phenomenon. In the case of scientific degrees, we mentioned earlier that the percentage of women is lowest in agricultural sciences. According to the data shown in Taproportion of women under 25, compared to the whole research sample, is the highest. Bearing this in mind, we may assume that in the future the percentage of female researchers with scientific degrees will change for the better in the agrarian area.


29

awarding the grants are mostly men too. Besides discrimination, traditional female patterns often cited here, the ly and household responsibility may also hinder women in scientific careers. These stereotypes are

socialist countries than in Western-Europe.

-countries that the effects of the “glass-ceiling” phenomenon are strongest in the case of university professors’ degrees. In addition to the long and arduous working hours needed for a professor’s degree, this effect may be due to the fact that a university professor also has significant power. As already stated, it is not only men but often also women who are reluctant to accept female leaders. A similar picture emerges if we try to examine gender differences for those working in research jobs. For the 2009/2010 term tin higher education was one third. In the “lowest” research positions their proportion was almost 43%, while out of

’s jobs, 3 were occupied by men (Figure 11.).

t the 2,983 research institutions, 53,991 people worked in research and development. The work of 35,700 researchers was helped by 9,329 assistants and 8,962 manual or non-manual employees. The number of workers considered full time (full time equivalent, FTE) was 31,480 (21,342 researchers, 5,967 assistants and 4,171

manual employees). The headcount of R&D jobs (FTE) starting from 2000 for all employees is According to this graph, it may be stated that the proportion of those working in research and

development compared to other employees has significantly risen in the past three years. But it should be noted that the rise is only partly due to the jump in R&D numbers, as a decrease in employment also plays an important rothis. (Research Central Statistical Office, 2011) In 2010, nearly 41% of R&D personnel were women, but their distribution was dependent on occupation. While more than two thirds of scientists and engineers were men, 55% of

2% of manual and non manual employees were women.

We may also notice significant deviations among women working in R&D according to position and sector (Figure In general, it may be stated that most women were working at higher education and other R&

in the case of businesses this proportion is less characteristic. In all positions in science research and development, female representation is lower. In the period studied, only one out of every fifth researcher in business was a womaBut in the case of assistant researchers and other manual workers in research, especially in R&D that was not business related, most of the employees were women. It is worth examining, in the case of female workers, the range

ate sectors of research and other positions. In the case of research institutions this difference is 20%, in higher education it is 30-40%, and in the business sector it is only 10gap between those working at the universities and HE institutions is surprisingly high.

Figure 14. shows the substantial difference between men and women with respect to the types of occupation. 70% of men working in most of the R&D units in Hungary perform R&Đ tasks. In the case of women this level hardly exceeds 50%, and the others work as assistants and manual workers at the R&D institutions. The proportion of

dependent on the science field (Table 6.). It is not surprising that the proportion of female researchers is high (more than 40 %) in the fields of humanities and social sciences. But it is worth highlighting that medical sciences are in first place. If we examine this problem with respect to age, we may notice that among researchers under 34 years of age, the number of women is higher than that of men in this field.

Overall, we may conclude that the proportion of females among elder women is lower, and in the case ofolds it does not exceed 20% overall. However, the average lifespan of women in Hungary is also substantially longer than that of men, and there are many factors that are involved: women usually retire at an earlier age; 30

der generation of women were more restricted in higher education study, etc. It is worth paying 35 age group because, at 31%, they may be considered the most populous category.

While analyzing the data in Table 6., we may infer that women seldom choose technical and natural sciences as their area of education. Only one out of every five researchers is a woman, and in the case of the younger age groups the situation is the same, so we cannot expect to see more female researchers in science fields in the future.

Besides the above, it is also worth mentioning another phenomenon. In the case of scientific degrees, we mentioned earlier that the percentage of women is lowest in agricultural sciences. According to the data shown in Taproportion of women under 25, compared to the whole research sample, is the highest. Bearing this in mind, we may assume that in the future the percentage of female researchers with scientific degrees will change for the better in the

www.iiste.org

atterns often cited here, the may also hinder women in scientific careers. These stereotypes are

ceiling” phenomenon are strongest in the case of university professors’ degrees. In addition to the long and arduous working hours needed for a professor’s

lso has significant power. As already stated, it is not only men but often also women who are reluctant to accept female leaders. A similar picture emerges if we try to examine gender differences for those working in research jobs. For the 2009/2010 term the ratio of women working in higher education was one third. In the “lowest” research positions their proportion was almost 43%, while out of

t the 2,983 research institutions, 53,991 people worked in research and development. The work manual employees. The number of

TE) was 31,480 (21,342 researchers, 5,967 assistants and 4,171 The headcount of R&D jobs (FTE) starting from 2000 for all employees is

ose working in research and development compared to other employees has significantly risen in the past three years. But it should be noted that the rise is only partly due to the jump in R&D numbers, as a decrease in employment also plays an important role in this. (Research Central Statistical Office, 2011) In 2010, nearly 41% of R&D personnel were women, but their distribution was dependent on occupation. While more than two thirds of scientists and engineers were men, 55% of

We may also notice significant deviations among women working in R&D according to position and sector (Figure In general, it may be stated that most women were working at higher education and other R&D institutions, but

in the case of businesses this proportion is less characteristic. In all positions in science research and development, female representation is lower. In the period studied, only one out of every fifth researcher in business was a woman. But in the case of assistant researchers and other manual workers in research, especially in R&D that was not

It is worth examining, in the case of female workers, the range ate sectors of research and other positions. In the case of research institutions this

40%, and in the business sector it is only 10-20%, which means the

Figure 14. shows the substantial difference between men and women with respect to the types of occupation. 70% of men working in most of the R&D units in Hungary perform R&Đ tasks. In the case of women this level hardly exceeds 50%, and the others work as assistants and manual workers at the R&D institutions. The proportion of

It is not surprising that the proportion of female researchers is high (more than 40 %) in the fields of humanities and social sciences. But it is worth

is problem with respect to age, we may notice that among researchers under 34 years of age, the number of women is higher than that of men in this field.

