Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú
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Transcript of Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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MASTER IN TOURISM AND ENVIRONMENTAL
ECONOMICS
(MTEE)
TOURISM DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL AND
CULTURAL IMPACTS 2009-2010
ESSAY
“Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú”
November 2009
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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1. INTRODUCTION
Perú is a multicultural, multilingual, and mega diverse country of varied geography, with
an extensive archaeological and architectural heritage. All these elements hold all the
conditions to promote economic and social development through rural and cultural
tourism in economically depressed areas, ensuring visitors a unique experience.
The experiences of Rural Community Tourism development emerged in Perú have been
made by private entrepreneur’s initiative mostly that identify business opportunities to
meet an increasing demand, and projects developed with international cooperation
funds, and NGOs. These projects were successful in some cases and in others had
negative results due to lack of experience in this kind of tourism activity.
Two factors point towards the development of tourism in rural areas. On the one hand,
the existence of large rural areas and on the other hand, changes in tastes and
preferences of urban residents, oriented towards a revaluation of tradition and a concern
for environment. Among this new trend, and specifically, within the changing needs of
tourism demand, is where the progressive development of a number of possibilities for
tourism linked to rural areas fits.
The "rural and nature" segment has developed as never before, expecting and
demanding that those who are inside this market a better product quality each
day. Thus, the distinctive feature of rural tourism products is to offer visitors a personal
contact, give them the opportunity to enjoy the physical and human environment of rural
areas and, wherever possible, to participate in activities traditions and lifestyle of local
people.
The main objective of this paper is to give a critical view on the social and cultural
impacts of tourism activities inside the Ashaninka community, which is one of the most
representative native communities of the Peruvian jungle.
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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In this sense, the first chapter of this document tries to give a broad overview of the main
social and cultural issues of the Ashaninka culture. The second chapter brings out some
theoretical framework that will help us to understand the main impacts of tourism
activities inside the Ashaninka community. The next chapter will describe the way
Ashaninka community is developing their tourism activities and the main perceptions
around them. Finally, some conclusions will be derived from the previous analysis.
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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2. THE ASHANINKA COMMUNITY
Perú's central jungle is the territory traditionally occupied by Ashaninka, Yanesha and
Nomatsiguenga communities. According to information from the 1993 census, the
Ashaninka community is the largest indigenous group in the Peruvian Amazon with
52.461 individuals representing 21.89% of total native population in the jungle. In
census records, it is estimated however, a notable omission of the population located in
the basins of the rivers Ene and Tambo, whose area could not be properly counted by
the political violence in the area1.
The population average per community is 171 habitants, existing settlements with fewer
than 10 individuals and others that seem to be over 600 people. The most populous
settlement surveyed had 1,284 habitants. These communities are traditionally close to
rivers Apurimac Jan, Tambo, Pichis, High Perené, Alto Ucayali and Gran Pajonal as the
following map show.
1 Perú experienced terrorist activities linked to extreme armed comunist groups called Sendero Luminoso (SL) and MRTA. Nowadays, these terrorist groups are almost extinguished, but some of their main leader remain hidden in the Peruvian jungle, near to native communities such as Ashaninkas.
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These indigenous communities, mainly Asháninka`s, were badly affected by the internal
armed conflict, causing massive territorial displacement and relocation of hundreds of
families thus creating a major impact on population dynamics in this society. Additionally,
this situation has exacerbated the exclusion and marginalization that have suffered for
centuries.
2.1. Historical Review
The Ashaninka community until the seventeenth century was a macro groups jointly with
Matsiguenga (from the Urubamba River) and Nomatsiguenga (from Pangoa River), this
macro groups were called “Anti”. Later in the eighteenth and nineteenth century there
was established a border between Matsiguenga and Ashaninka, and in the early
twentieth century, Nomatsiguenga were defined as a separate group. The Ashaninka
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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community now occupies the valleys of the Lower Apurimac River, Ene River, Tambo
River, Perene Pichis River, parts of the upper Ucayali River and Gran Pajonal River.
Prior to European contact, the Ashaninka community maintained trade relations with
Andean populations, a fact evidenced by the bronze axes found in the territory of this
group. These trade routes were still used by merchants in the area of Tarma after
European contact, thus obtaining metal tools.
Since 1635, the Ashaninka began to be evangelized by the Franciscans and
Dominicans, the latter who actually constituted the presence of Spanish colonial rule in
the territory. However, the epidemics and the rebellion of Juan Santos Atahualpa, led to
the end of missionary activity, closing the region to settlers and missionaries for nearly
one hundred years.
The hostilities continued for centuries until the establishment in 1889 of Peruvian
Corporation2 in the zone, this was an English capital company which was granted with
500,000 hectares near Ashaninka`s territory. With this grant was initiated the initial
modern settlements in the central jungle which continues to this days.
With the beginning of the rubber boom the valleys near the Perene River became slave
trade fields, especially for women and children, which continued until the fifth decade of
the twentieth century.
In 1974, the Peruvian government gave to Native Communities guarantees on traditional
sectors of the territory. The villages which had appeared as a result of previous contact
stages benefited from this legislation and, under pressure from the colonization of land
for new farmers were created many other settlements.
2 This Company made important investment in peruvian jungle in order to find petroleum and rubber from the jungle trees.
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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Between 1986 and 1996, the Ashaninka were involved in violent attacks towards them,
coming from radical groups called Sendero Luminoso (SL) and Movimiento
Revolucionario Tupac Amaru (MRTA).
Currently, efforts are being taken to secure the land rights of native communities while
the main threat to this group are the invasions of settlers, subversive violence and the
illegal extraction of resources by timber mafias.