Overall, we may conclude that the proportion of females among elder women is lower, and in the case of 65 year olds it does not exceed 20% overall. However, the average lifespan of women in Hungary is also substantially longer than that of men, and there are many factors that are involved: women usually retire at an earlier age; 30-40 years

der generation of women were more restricted in higher education study, etc. It is worth paying 35 age group because, at 31%, they may be considered the most populous category.

r that women seldom choose technical and natural sciences as their area of education. Only one out of every five researchers is a woman, and in the case of the younger age groups the

in science fields in the future.

Besides the above, it is also worth mentioning another phenomenon. In the case of scientific degrees, we mentioned earlier that the percentage of women is lowest in agricultural sciences. According to the data shown in Table 6., the proportion of women under 25, compared to the whole research sample, is the highest. Bearing this in mind, we may assume that in the future the percentage of female researchers with scientific degrees will change for the better in the


Figure 15. and 16. compare the distribution of female and male researchers according to age and science area. We may conclude that on the whole, the differences among the science areas in relation to women are smaller than in the case of males. In the case of women, excepting the agrarian sciences, the proportion is about 20%, whereas in the case of men, in technical and natural sciences it is 35% and 20% respectively, and in other cases, with the exception of agriculture, it is around 10%

3.4. Differences between genders in salaries

According to data from the Central Statistical Office, as we have already stated, the average gross salary of men exceeds that of women by 17.6%. Analysis made by a Hungarian recruitment website, taking into consideratiosalaries of 80,000 workers, and published in March 2012, shows that women earn 21% 2011). According to the research, the average salary of men in the present job market in Hungary is 245,000 HUF gross, while that of women is 194,500 HUF gross.

The salaries of women are already lower at the beginning of their careers, and later the differences widen. In the 1724 age-group, men earn 14 % more than women, and the difference in the 25the greatest, 28 %, in the 35-44 year old agethe above data we can state that, as we proceed to the highest positions, the scissor opens up: in the case of unskilled labour the difference is 6 %, female administrators earn 7% less, the wages of professionally skilled workers and women in services are 18 % lower, the difference is 19% in the case of middle managers and 26 % in the case of top managers. The difference may be affected by the

4. Conclusions

The present paper tries to show, on the basis of the most upcountries, women are over-represented in higher education, and higher salaries in the labour market, comparable scientific careers, promotion, becominSeveral domestic and international research projects have aimed to investigate the these findings, and in accordance with our own analysis, we may conclude that the reasons can be found in education. While men are mostly interested in I.T. and technical subjects in education, women are still leaning towarpedagogy, medical and health sciences, philology and social studies.

This tendency is characteristic of the labour market as well. We may notice more women working in the sectors of health, social services, and in education and nursery schooling. It isas I.T technicians, engineers, and in banking and finance, where the salaries are much higher. Tbetween the two genders is opening up, with respect to the difference in their education, numberwork and age. It is also evident that even if a woman is able to obtain a manager’s position, it is accompanied by a lower salary, allocations, fringe benefits (car, travel), and worthwhile opportunities etc.

The difference between the two genders continues to widen concerning PhD students, according to our study, most of whom are men, and as usual there is a preponderance of science fields and degrees that traditionally stick to differences between “men” and “women”. The real, obstacles. In the past 10-15 years it has become more difficult to get a job in Hungary. Usually there are many applicants for one job. In this case employers, according to evidence, take into consthem being resilience, the ability to work overtime, flexibility and mobility, the ability to be available all the time, and long term plans. In the case of childless young women, employers usually take into consideration tof pregnancy, and being away from work for at least several months or even years.

Women who raise small children are considered unreliable employees, as they usually stay at home when the child is ill. Like several European Union countries,that the employment rate of women with small children is considerably lower, not only than that of men, but that of childless women too. (The difference in the EU is on average 13raising children are mainly considered to be women’s tasks, employers give them less attention. In the science the position of women differs from the average. Research is a special field of work demandiof life. It obviously demands ongoing professional success, personal achievement, visibility and excellence, climbing the ladder.

To summarize the above, we may conclude that a radical change in the working situation of women, especially tworking in science, is not to be expected in the near future. Of course, several measures could bring about


30

Figure 15. and 16. compare the distribution of female and male researchers according to age and science area. We may conclude that on the whole, the differences among the science areas in relation to women are smaller than in the

the case of women, excepting the agrarian sciences, the proportion is about 20%, whereas in the case of men, in technical and natural sciences it is 35% and 20% respectively, and in other cases, with the exception

erences between genders in salaries

According to data from the Central Statistical Office, as we have already stated, the average gross salary of men exceeds that of women by 17.6%. Analysis made by a Hungarian recruitment website, taking into consideratiosalaries of 80,000 workers, and published in March 2012, shows that women earn 21%

According to the research, the average salary of men in the present job market in Hungary is 245,000 HUF 194,500 HUF gross.