2.2. Economic Activities
In defining Ashaninka traditional economy, we must consider
the substantiality approach. This approach in economics argues that economic relations
are regulated by social relationships and not by the interaction of the market. In this
sense, man does not act to save their individual interests in possession of material
goods, but to safeguard its social position, social rights and social assets3".
Traditionally Ashaninka`s economy is based on the exchange of “gifts” 4 which is based
on the deferred exchange of gifts, the same to be reciprocated, thus generating the flow
of goods from one place to another, creating prestige among participants, solidarity
between groups and providing greater security for their livelihood.
The production units could develop and meet all your needs, ranging from clothing to
building your home, all this knowledge is transmitted to future generations so that the
economic view persists in the future.
Social organization is based on parental relationships, through which the Ashaninkas
organize their social life, production, trade, reciprocity, the settlement patterns and
distribution of surpluses. These rules define the rights and responsibilities that each
individual must have.
3 Polanyi Kart en: “La Gran Transformación” 1992 Ed. Fondo de Cultura Economica. 4 Mauss Marcel en “Antropología Lecturas” Los Dones y la devolución de Dones. 1993 Ed. Mcgraw-Hill.
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Ashaninkas within their traditional territories were organized into residential groups
compounded by 4 or 5 nuclear families related by consanguinity and affinity
relationships. However, these residential groups act as an economic unit that within
nuclear families share hunting, fishing, production, organized community efforts.
In addition each nuclear family respects the use of resources that is introducing a
nuclear family into the community, and respecting exclusive rights of the crop areas and
rights over specific forest products discovered by each family.
However, the Ashaninka`s economy and organization are changing, the reasons for this
change is related to endless problems and satisfies a plurality of individual community
members, the assimilating elements of which are market economies.
In a market economy, one of the pillars is the existence of private property, which allows
the atomization of those involved in it (shareholders) so that the articulation of all these
individuals through trading relations (supply and demand) with constant fluctuations,
which requires a profit maximization-oriented behavior of individual agents. In this sense
the rest of social life such as reciprocity, parental relationships, religion, and solidarity is
"out of place".
As you can see, these two rationales are confronted in actual economic life of
Ashaninkas and are generating changes and imbalances in their culture.
Regarding to the main economic activities undertaken by the Ashaninka community we
must stress that agriculture takes an important role in the economic activity, being the
main crops of banana, corn, peanuts, sachapapa5, sweet potatoes, rice, beans, citrus,
sugar cane, pineapples and fruits. Commercial agriculture, previously almost
nonexistent, has achieved great development in this group, which have begun to engage
in the cultivation of coffee, citrus, corn and rice hard.
5 In the Peruvian jungle the prefix “sacha” means “sort of” or “kind of”. In this sense, the “sachapapa” would be translated as “sort of potato”, referring to a kind of root similar in shape to the traditional potato.
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Hunting is also an important economic activity. Fishing is often performed in both their
individual and collective mode. To supplement the amount of protein obtained in these
two activities, as part of incorporating traditional elements of market economies, today
Ashaninkas have started raising chickens.
The commercial timber harvesting is also an important activity for this group, especially
in the area of Alto Tambo and Ucayali River. In this area, in addition, many Ashaninkas
seasonally works in occupations related to timber extraction.
However, it is important to note that the increase in informal mining and overexploitation
of forests from companies that are engaged in illegal timber extraction is affecting the
Ashaninkas habitat, therefore, their sources of food and resources are being reduced.
In this sense, the introduction of paradigms of the market economy and the negative
impact in their natural habitat have led this community to see in tourism a new alternative
to diversify their economic activities and sources of resources to enable it to interact with
other towns in the Peruvian jungle (remember that historically Ashaninkas were an
isolated community, but in recent years has intensified their interaction with westernized
societies).
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3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Cultural tourism is defined as one generated solely by the interest in visiting one or more
rural or native communities (for example indigenous communities). In this sense, this
section seeks to highlight what the main elements from the theoretical literature that help
us to built an adequate framework for assessing the social and cultural impacts of
tourism services in native communities.
3.1. Motivation
A first point to be discussed is what the motivation for activities linked to cultural tourism
is. To this end we will use the Jafar Jafari6 model shown below:
The tourists have a desire to temporarily change their life situation. They seek to escape
from the established routines, the constraints of time and place, and the codes of
conduct that govern their daily lives (in the model this stage is called
"Corporation"). They believe this change will recharge their mental and physical batteries
to be better placed to face the pressures of their daily commitments.
6 Jafari, Jafar; “Tourism Models: The Sociocultural Aspects.”
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To become a tourist, means moving from the old identity and normal behavior. This
means adopting a new temporary identity that necessarily includes some elements that
are the opposite of normal personality and behavior (which occurs in the stage called
"Animation"). People who are visited (hosts) do not recognize the normal from the
tourist. Tourists can easily move their everyday status and, temporarily, to become other
people and engage in 'bizarre' behavior.
To dress differently, to live differently and to weaken inhibitions are frequently
accompanied by conduct that would be quite unacceptable at home. Some tourists take
this experience to experiment activities and wear clothing and accessories that are
outside (don´t belong to) of their own common lives. In this aspect, people whose
livelihood depends on their presence must somehow accept their behavior difficult and
often rare supply their needs.
3.2. Tourism and Culture
One of the most striking consequences of tourism, especially cultural tourism, is the way
it initially promotes self-knowledge, pride, self-confidence and solidarity among those
who are visited7.
This self-knowledge is caused by the regular presence of outsiders who, when viewed
by the locals, realize how different the visitors are from themselves. These communities
are aware of the uniqueness of their own culture and discover new dimensions of their
identity through the interest of tourists.
This phenomenon has stimulated reflection about their own traditions and culture and
has encouraged the preservation of dying crafts and rituals in some cultures. This
awakening of ethnic identity has fueled revitalization of the celebrations.