The salaries of women are already lower at the beginning of their careers, and later the differences widen. In the 17group, men earn 14 % more than women, and the difference in the 25-35 age-group is 21 %. The difference is

44 year old age-group, over 45 it reduces to 23 %, and over 55 to 20 %.the above data we can state that, as we proceed to the highest positions, the scissor opens up: in the case of unskilled

is 6 %, female administrators earn 7% less, the wages of professionally skilled workers and women in services are 18 % lower, the difference is 19% in the case of middle managers and 26 % in the case of top managers. The difference may be affected by the “feminine” or “masculine” character of a given profession.

The present paper tries to show, on the basis of the most up-to-date data available in Hungary that, compared to other represented in higher education, and that this phenomenon does not translate into equal or

higher salaries in the labour market, comparable scientific careers, promotion, becoming managers in their field, etc. Several domestic and international research projects have aimed to investigate the reasons for this. As a result of these findings, and in accordance with our own analysis, we may conclude that the reasons can be found in education. While men are mostly interested in I.T. and technical subjects in education, women are still leaning towarpedagogy, medical and health sciences, philology and social studies.

This tendency is characteristic of the labour market as well. We may notice more women working in the sectors of health, social services, and in education and nursery schooling. It is hardly surprising that we find more men working as I.T technicians, engineers, and in banking and finance, where the salaries are much higher. Tbetween the two genders is opening up, with respect to the difference in their education, numberwork and age. It is also evident that even if a woman is able to obtain a manager’s position, it is accompanied by a lower salary, allocations, fringe benefits (car, travel), and worthwhile opportunities etc.

two genders continues to widen concerning PhD students, according to our study, most of whom are men, and as usual there is a preponderance of science fields and degrees that traditionally stick to differences between “men” and “women”. The professional career of women is also hampered by other, supposed or

15 years it has become more difficult to get a job in Hungary. Usually there are many applicants for one job. In this case employers, according to evidence, take into consideration several factors, among them being resilience, the ability to work overtime, flexibility and mobility, the ability to be available all the time, and long term plans. In the case of childless young women, employers usually take into consideration tof pregnancy, and being away from work for at least several months or even years.

who raise small children are considered unreliable employees, as they usually stay at home when the child is ill. Like several European Union countries, in Hungary daytime child care is quite expensive, so it is no coincidence that the employment rate of women with small children is considerably lower, not only than that of men, but that of childless women too. (The difference in the EU is on average 13%). The causes are obvious: as housework and raising children are mainly considered to be women’s tasks, employers give them less attention. In the science the position of women differs from the average. Research is a special field of work demandiof life. It obviously demands ongoing professional success, personal achievement, visibility and excellence, climbing

To summarize the above, we may conclude that a radical change in the working situation of women, especially tworking in science, is not to be expected in the near future. Of course, several measures could bring about

www.iiste.org

Figure 15. and 16. compare the distribution of female and male researchers according to age and science area. We may conclude that on the whole, the differences among the science areas in relation to women are smaller than in the

the case of women, excepting the agrarian sciences, the proportion is about 20%, whereas in the case of men, in technical and natural sciences it is 35% and 20% respectively, and in other cases, with the exception

According to data from the Central Statistical Office, as we have already stated, the average gross salary of men exceeds that of women by 17.6%. Analysis made by a Hungarian recruitment website, taking into consideration the salaries of 80,000 workers, and published in March 2012, shows that women earn 21% less than men (Workania,

According to the research, the average salary of men in the present job market in Hungary is 245,000 HUF

The salaries of women are already lower at the beginning of their careers, and later the differences widen. In the 17-group is 21 %. The difference is

group, over 45 it reduces to 23 %, and over 55 to 20 %. On the basis of the above data we can state that, as we proceed to the highest positions, the scissor opens up: in the case of unskilled

is 6 %, female administrators earn 7% less, the wages of professionally skilled workers and women in services are 18 % lower, the difference is 19% in the case of middle managers and 26 % in the case of top

“feminine” or “masculine” character of a given profession.

date data available in Hungary that, compared to other that this phenomenon does not translate into equal or

g managers in their field, etc. reasons for this. As a result of

these findings, and in accordance with our own analysis, we may conclude that the reasons can be found in education. While men are mostly interested in I.T. and technical subjects in education, women are still leaning towards

This tendency is characteristic of the labour market as well. We may notice more women working in the sectors of hardly surprising that we find more men working

as I.T technicians, engineers, and in banking and finance, where the salaries are much higher. The job scissor between the two genders is opening up, with respect to the difference in their education, number of years spent in work and age. It is also evident that even if a woman is able to obtain a manager’s position, it is accompanied by a

two genders continues to widen concerning PhD students, according to our study, most of whom are men, and as usual there is a preponderance of science fields and degrees that traditionally stick to

reer of women is also hampered by other, supposed or 15 years it has become more difficult to get a job in Hungary. Usually there are many

ideration several factors, among them being resilience, the ability to work overtime, flexibility and mobility, the ability to be available all the time, and long term plans. In the case of childless young women, employers usually take into consideration the likelihood

who raise small children are considered unreliable employees, as they usually stay at home when the child is in Hungary daytime child care is quite expensive, so it is no coincidence

that the employment rate of women with small children is considerably lower, not only than that of men, but that of %). The causes are obvious: as housework and

raising children are mainly considered to be women’s tasks, employers give them less attention. In the world of science the position of women differs from the average. Research is a special field of work demanding a special way of life. It obviously demands ongoing professional success, personal achievement, visibility and excellence, climbing

To summarize the above, we may conclude that a radical change in the working situation of women, especially those working in science, is not to be expected in the near future. Of course, several measures could bring about


improvement, such as legal changes, administrative directives, grants, tenders, awards, institutions helping with children and services, etc.