7 Boissevain, Jeremy.
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The culture-seeking tourists are generally perceived as more sympathetic and
environmentally friendly8. However, when the search for culture becomes an aspect of
mass tourism it can create problems. Cultural tourism can be highly intrusive. Visitors
like the culture and customs that have been promised to them or they think they are
genuine. This can lead to a serious loss of local privacy.
Furthermore, excessive attention destroys the same resources that tourists come to
consider: local people become entrepreneurs, traditional tranquility is destroyed, the
physical environment is eroded and the local population is slowly expelled from the area,
transforming the communities living in open museums and tourist areas.
In short, cultural tourism is indeed a positive side which leads not only brings economic
development but also allows increased of self-knowledge and self-confidence in the host
community, thereby rescuing traditions and cultural elements that might otherwise
disappear. However, there also a dark side unexplored that particularly affects residents
who are particularly vulnerable to the crowds that this mass tourism generates.
3.3. Tourist-Host Relationship
Certain general characteristics of tourists and tourism affect all communities of a
destination in one way or another. These include the “nomad” nature of the tourist and
unequal relations between tourists and locals.
The tourists can afford to buy the services from the local economy, this tourist are often
coming from more technologically advanced societies and, sometimes, even abuse from
locals. On the other hand, residents, the monopolize knowledge and local services, can
cheat and take advantage of tourists. The guest-host relationship is potentially fraught
with ambivalence and tension; this is usually explained by "the Social Exchange
Theory"9
8 Boissevain, Jeremy. 9 See “Host Community Perceptions: A Cluster Analysis”.
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A main feature of cultural tourism is a consequence of the fact that it is not necessarily a
seasonal activity. The inhabitants are exposed to the presence of tourists throughout the
year. This exposure increases steadily as cultural tourism becomes more popular. The
pressure on local people is so constant.
Without any break from the constant tourist gaze that is characteristic of seasonal
tourism, hosts can enervate and their hostile towards tourists increases. Thus, people
who maintain the most sustained contact with tourists are usually the first to react rude,
abrupt, and sometimes aggressive.
3.4. Authenticity and the commoditization of culture
Up till this point my paper has focused on the existing theories of motivation in tourist
behavior and how tourism can impact over society but there is a middle point that we
need to analyze in order to understand cultural tourism, the concept of authenticity and
therefore, the existence of commoditization of this authenticity.
As Cohen establishes, “authenticity is a quality that is perceived to be firmly rooted in
pre-modern life, a quality of cultural products produced prior to the penetration of modern
western influences”. In this sense, things can only be authentic if it has not been
influences or altered by the western world.
Furthermore, the perceived authenticity (or lack of authenticity) of a cultural product or
experience depends upon the relationship between the tourist as an individual and the
product or experience in which he or she is concerned10. In this sense, we must
understand authenticity as a concept linked to perceptions of the tourist. This brings us
also the concept of staged authenticity in which cultural expressions are performed in
order to please the tourist and the spiritual or main reason of that expression is treated
as a commodity that can be sold.
Public communal and religious celebrations attract tourists. These visitors are generally
welcome. The skill of the organizers and, finally, the prestige of the celebrating
10 Sharpley.
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community are usually measured by the size of the audience and the attention of the
media to the event (staged authenticity). The national and local tourism authorities have
consistently promoted the popular festivities. They have enlarged the traditional festivals,
and have reintroduced events that were not held and even invented new celebrations.
The promotion of tourism in all parties involved to commodify culture. Although the
commoditization can destroy nature and culture, some studies also show that with the
marketing of their culture local people (re)discover their own traditions (Cohen). The
Museums performed to entertain tourists become more popular for local residents, which
at the same time learn about their own history and culture.
Moreover, the commoditization and staged authenticity can often protect the
backstage11 and the privacy of local residents to tourists to keep focused on
frontstage12 commoditized.
However, authenticity is represented a source of conflict between both 'hosts' and
'guest', as the desire to examine the backstage activities (usually seen as more genuine
than frontstage where events are staged for tourists), in search of culture 'authentic' is
inherent in the structure of tourism (MacCannel). Tourists often seek systematically
domestic areas or participate in private events, to the disgrace of their 'involuntary' hosts
and as mentioned above, the handling of private space and community, culture and
above all , and rituals without the consent of the residents may provoke hostility in the
relations between tourists and the local community.
11 This is a concept developved by MacCannell in which he stablishes that there exist six different stages in which the backstage represent the part of cultural expression of the host community that the tourist does not see. 12 This is a concept developved by MacCannell in which he stablishes that there exist six different stages in which the frontstage represent the part of cultural expression of the host community that is shown the tourist.
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4. ASHANINKA COMMUNITY AND TOURISM
In this section we are going to analyze how the Ashaninka community developed their
cultural tourism activities and how these activities have impacted over their lifes.
An example of a tourist package for cultural tourism inside an Ashaninka community is
included in Appendix Nº 2. It is important to highlight that this packages try to introduce
the tourist inside the traditional Ashaninka lifestyle. In this sense, tourist’s
accommodation is arranged in a typical Ashaninka “home” instead of a hotel room just
as the following picture show. While the tourist shares the house with an Ashaninka
family (host family) he is introduced to the main basic rules of the community and the
main activities planned for them.
The marketing strategies used to promote cultural tourism in Ashaninka communities are
based on the ability to experience wildness and traditional cultures. In this sense, the
tourist is encouraged to participate in the main community activities such as cooking and
dancing. In these sessions the tourist can learn traditional cooking techniques and
experience new flavors and food.
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Nevertheless, the tourist is not the only one who perceive benefits from this cultural
exchange, the Ashaninka community also perceives benefits since their cosmovision
gives them the conviction that sharing their culture with national visitors contribute with
the prevails their cultural heritage over time13.
The tourist is also taught about traditional Ashaninka medicines, which are based on
plants and any kind of wildlife form. However, it is important to highlight that as a
recommendation of the tour operator related to this activity, tourist should take to this trip
medicines. This might be considered as a contradiction because on one hand there is
the possibility to heal tourist from a hypothetical disease by the use of traditional
Ashaninka medicine, but at the same time this knowledge is considered as unreliable
compared to industrial medicines. In this case, there is a good example of how some
elements of traditional culture are treated as goods that are useful just as a learning
element but it is not value for their main purpose (heal diseases).
Inside the tourist package there is also the opportunity to participate in part of their
economic activities such as fruit collection. In this sense, in order to protect the tourist
13 This was opinión of manu communities in an article writen by El Comercio Newspaper (www.elcomercioperu.com.pe)
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from any kind of risk inside the jungle, this activity is guided in small groups. However, it
is important to realize that tourists are only allowed to participate in certain economic
activities, but not in all of them. A good example is that tourists are not allowed to
participate in hunting or fishing, but they can learn about the tool Ashaninka´s use for
those activities as the following picture shows:
Tourists are told that hunting or fishing are dangerous activities in order to avoid their
interest, but the real reason behind is not the tourist protection, but the protection of what
was described as the backstage. In this sense, tourists are not allowed to participate in
these activities because this participation should be uncomfortable for the Ashaninkas
hunters.
However, there are some of the traditional activities in which Ashaninka`s are willing to
introduce to tourist such as typical dances and outfits. In this sense, even though there
are not dancing demonstrations in the program, when tourist arrive there is a celebration
at night where some members of the community dance and encourage tourist to do the
same. This dance is not a way to entertain tourist as it is usually seen, but it is a real
manifestation of joy for their presence. However, many times tourist does not
understand this idea and finally this dance is treated like a commodity in the tourist
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market, therefore this shows a negative aspect of culture tourism, in which the concept
of authenticity is related to what the tourist thinks is real and worthy, and no one but
them can change his mind.
Finally, it is interesting to talk about how Ashaninka community has made a commodity
from their culture. As they are aware of the value tourists give to this cultural
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expressions the community as a hole tries to perform (stage) their activities using the
most traditional elements of their culture such as cloth and make up (they paint their
faces). However, it is important to mention that when tourist are not allowed in the
community elements such as traditional outfits are not of compulsory use such as the
following picture shows:
This picture was taken from a community meeting and as we can see, not all the
members of the community are wearing traditional outfits, even more, they are wearing
what we could call western outfits such as jeans or boots. These are elements that
would not be used in the presence of tourists and therefore we can imagine that the
performance they do for tourist as a frontstage requires the participation of the whole
community which makes an effort (tourism cost or negative aspect) for the community
benefit.
4.1. Perceptions about Tourism Activities in Ashaninka Communities
The attractions based on productive and reproductive modes of Ashaninka culture has
effectively promoted the benefits and reduced the costs (tourist behavior) of cultural
tourism as the activities are owned and controlled by the community. In this sense, they
decide when is allowed the entry for tourist and for how long. In this case, the
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community reduces the pressure over them and protects the cultural expressions that
are just for the community (backstage).
Furthermore, the attractions promoted locally rooted self-esteem and ethnic pride of their
culture which is involved in tourism activities. Tourism promotes also the recovery of the
native language, affirmation and revitalization of the customs of the community. Most of
the attractions of the community are the cultural, therefore, the attractions promoted the
reconstruction of Ashaninka identity as a group.
The internal cohesion, the organization in some kind of organization and level of
articulation and intervention that the tourism activities requires from the community, are
positive elements for the Ashaninka community who perceive more social benefits.
Social capital and the pre-organization of communities also allow a more optimistic
scenario of benefits, as these collective enterprises promoted more employment
opportunities within the ethnic groups. The Ashaninka community has been winning
better benefits and greater powers of intervention through of social cohesion.
Cultural tourism can be an activity that offers many economic opportunities, as it comes
to increasing and diversifying local incomes. In this connection it was noted that cultural
tourism has the potential to generate benefits for indigenous people involved. The
participation of tourists in the Minga (community work), is a major result of increased
self-esteem of indigenous people.
Furthermore, all tourism projects provide better opportunities for diversification of income
over the main sources of revenue that traditionally have provided their economic
activities typical of subsistence.
We must remember that this activities have been reduced due to the overexploitation of
natural resources made near the region where Ashaninka`s life forcing them to find new
sources of economic resources. In this sense, the sustainable development of cultural
tourism has been a good alternative for the Ashaninka community to reduce the
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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economic impact described. Cultural tourism could generate important economic
dynamics that can help them to leave poverty.
When we talk about negative aspects of culture tourism it should be pointed out that
Ashaninka community is really aware about the negative aspects of sharing their culture
with foreigners. This is the reason why the way they developed their “product” allowed
them to control the situation and, therefore, minimize social and cultural impacts over
them.
As far as it seems, Ashaninka community have control over the tourism activities,
however, a big threat on them is related to the social impacts over their economic
thought. The substantiality approach (in which the main reason is to keep social status)
that leads their economic activities is what help this community to develop sustainable
cultural tourism activities because this economic thought is based on the maximization of
social welfare (the community goes first). However, we also mentioned that the increase
of interaction processes with western societies (which base their economies on the
individual profit-maximization approach) is having a considerable impact over the way
economic relationships should be done by new generations.
Moreover, the presence of tourist which usually hold the individual profit-maximization
approach (is what they bring from their usual environment) can accelerate this social
process and transform the economic interaction inside the community in a faster way.