To change the situation the question should be one of public importance, and not only a problem for women and research. Conditions should be established which ensure greater opportunity for women, and reduce the conflicts caused by the incompatibility of family and career. It is important that the media, having an increasingly significant influence upon public opinion, pays greater attention to women excelling in science, who are setting a positive example, and addresses the deep social prejudice against cashould motivate others to get to work and create conditions for their progress.difficult and time consuming to address the bias (prejudices) and stereotypes that exipreparing this essay, the authors wish to contribute to a change of mentality in this respect.

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Ostrovska, I. (1994) “Women and politics in Latvia: the tForum, 17(2-3) 301–303.

Palasik, M. and Papp, E. (2007) “survey about Hungary”] Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic,

Papp, E. and Groó, D. (2005) “A nők helyzete a magyar tudományban”Magyar tudomány, 50(11) 1450.

Parlamenti Információs Rendszer. [Information System of the Hungarian Parliament] [online] http://www.parlament.hu/internet/plsql/internet_kepv (Accessed 8 April 2013)

Rutkowski, J. (1996) “Changes in theWorld Bank, Washington DC

Sassen, G. (1980) “Success Anxiety in Women: A Constructivist Interpretation of its Source and its Significance” Harvard Educational Review 50(1) 13

Stimulating Policy Debate on Women and Science Issues in Central Europe [online] http://cordis.europa.eu/search/index.cfm?fuseaction=proj.document&PJ_RCN=8824673

The gender pay gap — Origins and policy responses. A comparative review http://www.naider.com/upload/KE7606200ENC_002.pdf

The MONEE Project [online] http://www.unicef

The situation in the EU. European Commission [online] http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gendergap/situation-europe/index_en.htm (Accessed 8 April 2013)

van der Lippe, T. and É. Fodor (1998) “Changes in Gender Inequality in Six EasSociologica, 41(2) 131–149.


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Hausmann, R., Tyson, L.D. and Zahidi, S. (2011) The Global Gender Gap Report 2011 [online]Forum, Geneva http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2011.pdf (Accessed 8 April 2013)

Hultin, M. (2003) “Some Take the Glass Escalator, Some Hit the Glass Ceiling? Career Consequences of Work and Occupations 30(1) 30-61.

Parliamentary Union, Women in national parliaments, Situation as of 31 December 2011. [online] e/classif.htm (Accessed 8 April 2013)

Kolosi, T. and Sági, M. (2006) “Rendszerváltás és társadalomszerkezet” [“Regime change and social structure”Andorka, R., Kolosi T. and Vukovich Gy. (Eds.), Társadalmi riport, TÁRKI, Századvég, Budapest, 149


er equality under real socialism: women and their careers in the USSR (1930Peto, A. and Pittaway, M. (Eds.), Women in History - Women’s History: Central and Eastern European Perspectives

LaFont, S. (2001) “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Women in the Post-Communist States” 221.

Mapping the maze: getting more women to the top in research. European Union [online] -society/document_library/pdf_06/mapping-the-maze-

(Accessed 8 April 2013)

A. M., White, R. P. and Van Velsor, E. (1994) “Breaking the glass ceiling: Can women reach the top of America’s largest corporations?” Perseus Books, Cambridge, MA.

“Női menedzserek” [“Female Managers”] AULA, Budapest

Ministry of National Resources. Statisztikai tájékoztató oktatási évkönyv 2010/2011 [Statistical Yearbook of Education 2010/2011] [online] http://www.kormany.hu/download/4/45/50000/Oktat%C3%A1

2010.pdf (Accessed 30April 2012)

Newel, A. and Reilly, B. (2001) “The gender pay gap in the transition from communism: some empirical evidence”

Ostrovska, I. (1994) “Women and politics in Latvia: the transition to democracy” Women’s Studies International

Palasik, M. and Papp, E. (2007) “Nők a tudományban - Áttekintés Magyarországról” Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic,

Papp, E. and Groó, D. (2005) “A nők helyzete a magyar tudományban” [“Position of Women i

Parlamenti Információs Rendszer. [Information System of the Hungarian Parliament] [online] http://www.parlament.hu/internet/plsql/internet_kepv (Accessed 8 April 2013)

Rutkowski, J. (1996) “Changes in the wage structure during economic transition in central and eastern Europe”

Sassen, G. (1980) “Success Anxiety in Women: A Constructivist Interpretation of its Source and its Significance” (1) 13-24.

mulating Policy Debate on Women and Science Issues in Central Europe [online] http://cordis.europa.eu/search/index.cfm?fuseaction=proj.document&PJ_RCN=8824673 (

Origins and policy responses. A comparative review of 30 European countries [online] http://www.naider.com/upload/KE7606200ENC_002.pdf (Accessed 8 April 2013)

The MONEE Project [online] http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/36 (Accessed 8 April 2013)