This new economic paradigm (new for Ashaninka community) could be a real threat over
the sustainability of tourism activity since it could turn to a mass activity. Furthermore,
traditional tools which their production is related to a certain specific use (rows, make up,
dishes) loss their meaning and the souvenir “industry” arise leading to a different
resource allocation based not in what the community need but on what the tourist would
like to purchase.
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5. CONCLUSIONS
Cultural tourism is a new trend in the Peruvian tourism market that has increased
As we could see, the theoretical framework used in this essay points out that cultural
tourism has some positive social and cultural impacts over the host community as the
increased of self-knowledge and self-confidence. Cultural tourism also allows rescuing
of traditions and cultural elements that might otherwise disappear.
However, there are also negative affects related to the vulnerability of residents to the
crowds that this mass tourism generates. This phenomenon brings pressure to the host
community that can enervates and increase their hostile towards tourism and tourists.
Moreover, the phenomenon called commoditization and staged authenticity were
analyzed in this paper. Authenticity is represented a source of conflict between both
'hosts' and 'guest', as the desire to examine the backstage activities, in search of culture
'authentic'. Tourists often seek in private events, every time more and more elements of
local culture that they consider authentic, so in this search there is an involuntary
handling of private space and community without the consent of the residents that may
provoke hostility in the relations between tourists and the local community.
When we analyzed all this elements in the Ashaninka community and their perceptions
about tourism, we found that the main reason for the tourist activities developed in recent
years where the negative effects of overexploitation of their environment. However, they
found an interesting way to minimize the negative aspects of tourism in their community
and, in this way, as the community behavior leads the individual behavior (the opposite
perspective than western societies) they found a key factor that made it possible for
them to take advantage of cultural tourism aspects.
Finally, it must be taken into account that even though it seems that Ashaninka
community have control over the tourism activities they promote, the real threat is related
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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to the social impacts of interaction with western societies over their
substantiality approach. This is an element that arises from social interaction and
therefore, cannot be controlled by the community and could destroy the sustainability of
tourism activity if in time it the profit-maximization approach leads to mass tourism
activities. In this sense, especial attention should be pointed over this social impact.
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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6. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SOURCES
Aguiló, E.; Rosselló, J. 2005 HOST COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS: A CLUSTER ANALYSIS. Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 32, No. 4, pp. 925-941. Azevedo, Luiza. 2007 ECOTURISMO DE PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS: PROPUESTAS SOSTENIBLES. Fondo para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas de América Latina y El Caribe. Boissevain, Jeremy 2005 RITUALES OCULTOS. PROTEGIENDO LA CULTURA DE LA MIRADA TURÍSTICA. PASOS – Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, Vol. 3 Nº 2 págs. 217-228. 2005.
Bramwell, Bill. 2003 MALTESE RESPONSES TO TOURISM. Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 3, pp. 581-605. Cohen, E. 1988 AUTHENTICITY AND COMMODITISATION IN TOURISM, Annals of Tourism Research 15(3): 371-386. Figuero, Raul. 2005 UNA APROXIMACIÒN DE LOS ASHANINKAS DEL RIO PICHIS AL MERCADO. Universidad Católica del Perú. ---
INRENA 2002 RESERVA COMUNAL ASHANINKA. Ministerio de Agricultura, Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales, Dirección General de Áreas Naturales Protegidas.
Jafari, Jafar 1987 TOURISM MODELS: THE SOCIOCULTURAL ASPECTS. Tourism Mangement, June 1987.
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Mauss, Marcel 1993 “ANTROPOLOGÍA LECTURAS” LOS DONES Y LA DEVOLUCIÓN DE DONES. Ed. Mcgraw-Hill.
Molind, Joaquim. 1998 LA TEORÍA DE GRUPOS. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Working Paper n.143, Barcelona Polanyi, Kart 1992 LA GRAN TRANSFORMACIÓN. Ed. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Sharpley,R. 2003 TOURISM, TOURIST AND SOCIETY. Huntingdon, ELM Publications. Viceministerio de Turismo del Perú 2006 LINEAMIENTOS PARA EL DESARROLLO DEL TURISMO RURAL COMUNITARIO EN EL PERU. Dirección Nacional de Desarrollo Turístico, Dirección de Desarrollo de Producto Turístico.