The situation in the EU. European Commission [online] http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gendereurope/index_en.htm (Accessed 8 April 2013)

van der Lippe, T. and É. Fodor (1998) “Changes in Gender Inequality in Six Eastern European Countries”

www.iiste.org

Hausmann, R., Tyson, L.D. and Zahidi, S. (2011) The Global Gender Gap Report 2011 [online] World Economic Forum, Geneva http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2011.pdf (Accessed 8 April 2013)

Hultin, M. (2003) “Some Take the Glass Escalator, Some Hit the Glass Ceiling? Career Consequences of

Parliamentary Union, Women in national parliaments, Situation as of 31 December 2011. [online]

ange and social structure”], in: , TÁRKI, Századvég, Budapest, 149–197.


er equality under real socialism: women and their careers in the USSR (1930-60s)” in: Women’s History: Central and Eastern European Perspectives

Communist States” Communist and

Mapping the maze: getting more women to the top in research. European Union [online] -getting-more-women-to-

A. M., White, R. P. and Van Velsor, E. (1994) “Breaking the glass ceiling: Can women reach the top of

Ministry of National Resources. Statisztikai tájékoztató oktatási évkönyv 2010/2011 [Statistical Yearbook of Education 2010/2011] [online] http://www.kormany.hu/download/4/45/50000/Oktat%C3%A1

Newel, A. and Reilly, B. (2001) “The gender pay gap in the transition from communism: some empirical evidence”

Women’s Studies International

Áttekintés Magyarországról” [“Women in science – A Institute of Sociology, Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Prague

Position of Women in Hungarian science”]

Parlamenti Információs Rendszer. [Information System of the Hungarian Parliament] [online]

wage structure during economic transition in central and eastern Europe”

Sassen, G. (1980) “Success Anxiety in Women: A Constructivist Interpretation of its Source and its Significance”

mulating Policy Debate on Women and Science Issues in Central Europe [online] (Accessed 8 April 2013)

of 30 European countries [online]

pril 2013)

The situation in the EU. European Commission [online] http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/gender-pay-

tern European Countries” Acta


Williams, C. L. (1992) “The glass escalator: Hidden advantages for men in nonProblems 39(3) 253-267.

Workania “Ötödével keresnek kevesebbet a nők” [“Women earn 25% less than men”] [online] http://www.fizetesek.hu/elemzesek/otodevel

Authors First Author: Dr. Ágnes Kazai. She graduated from the University of Economic Sciences (UES). Following her studies in the Institute for Postgraduate Studies in Economics, she earned a specialised master’s degree in economics and a dr. univ. oec degree at the UES. She participated at the course offered by the National School of Administration of the French Republic. She is the author of more than 70 publications, including articles and book chapters, and the editor of several volumes. She wafor Research & Technology and the Prime Minister’s Office.

Second Author: Bernadett Szita.specializing in health psychology in 2010. Currently she is pursuing graduate studies in clinical psychology. She has been working at the First Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Semmelweis University since 2011. Her research interests are in health psychology of women with a spechealth. She is further interested in cognitive neuropsychology of aging, especially the rehabilitation techniques for patients with mild cognitive impairment.

Third Author: Dr. Gábor Pörzse.University, Faculty of Economics and at Imperial College Management School, London. He was working in the Ministry of Education R&D Division, representing Hungary in several committees of the Europhas been acting as a member of the Health Programme Committee and the National Contact Point for the EU FP5 and FP6. He is a member of the EU Innovative Medicine Initiative Member States Group. He is the Chairman of the MediPole, the competitiveness cluster on health industry of the city of Budapest and the Central Region of Hungary.


33

Williams, C. L. (1992) “The glass escalator: Hidden advantages for men in non-traditional occupations”

dével keresnek kevesebbet a nők” [“Women earn 25% less than men”] [online] http://www.fizetesek.hu/elemzesek/otodevel-keresnek-kevesebbet-a-nok/50049 (Accessed 8 Apr

She graduated from the University of Economic Sciences (UES). Following her studies in the Institute for Postgraduate Studies in Economics, she earned a specialised master’s degree in economics

. oec degree at the UES. She participated at the course offered by the National School of Administration of the French Republic. She is the author of more than 70 publications, including articles and book chapters, and the editor of several volumes. She was working for the Hungarian Patent Office, the National Office for Research & Technology and the Prime Minister’s Office.

Second Author: Bernadett Szita. She is a psychologist. She graduated from the Eötvös Loránd University gy in 2010. Currently she is pursuing graduate studies in clinical psychology. She has

been working at the First Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Semmelweis University since 2011. Her research interests are in health psychology of women with a specific focus on social issues in women’s reproductive health. She is further interested in cognitive neuropsychology of aging, especially the rehabilitation techniques for patients with mild cognitive impairment.