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APENDIX Nº 1
Nº NAME DISTRICT PROVINCE DEPARTMENT Nº FAMILIES
1 Acompikipashiari Sivia Huanta Ayacucho 12 2 Kochiri Echarati La Convención Cusco 9 3 Porotobango Echarati La Convención Cusco 18 4 Puerto Rico Echarati La Convención Cusco 43 5 Tangoshiari Echarati La Convención Cusco 74 6 Catongo Quimpiri Pichari La Convención Cusco 18 7 Gran Shinongari Pichari La Convención Cusco 80 8 Monkirenshi Pichari La Convención Cusco 20 9 Otari Pichari La Convención Cusco 10 10 Pitirinquini Pichari La Convención Cusco 18 11 Sanki Rosi Pichari La Convención Cusco 19 12 Capirushiati Quimbiri La Convención Cusco 40 13 Cashiruvine Quimbiri La Cusco 35 14 Kipashiari Quimbiri La Cusco 20 15 Sanpantuari Quimbiri La Cusco 30 16 Lima Tambo Vilcabamba La Cusco 26 17 Dos Unidos Honoria Puerto Inca Huánuco 63 18 Nuevos Unidos Llullapichis Puerto Inca Huánuco 75 19 Cleyton Puerto Inca Puerto Inca Huánuco 37 20 N.Alianza de Baños Puerto Inca Puerto Inca Huánuco 36 21 Tsirotzire Puerto Inca Puerto Inca Huánuco 25 22 Puerto Inca Puerto Inca Huánuco 25 23 San José de Coviriali Sat ipo Junín 25
Panamá 24 Camantaro Llaylla Sat ipo Junín 7 25 José Gálvez Mazamari Sat ipo Junín 17 26 Pauriali Mazamari Sat ipo Junín 12 27 San Cristóbal Mazamari Sat ipo Junín 15 28 Alto Saureni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 6 29 Anapat i Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 36 30 Centro Tsomaveni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 220 31 Chavini Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 25 32 Cubant ia Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 39 33 Etzoniari Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 6 34 Jerusalén de Miñaro Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 24 35 J.Santos Atahualpa Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 15 36 Mapitamani Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 16 37 Mapotoa Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 33 38 Potsoteni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 36 39 Pueblo Nuevo Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 5 40 S.Antonio Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 61
Sonomoro 41 S.Juan Cajeriari Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 23 42 S. Juan Sangareni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 9
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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43 S.Ramón de Pangoa Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 77 44 Saniveni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 45 45 Santa Clara Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 14 46 Shimpeshariato Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 28 47 Tahuantinsuyo Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 13 48 Tres Unidos Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 198 49 Unión A.Sanibeni Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 20 50 Yorini Pangoa Sat ipo Junín 4 51 Aot i Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 61 52 Arizona Portillo Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 15 53 Bajo Capiri Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 22 54 Boca del Cheni Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 21 55 Cushiviani Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 25 56 Ipokiari Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 22 57 Monterrico Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 30 58 Pitocuna Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 12 59 S.Jacinto Shauriato Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 13 60 San Juan de Cheni Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 25 61 San Miguel Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 6 62 San Pascual Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 95 63 Santa Elena Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 14 64 Sta. Rosa Panakiari Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 23 65 Shabashipango Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 12
66 Shintz Haroqui Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 12 67 Somontonari Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 18 68 Yavirironi Río Negro Sat ipo Junín 24 69 Anapate Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 48 70 Betania Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 560 71 Camajini Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 40 72 Camantavishi Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 40 73 Capiti ri Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 55 74 Centro Caparocia Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 9 75 C. Selva Quirishari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 17 76 Chembo Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 72 77 Cheni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 75 78 Coriteni Tarso Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 22 79 Cutivireni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 170 80 Impamaquiari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 24 81 Marankiari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 93 82 Mayapo Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 33 83 Mazoroveni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 25 84 Meteni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 89 85 Otica Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 59 86 Oviri Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 48 87 Poyeni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 93 88 Puerto Ocopa Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 200 89 Quemarija Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 24 90 Quempiri Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 120 91 Quimaropitari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 13 92 Quiteni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 15
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93 Samaniato Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 17 94 San José Quirishari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 11 95 Sharahuaja Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 14 96 Shevoja Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 41 97 Shimabenzo Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 9 98 S. Fco de Cushireni Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 18 99 S.Rosita de
shirintiari Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 39
100 Tsoroja Río Tambo Sat ipo Junín 37 101 Alto Sandoveni Satipo Sat ipo Junín 45 102 Chamiriari Satipo Sat ipo Junín 90 103 Huahuari Satipo Sat ipo Junín 15 104 Huantashiri Satipo Sat ipo Junín 78 105 Jairiquishi Satipo Sat ipo Junín 15 106 Paureli Satipo Sat ipo Junín 53 107 Rio Bertha Satipo Sat ipo Junín 20 108 S.Clara (rio venado) Satipo Sat ipo Junín 21 109 San Pascual Satipo Sat ipo Junín 21 110 Sauriaki Satipo Sat ipo Junín 27 111 Shanqui Satipo Sat ipo Junín 21 112 S. Ana A. Pakichari Satipo Sat ipo Junín 47 113 S. Bárbara Sanibeni Satipo Sat ipo Junín 10 114 Timpiñari Satipo Sat ipo Junín 16 115 Alto Puñizas Chanchamayo Chanchamayo Junín 17 116 Palomar Chanchamayo Chanchamayo Junín 21 117 Pampa Michi Chanchamayo Chanchamayo Junín 40 118 Alto Incariado Perené Chanchamayo Junín 48 119 B.Aldea Pichanaki Perené Chanchamayo Junín 100 120 B. Chirani Perené Chanchamayo Junín 130 121 B. Esperanza Perené Chanchamayo Junín 40 122 Capachari Perené Chanchamayo Junín 20 123 Carapairo Perené Chanchamayo Junín 17 124 Cerro Picaflor Perené Chanchamayo Junín 28 125 Churingaveni Perené Chanchamayo Junín 25 126 Comavishiqui Perené Chanchamayo Junín 4 127 Cumbre S. Román Perené Chanchamayo Junín 19 128 Eshcormes Perené Chanchamayo Junín 22 129 Huacamayo Perené Chanchamayo Junín 40 130 Kuvinaki Perené Chanchamayo Junín 58 131 La Esperanza Perené Chanchamayo Junín 20 132 Marankiari Bajo Perené Chanchamayo Junín 25 133 MCAL Cáceres Perené Chanchamayo Junín 67 134 Pucharini Perené Chanchamayo Junín 35 135 Pumpuriani Perené Chanchamayo Junín 30 136 S. Jerónimo Perené Chanchamayo Junín 21 137 S. Martín De Ubiriki Perené Chanchamayo Junín 34 138 S. Miguel Marankiari Perené Chanchamayo Junín 20 139 S.Nic. Palmapampa Perené Chanchamayo Junín 18
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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140 S.P. De Sheboriari Perené Chanchamayo Junín 12 141 S. P. De Sotani Perené Chanchamayo Junín 34 142 Sta Rosa De Ubirike Perené Chanchamayo Junín 17 143 Shankivironi Perené Chanchamayo Junín 44 144 Shintoriato Perené Chanchamayo Junín 15 145 Unión A. Sancachari Perené Chanchamayo Junín 12 146 Alto Cuyani Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 22 147 Bajo Kimiriki Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 43 148 Boca Del Ipoki Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 39 149 Chinari Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 12 150 Impitato Cascada Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 22 151 Inchatingari Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 16 152 Miri tarini Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 9 153 Pachacutec Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 22 154 Pampa Julián Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 25 155 Quimishiripango Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 8 156 S. José Alto Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 34