Third Author: Dr. Gábor Pörzse. He graduated from Semmelweis University, Faculty of Medicine, at Szeged University, Faculty of Economics and at Imperial College Management School, London. He was working in the Ministry of Education R&D Division, representing Hungary in several committees of the Europhas been acting as a member of the Health Programme Committee and the National Contact Point for the EU FP5 and FP6. He is a member of the EU Innovative Medicine Initiative Member States Group. He is the Chairman of the

petitiveness cluster on health industry of the city of Budapest and the Central Region of Hungary.

www.iiste.org

traditional occupations” Social

dével keresnek kevesebbet a nők” [“Women earn 25% less than men”] [online] (Accessed 8 April 2013)

She graduated from the University of Economic Sciences (UES). Following her studies in the Institute for Postgraduate Studies in Economics, she earned a specialised master’s degree in economics

. oec degree at the UES. She participated at the course offered by the National School of Administration of the French Republic. She is the author of more than 70 publications, including articles and book

s working for the Hungarian Patent Office, the National Office

She is a psychologist. She graduated from the Eötvös Loránd University gy in 2010. Currently she is pursuing graduate studies in clinical psychology. She has

been working at the First Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Semmelweis University since 2011. Her ific focus on social issues in women’s reproductive

health. She is further interested in cognitive neuropsychology of aging, especially the rehabilitation techniques for

from Semmelweis University, Faculty of Medicine, at Szeged University, Faculty of Economics and at Imperial College Management School, London. He was working in the Ministry of Education R&D Division, representing Hungary in several committees of the European Commission. He has been acting as a member of the Health Programme Committee and the National Contact Point for the EU FP5 and FP6. He is a member of the EU Innovative Medicine Initiative Member States Group. He is the Chairman of the

petitiveness cluster on health industry of the city of Budapest and the Central Region of Hungary.


Figures and tables

Figure 1. Distribution of economically active people by gender(1998

Figure 2. Distribution of unemployed people by gender in the 15

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

1997 1999

%

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

1997 1999

%


34

Figure 1. Distribution of economically active people by gender in the 15-64 year(1998-2011) Source: Central Statistical Office, 2012

Figure 2. Distribution of unemployed people by gender in the 15-64 year-old population (1998Source: Central Statistical Office, 2012

2001 2003 2005 2007 2009

2001 2003 2005 2007 2009

www.iiste.org

64 year-old population

old population (1998-2011)

2009 2011

Total

Men

Women

2011

Total

Men

Women


Figure 3. Distribution of employed people by gender in the 15

Notes:

An employed person is a person who had at least one hour's paid work in the given week, or had a job where he could not be present during the given week because of some reason (illness, holiday, etc)

An unemployed person did not work in the given week, and had no job where he was not present during the given week for some reason; he had been looking for a job for four weeks before the survey was taken; he could have started work in two weeks in case he had found a job, or he had found a job where he was going to start working in 30 days before 2003, and in 90 days after 2003.

Economically active are people present on the labour market, either employed or unemployed.

Rate of activity: the percentage of economically active people in the given age

Rate of unemployment: the percentage of unemployed people in the given age

Rate of employment: the rate of employed people in the given age

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

1997 1999

%


35

Figure 3. Distribution of employed people by gender in the 15-64 year-old population (1998Source: Central Statistical Office, 2012

is a person who had at least one hour's paid work in the given week, or had a job where he could not be present during the given week because of some reason (illness, holiday, etc).

did not work in the given week, and had no job where he was not present during the given week for some reason; he had been looking for a job for four weeks before the survey was taken; he could have

he had found a job, or he had found a job where he was going to start working in 30 days before 2003, and in 90 days after 2003.

are people present on the labour market, either employed or unemployed.

of economically active people in the given age-group of the population.

the percentage of unemployed people in the given age-group of economically active people.

the rate of employed people in the given age-group of the population.

2001 2003 2005 2007 2009

www.iiste.org

old population (1998-2011)

is a person who had at least one hour's paid work in the given week, or had a job where he could

did not work in the given week, and had no job where he was not present during the given week for some reason; he had been looking for a job for four weeks before the survey was taken; he could have

he had found a job, or he had found a job where he was going to start working in

are people present on the labour market, either employed or unemployed.

group of the population.

group of economically active people.

p of the population.

2011

Total

Men

Women


Table 1. Proportion of women according to sector in 2007, %

Country Total percentage

of the employed

Italy 39.5

Czech Republic 43.0

Ireland 43.0

Slovakia 43.9

Poland 44.9

Austria 45.2

Slovenia 45.2

Romania 45.3

Hungary 45.4

Germany 45.7

Great-Britain 45.9

USA 46.3

Finland 48.2

Estonia 49.7

Table 2. Hungary’s rank according to the cumulated index in the Global Gender Gap reports

Source: Global Gender Gap reports, 2006

The number of investigated

2006 130

2007 130

2008 130

2009 134

2010 134

2011 135


36

Table 1. Proportion of women according to sector in 2007, % Source: Central Statistical Office, 2009

Total percentage

of the employed

Out of the total percentage:

Law-makers, administrative, business

and economic leaders

Administration and office management

(with customer service)

33.5 59.5

28.6 75.6

31.0 74.1

30.9 67.9

36.2 65.9

26.7 69.0

31.8 60.1

28.2 71.9

35.2 75.6

28.9 67.5

34.4 77.3

41.8 ..

28.6 79.8

33.9 77.1

Table 2. Hungary’s rank according to the cumulated index in the Global Gender Gap reports prepared for the World Economic Forum

Source: Global Gender Gap reports, 2006-2011

The number of investigated countries

Hungary’s rank

55

61

60

65

79

85

www.iiste.org

Table 1. Proportion of women according to sector in 2007, %

Out of the total percentage:

Administration and office management

(with customer service)

Service (shop assistants

included)

57.5

66.7

67.5

70.1

65.6

71.0

62.1

64.6

60.6

75.4

72.4

53.9

80.5

81.9

Table 2. Hungary’s rank according to the cumulated index in the Global Gender Gap reports

Hungary’s rank


Table 3. Hungary’s scores and rankings in the four investigated areas, 2011.

Economic

Participation

and

Opportunity

Sub Index

score

Economic

Participation

and

Opportunity

Sub Index

rank

Educational

Attainment

Subindex

0,654 64 0,993

Election periods

1990-1994 383

1994-1998 358

1998-2002 364

2002-2006 372

2006-2010 364

2010- 360

Table 5. Proportion of female students in higher education (university and college), on Bachelor,

Source: Higher education statisti

Term Full

2005/06

2006/07

2007/08

2008/09

2009/10


37

Table 3. Hungary’s scores and rankings in the four investigated areas, 2011.Source: Global Gender Gap report, 2011

Educational

Attainment

Subindex

score

Educational

Attainment

Subindex

rank

Health

and

Survival

Subindex

score

Health

and

Survival

Subindex

rank

Political

Empowerment

Subindex score

0,993 56 0,980 1 0,031

Table 4. Hungary’s MPs, 2012. Source: Hungarian National Assembly, 2012

Men Women

92,3% 32 7,7% 415

89,1% 44 10,9% 402

91,7% 33 8,3% 397

90,3% 40 9,7% 412

89,4% 43 10,6% 407

90,9% 36 9,1% 396

of female students in higher education (university and college), on Bachelor, Master and unified programs, %

Source: Higher education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources (NEFMI)

Full-time Evening Correspondence

(+distance)

courses

53,49 69,19 63,25

53,03 69,78 63,57

52,96 67,88 62,88

52,64 63,29 61,30

52,56 59,52 60,58

www.iiste.org

Table 3. Hungary’s scores and rankings in the four investigated areas, 2011.

Political

Empowerment

Subindex score

Political

Empowerment

Subindex rank

0,031 127

All MPs

415

402

397

412

407

396

of female students in higher education (university and college), on Bachelor,

cs, 2009. Ministry of National Resources (NEFMI)

Total

57,82

57,40

56,70

55,61

55,13


Figure 4. The total number of students and female students in higher educationacademic year Sources: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI

Figure 5. Distribution of applications by gender,(Undergraduate applications in 2011

0

50 000

100 000

150 000

200 000

250 000

300 000

350 000

400 000

Tertiary vocatio

nal training

College

0%

Bachelorprogrammes

Unified programmes

Tertiary vocationaltraining

Master programmes

Total


38

Figure 4. The total number of students and female students in higher education Sources: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI

Figure 5. Distribution of applications by gender, according to educational field (Undergraduate applications in 2011) Source: Educatio Kft., Felvi, 2011

College

University

Bachelor programmes

Master program

mes

Unified programmes

Postgraduate s

pecialisation programmes

PhD, DLA

All students Women

46.0%

36.8%

38.4%

38.3%

43.4%

54.0%

63.2%

61.6%

61.7%

56.6%

20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

www.iiste.org

in the 2010/2011 Sources: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI

according to educational field Source: Educatio Kft., Felvi, 2011

PhD, DLA

Total

100%

Men

Women


Figure 6. The proportion of women among students, PhD students and persons with a scientific degree Source: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 201

Secretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (candidates of sciences, 2009); Webpage of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (doctors of sciences, members of Academy, 2011)

Figure 7. The prSource: Secretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2009

55.2%

44.8%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Students

13.0%

22.8%

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

Natural sciences


39

Figure 6. The proportion of women among students, PhD students and persons with a scientific degree Source: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI (students, PhD students);

ecretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (candidates of sciences, 2009); Webpage of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (doctors of sciences, members of Academy, 2011)

Figure 7. The proportion of women by scientific degree and scientific fields Source: Secretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2009

4.9%

13.7%

21.8%48.7%

95.1%

86.3%78.2%

51.3%

PhD students Candidates ofsciences

Doctors ofsciences

Members ofthe Academy

Women Men

8.4%

15.9%

18.4%

21.3%22.4%22.8%

Medical sciences

Agricultural sciences

Social sciences and humanities

Doctors of sciences Candidates of sciences

www.iiste.org

Figure 6. The proportion of women among students, PhD students and persons with a scientific degree Source: 0/2011. NEFMI (students, PhD students);

ecretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (candidates of sciences, 2009); Webpage of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (doctors of sciences, members of Academy, 2011)

oportion of women by scientific degree and scientific fields Source: Secretary of the Doctoral Council of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2009

4.9%

95.1%

Members ofthe Academy

18.4%

26.4%

Social sciences and humanities


Figure 8. Number of teachers and female teachers working in higher education Sources: Statistical Yearbo

Figure 9. Number of researchers and female researchers employed in higher educationSource: Higher education statistics, 2009. NEFMI

17 848

6 719

0

2 000

4 000

6 000

8 000

10 000

12 000

14 000

16 000

18 000

20 000

Public institutions

975

0

200

400

600

800

1 000

1 200

Full-time


40

Figure 8. Number of teachers and female teachers working in higher educationSources: Statistical Yearbook of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI

Figure 9. Number of researchers and female researchers employed in higher educationSource: Higher education statistics, 2009. NEFMI

1 956 1 691

6 719

615 688

Public institutions Ecclesiastical institutions Private and foundational

Total

Women

261231

364

59

Full-time Part-time Employed by assignment

Total

Women

www.iiste.org

Figure 8. Number of teachers and female teachers working in higher education ok of Education, 2010/2011. NEFMI