Kuviriani 157 S. José De Anapiari Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 39 158 S. Lorenzo De autiki Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 21 159 S. Pablo Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 29 160 Santo Barato Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 8 161 Waypancuni Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 13 162 Yaroni Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 21 163 Zotziki Pichanaki Chanchamayo Junín 16 164 Alto San Juan Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 20
Bermúdez 165 Alto Sungaruyali Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 20
Bermúdez 166 Amambay Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 26
Bermúdez 167 Angui la Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 32
Bermúdez 168 Belén Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 21
Bermúdez 169 Betania Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 14
Bermúdez 170 Buenaventura Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 17
Bermúdez 171 Cahuapanas Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 135
Bermúdez 172 Cajonari Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 153
Bermúdez 173 Camisea Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 19
Bermúdez 174 Dinamarca Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 20
Bermúdez 175 Divisoria Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 19
Bermúdez 176 El Milagro Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 27
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Bermúdez 177 El Soli tario Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 7
Bermúdez 178 Enoc Flor de un Día Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 96
Bermúdez 179 Flor de Rosas Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 46
Bermúdez 180 Flor de Anacayali Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 10
Bermúdez 181 Florida Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 17
Bermúdez 182 Hanswald Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 50
Bermúdez 183 Huacayo Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 41
Bermúdez 184 H. de Neguache Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 10
Bermúdez 185 Joaquín Capello Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 10
Bermúdez 186 Jordán Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 25
Bermúdez 187 Kempitiari Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 9
Bermúdez 188 Laguna Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 28
Bermúdez 189 La Paz de Getarine Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 15
Bermúdez 190 La Paz de Pucharine Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 10
Bermúdez 191 La Paz de Anangari Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 19
Bermúdez 192 Loreto Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 28
Bermúdez 193 Los Ángeles Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 30
Bermúdez 194 Los Ocho Yernos Pto. Oxapamp Pasco 17
Bermúdez 1 95 Los Siete Hermanos Pto.
Bermúdez Oxapampa Pasco 15
196 Los Tres Hermanos Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 16
197 Madre de Dios Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 23
198 Mapitziviari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 34
199 Meriaro Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 6
200 Miraflores Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 66
201 Mont. De Opokiari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 21
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202 Mosquito Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 50
203 Naranjal Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 30
204 Nevati Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 65
205 Nueva Villavista Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 50
206 Nueva Esperanza Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 10
207 Nueva Unión Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 30
208 Paratoshiari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 11
209 Parceleros Nevati Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 13
210 Paujil Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 21
211 Platani llo de Getarine
Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 13
212 Presby-Flor de Mayo Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 24
213 Puerto Davis Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 22
214 Puerto Leticia Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 24
215 Pto. Nuevo Opokiari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 17
216 Puerto Pascuala Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 10
217 Puerto Porvenir Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 27
218 Quimpichari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 10
219 San Alejandro Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 26
220 Quirishari Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 95
221 S.Antonio Ametzironi
Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 11
222 S. Carl os Neguache Pto. Bermúdez
Oxapampa Pasco 24
223 S.C. Shimbitachari Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 11
Bermúdez 224 San Fausto Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 21
Bermúdez 225 S.Fdo. Machuriani Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 20
Bermúdez 226 S. José de Azupizu Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 92
Bermúdez 227 S. José de Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 21
Santarani Bermúdez
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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228 S. Juan de Chi vis Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 25 Bermúdez
229 S.Luis de A.Shimaki Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 10 Bermúdez
230 S.Luis Chinchihuani Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 40 Bermúdez
231 S.Martín Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 14 Apurucayali Bermúdez
232 San Pedro Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 90 Bermúdez
233 Sani veni Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 10 Bermúdez
234 S. Isabel Neguache Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 27 Bermúdez
235 S. Isabel Pachitea Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 43 Bermúdez
236 S. Isabel Pelmaz Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 24 Bermúdez
237 Santa Isidora Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 25 Bermúdez
238 Santa Rosa Chivis Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 42 Bermúdez
239 Sta. Rosa Alvariño Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 30 Bermúdez
240 Sto. Domingo Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 35 Bermúdez
241 Sargento Lorenz Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 28 Bermúdez
242 Selva de Oro Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 22 Bermúdez
243 Séptimo Unido Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 43 Bermúdez
244 Shimoyani Kokari Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 40 Bermúdez
245 Shirarine Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 12 Bermúdez
246 Tres Unidos Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 45 Bermúdez
247 Tupac Amaru Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 25 Bermúdez
248 Tziavent eni Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 17 Bermúdez
249 Unión Juventud Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 9 Bermúdez
250 Valle Carhuaz Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 60 Bermúdez
251 Villa Alegre Pto. Oxapampa Pasco 60 Bermúdez
252 Alto Yurinaki Villa Rica Oxapampa Pasco 24 253 Aerija Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 61 254 Alto Chencoreni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 30