Figure 9. Number of researchers and female researchers employed in higher education

Private and foundational

60

Employed by assignment


Figure 10. Distribution of women and men in the university hierarchySource: Higher education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

Figure 11. Distribution by gender in research jobs at higher education institutions Source: Higher education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

52.0%

48.0%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Assistant lecturer

42.9%

57.1%

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Science sub-assistant


41

Distribution of women and men in the university hierarchyr education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

Distribution by gender in research jobs at higher education institutions Higher education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

44.4%

34.3%

52.0%55.6%

79.7%

65.7%

Assistant lecturer Assistant professor Associate professor Professor

Women

Men

34.8%

26.7%30.1%

65.2%

73.3%69.9%

Science assistant Senior scienceresearcher

Scienceconsultant

Researchprofessor

Women

Men

www.iiste.org

Distribution of women and men in the university hierarchy r education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

Distribution by gender in research jobs at higher education institutions Higher education statistics, 2009. Ministry of National Resources, NEFMI

20.3%

79.7%

Professor

23.5%

76.5%

Researchprofessor


Figure 12. Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Figure 13. Proportion of women at R&D units by sector and occupation in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistica

0.61

0.59

0.61

2000 2001 2002

40.7%

61.3%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

R&D institute and other research unit

Scientists and engineers


42

. Total R&D personnel as a percentage of active earnersSource: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Figure 13. Proportion of women at R&D units by sector and occupation in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

0.61

0.59

0.59

0.60

0.66

0.66

0.71

0.79

2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009

21.6%

36.2%

61.3%

40.7%

70.1%

59.4%

80.8%

R&D institute and other research unit

R&D unit of higher education

R&D unitof enterprise

Scientists and engineers Technicians Other manual and non-manualworkers

www.iiste.org

l R&D personnel as a percentage of active earners Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Figure 13. Proportion of women at R&D units by sector and occupation in 2010 l Office

0.83

0.79

2009 2010

40.7%

31.6%

R&D unitof enterprise

Other manual and non-manual


Figure 14. Total staff numbers for R&D units, by gender and occupation, 2010 Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Table 6. Percentage of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010Source: Research a

Field of science

Natural sciences

Engineering and technology

Medical sciences

Agricultural sciences

Social sciences

Humanities

Total

23.3%

13.1%

10.7%


43

Total staff numbers for R&D units, by gender and occupation, 2010 Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Table 6. Percentage of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

< 25 age 25-34 35-44 45-54 54-64

25.7% 24.9% 22.8% 24.0% 21.0%

20.2% 19.9% 21.6% 26.1% 19.9%

55.7% 56.4% 44.4% 45.7% 37.9%

63.0% 46.0% 39.4% 34.4% 28.3%

57.4% 48.7% 46.5% 46.2% 37.7%

44.4% 54.5% 46.2% 48.2% 41.9%

31.8% 31.7% 33.1% 35.9% 29.9%

51.7%

23.3%

25.1%

76.2%

10.7%


Technicians

Other manual and non-manual workers

Exterior cycle: menInside cycle: women

www.iiste.org

Total staff numbers for R&D units, by gender and occupation, 2010 Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Table 6. Percentage of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010 nd development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

64 >65 Total

21.0% 10.6% 23.1%

19.9% 12.5% 21.1%

37.9% 28.6% 46.2%

28.3% 16.3% 37.8%

37.7% 24.1% 43.7%

41.9% 25.2% 45.8%

.9% 18.7% 32.0%


Other manual and non-manual workers

Exterior cycle: menInside cycle: women


Figure 15. Distribution of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Figure 16. Distribution of male researchers by field of science and age in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

< 25 év

Natural sciencesMedical sciencesSocial sciences

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

< 25 év

Natural sciencesMedical sciencesSocial sciences


44

Figure 15. Distribution of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Distribution of male researchers by field of science and age in 2010ce: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

25-34 35-44 45-54 54-64 >65

Natural sciences Engineering and technologyMedical sciences Agricultural sciencesSocial sciences Humanities

25-34 35-44 45-54 54-64 >65

Natural sciences Engineering and technologyMedical sciences Agricultural sciencesSocial sciences Humanities

www.iiste.org

Figure 15. Distribution of female researchers by field of science and age in 2010 Source: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Distribution of male researchers by field of science and age in 2010 ce: Research and development, 2010. Central Statistical Office

Total


Total



Figure 17

Figure 18

9%

technical directorfinancial and commercial directorjournalistkey account managermounter on production linesbookkeeper

5%

2%

pharmaceutical laboratory technicianinterior decoratorlibrarianimmobility agentPR manager


45

Figure 17. Differences in salaries to the good of men, 2011 Source: Workania, 2012

Figure 18. Differences in salaries to the good of women, 2011 Source: Workania, 2012

35%25%25%

23%23%23%

20%15%

10%10%

9%

technical director administrative directorfinancial and commercial director insurance agent

kitchen chefkey account manager marketing managermounter on production lines confectioner

doctor

16%

16%

13%

6%

8%

5%

pharmaceutical laboratory technician HR staffinterior decorator interior designer

assistant, secretaryimmobility agent jurist

www.iiste.org

Differences in salaries to the good of women, 2011

39%

22%

21%

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Backwards in high heels education and career challenges in hungary

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