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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255 Anacayali Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 13 256 Apinihua Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 29 257 Bajo Chencoreni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 30 258 Bobinsana Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 15 259 Boca Cocani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 17 260 Buenos Aires Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 11 261 Capajeriato Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 9 262 Catoteni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 22 263 Centro Apinihua Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 13 264 Centro Janteni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 39 265 Centro Pucani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 36 266 C. Selva Corintoni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 12 267 C. Selva Tzipani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 14 268 Chencari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 14 269 Chequitavo Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 20 270 Chicosa Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 90 271 Chincheni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 13 272 Chochoquiari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 24 273 Cocani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 11 274 Galilea Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 22 275 Inkare Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 10 276 Javiroshi Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 78 277 Lagarto Millar Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 18 278 Majontoni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 24 279 Mañarini Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 26 280 Mancoite Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 18 281 Mapiato Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 13 282 Materiato Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 26 283 Nueva Esperanza Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 18 284 Nuevo Pozo Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 40 285 Ojeayo Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 36 286 Pamathanthani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 33 287 Pandishari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 35 288 Pavote Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 36 289 Pensilvania Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 34 290 Pitza Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 420 291 Ponchoni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 35 292 Pucani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 21 293 Puerto Esperanza Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 18 294 Quemporiquishi Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 50 295 Quiteriavo Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 11 296 Sabaluyo- Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 16
Mamoriairi 297 S. Francisco Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 24 298 S. Juan de Inuya Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 25 299 Santa Elena Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 8 300 Sta. Rosa de Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 26
Laulate 301 Santaniari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 9
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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302 Sapani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 36 303 Shaani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 16 304 Shenontiari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 22 305 Sheremashe Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 21 306 Sheyamashya Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 34 307 Shimpe Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 180 308 Shumahuani Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 180 309 Tahuanty Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 22 310 Tahuarapa Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 33 311 Taquila Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 29 312 Tarisa Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 17 313 Tshony Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 60 314 Tziaventeni Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 32 315 Tziavetari Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 17 316 Unión S.Francisco Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 34 317 V.María Cumarillo Raymondi Atalaya Ucayali 14 318 Centro Sheboja Sepahua Atalaya Ucayali 11 319 Onconashiari Sepahua Atalaya Ucayali 14 320 U.Miraflores Sepahua Atalaya Ucayali 26
Capirona 321 Alto Aruya Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 30 322 Bajo Aruya Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 25 323 Canapishtea Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 25 324 Diobamba Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 38 325 Flor de Chengari Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 32 326 Mapalja Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 23 327 Mencoriari Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 34 328 N.Claridad de Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 31
Bambú 329 N.Esperanza- Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 20
Cumari 330 Nuevo Paraíso Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 30 331 Puerto Alegre Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 18 332 Quempitiari Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 42 333 Quipachari Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 23 334 S.Fernando Vainilla Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 12 335 Shima Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 9 336 Toniromashe Tahuanía Atalaya Ucayali 14 337 Dulce Gloria Yurúa Atalaya Ucayali 25 338 Nueva Victoria Yurúa Atalaya Ucayali 10 339 Sawawo-Hito 40 Yurúa Atalaya Ucayali 20 340 San Mateo Calleria Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 17 341 S. José de Tunuya Campo Verde Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 19 342 Juanci to Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 37 343 N.Alianza Sheshea Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 8 344 Nueva Bellavista Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 13 345 N.Esperanza Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 12
Tabacoa 346 N. Unión Piérola Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 10
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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347 Parantari Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 19 348 Pijuayal Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 18 349 P.Esperanza Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 18
Sheshea 350 Sta. Belita Sheshea Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 17 351 Sta. Rosa Sheshea Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 13 352 Sipiria Iparia Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 9 353 S. Miguel Chambira Masisea Cnel. Portillo Ucayali 22
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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Apendix Nº 2
COMUNIDAD ASHANINKA SAN MIGUEL CENTRO
MARAN KIARI
Turismo Vivencial
LIMA - LA MERCED – SAN MIGUEL PERENÈ – LA MERCED - LIMA
DURACIÓN: 03 DÍAS / 02 NOCHES.
DÍA 01 VIAJE LIMA – CHANCHAMAYO.
09:00 PM. Concentración en la Av. Nicolás Arriola 240, altura de Javier Prado, terrapuerto principal de la empresa Transportes Junín, en Lima.
08: 45 AM. Salida con destino a Selva Central - Chanchamayo.
�El viaje dura 8 horas aproximadamente.
�Recibimiento a cargo de Ecomundo Ashaninka´s.
�Traslado a San Miguel, Recepción a cargo de la familia anfitriona.
�Instalación en casa albergue familiar ashaninka .
�Cena y descanso.
DÍA 02: DESPERTAR EN ALBERGUE ISMOTE COMUNIDAD “SAN MIGUEL”:
�Despertar ashaninka con un panorama inolvidable.
�Desayuno con la familia anfitriona ashaninka elegida.
�Breve recorrido dentro de la comunidad
�Caminata hacia el mirador “shivantsi” (golondrina) con una altitud 1,420 msnm.
�Almuerzo ancestral.
�Cena, fogata asháninka, (Intercambio cultural).
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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�albergue
�descanso.
DÍA 03: COMUNIDD NTIV “SN MIGUEL”:
�Desayuno con la familia anfitriona asháninka elegida
�Recolección de frutas.
�Medicinas tradicionales, baños curativos (opcional)
�Almuerzo ancestral ashaninka
�competencia de tiro de arco y flecha a una distancia de 20 metros.
�Retorno por la trocha antigua (caminata 1 H. y 30 minutos) con destino a Perene
(Opcional)
�Traslado a La Merced
�Traslado a Lima
FIN DE NUESTRO VIAJE
RECOMENDACIONES:
�El viajero debe traer lo siguiente:
�Ropa ligera, cámara fotográfica, buena linterna
�Zapatillas o botas de jebe, ropa de baño
�Repelente, toalla, bloqueador solar, gorro
�Impermeable y articulo de intercambio
�Respetar la costumbre de los lugareños.
�No recolectar plantas ni comprar animales silvestres.
�Consuma agua envasada o hervida.
Authenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in PerúAuthenticity and Commoditization of the Culture: The Case of the Ashaninka Community in Perú Italo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. ArbulItalo Raul A. Arbulúúúú VillanuevaVillanuevaVillanuevaVillanueva
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�La ropa debe ser ligera se recomienda pantalones largos, mangas largo poco llamativas.